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*Karl P. Sauvant, PhD*
*Resident Senior Fellow*
*Columbia Center on Sustainable Investment*
Columbia Law School - The Earth Institute, Columbia University
435 West 116th St., Rm. JGH 825, New York, NY 10027
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The Evolving International Investment Law and Policy Regime: Ways
Forward (E15 Task Force policy options), "China's outward FDI and
international investment law", "Policy options for promoting FDI in
the LDCs", “The negotiations of the United Nations Code of Conduct on
Transnational Corporations: Experience and lessons learned”, and
*Improving the International Investment Law and Policy Regime: Options
for the Future are* available at
http://www.works.bepress.com/karl_sauvant/.



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哥伦比亚大学国际直接投资展望中文版都可以在我们的网站查看:
http://ccsi.columbia.edu/publications/columbia-fdi-perspectives.


*Columbia FDI Perspectives*

Perspectives on topical foreign direct investment issues
No. 166  February 2, 2016
Editor-in-Chief: Karl P. Sauvant ([log in to unmask])
Managing Editor: Maree Newson ([log in to unmask])



*Democracies conclude more and stricter international investment agreements
- but why?*
<http://columbia.us6.list-manage2.com/track/click?u=ab15cc1d53&id=5b3f9fc92d&e=6f8fc3f180>
by
Eric Neumayer and Peter Nunnenkamp* * <#-2025197037_-783285075__edn1>*


Conventional wisdom suggests that strong domestic institutions, measured by
indicators of good governance, the rule of law, and the protection of
property rights, provide an effective first layer of protection for foreign
investors. However, empirical studies reveal that democratic host countries
(which on average tend to have stronger domestic institutions) are more
likely to conclude international investment agreements (IIAs) than more
autocratic countries.[i] <#-2025197037_-783285075__edn1> Furthermore,
recent analyses covering trends since the late 1970s suggest that
democratic countries are more likely to agree to stricter IIA provisions
related to binding investor-state dispute settlement and pre-establishment
national treatment than autocratic countries. Specifically, the likelihood
that host countries will conclude IIAs with strict dispute settlement and
national treatment provisions increases by about 10% for every step from
autocracy to democracy (based on the seven-grade scale of Freedom House).
[ii] <#-2025197037_-783285075__edn2> In other words, democratic governments
tie their hands particularly tightly in IIAs, even though their domestic
framework alone offers security for foreign investors.

Political scientists focusing on international trade agreements have an
intriguing explanation to offer: democracies are more likely to conclude
international agreements on trade liberalization, in line with the
preferences of median voters, since such agreements promote economic growth
and, hence, improve policymakers’ chances for re-election.[iii]
<#-2025197037_-783285075__edn3> However, this theory is unlikely to hold in
the context of foreign direct investment (FDI) and IIAs. Compared to trade
liberalization, it is less clear what efficient economic policy means in
this context. It is hardly disputed that trade agreements stimulate exports
and imports between the partners, while empirical evidence is highly
ambiguous on whether IIAs are effective in promoting FDI flows to host
countries entering into binding commitments. Moreover, the view that trade
is good for growth may be hardly contested, but it seems less clear under
which conditions FDI will benefit host countries. Skeptics argue that
productivity-enhancing effects of inward FDI are least likely where needed
most, namely in poor host countries with insufficient endowment of
complementary local factors of production. Nevertheless, poor democratic
host countries appear to be as eager as more advanced democracies to
participate in the IIA boom.

Political scientists and economists are currently not able to provide
definite answers to the question of why democracies sign more and stricter
IIAs. One might ponder a purely “technical” explanation: the correlation
between democracy and increasingly strict IIAs could be a statistical
artifact, rather than a causal relationship, considering the coincidence
between the longer-term trend toward democratization in large parts of the
world and the mushrooming of bilateral investment treaties. However, recent
analyses focusing on investment provisions concluded in the context of
preferential trade agreements corroborate significant effects of democracy.
Alternatively, democracies may simply be more likely to engage in all forms
of international co-operation since they see themselves as “good citizens”
of the international system. Such unobserved heterogeneity is difficult to
control for in the typical research designs employing observational data
since it may change over time.

Another possible explanation would be more embarrassing for democratic
governments. Their short-sightedness and preoccupation with upcoming
elections may render them prone to bounded rationality.[iv]
<#-2025197037_-783285075__edn4> Accordingly, host-country governments tend
to ignore the “high-impact, low-probability costs” of IIA-related disputes
as long as they themselves have not been brought to international
arbitration by foreign investors claiming a breach of IIA provisions. As
UNCTAD attests, the number of such cases has soared recently. What is more,
more cases have been brought against democratic host countries than against
autocratic host countries. Although the number of cases does not
necessarily imply higher costs of investment disputes for democracies, it
does indicate that it may have been naïve for democratic governments to
think that they had little to fear from IIAs.

It remains open to debate whether democracies are more short-sighted than
autocracies. For one, a refined cost-benefit balance of FDI provisions
would be required to assess the economic rationality of IIAs. Furthermore,
democracy may be too broad a concept to reveal the complexities under
specific governance structures, e.g., there may be differences between
parliamentary and presidential democracies. Finally, unidirectional
causality from governance structures to international rule making is
difficult to establish. New insights may be gained if mainly democratic
governments disengage from the global IIA regime by concluding fewer and
weaker FDI provisions in the future, or attempt to renegotiate existing
ones. In this context, it is telling that investor-state dispute settlement
plays a big part in the controversy around the Transatlantic Trade and
Investment Partnership negotiations between the United States and the
European Union.


------------------------------

*** <#-2025197037_-783285075__edn1> Eric Neumayer ([log in to unmask]) is
Professor of Environment and Development at the London School of Economics;
Peter Nunnenkamp ([log in to unmask]) is Senior Economist at the
Kiel Institute for the World Economy. The authors are grateful to Emma
Aisbett, John Gaffney and Jason Yackee for their helpful peer reviews. The
views expressed by the authors of this Perspective do not necessarily
reflect the opinions of Columbia University or its partners and supporters.
Columbia FDI Perspectives (ISSN 2158-3579) is a peer-reviewed series.

[i] <#-2025197037_-783285075__ednref1> *See, *Eric Neumayer, Peter
Nunnenkamp and Martin Roy, “Are stricter investment rules contagious? Host
country competition for foreign direct investment through international
agreements”, *Review of World Economics* (forthcoming), available at
http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2580108, where we offer
details on the definition of strict IIA provisions, data sources and
related literature.

[ii] <#-2025197037_-783285075__ednref2> Freedom House, “Methodology:
electoral democracy designation”, available at
https://freedomhouse.org/report/freedom-world-2012/methodology#.VeW4ZdNVjAY.

[iii] <#-2025197037_-783285075__ednref3> Edward D. Mansfield, et. al.,
“Democracy, veto players and the depth of regional integration”, *World
Economy*, vol. 31 (2008), pp. 67-96.

[iv] <#-2025197037_-783285075__ednref4> Lauge N. Skovgaard Poulsen and Emma
Aisbett, “When the claim hits: bilateral investment treaties and bounded
rational learning”, *World Politics*, vol. 65 (2013), pp. 273-313.



*The material in this Perspective may be reprinted if accompanied by the
following acknowledgment: “**Eric Neumayer and Peter Nunnenkamp**,
‘**Democracies
conclude more and stricter international investment agreements – but why?**,’
Columbia FDI Perspectives, No. 166, February 2, 2016. Reprinted with
permission from the Columbia Center on Sustainable Investment
(www.ccsi.columbia.edu <http://www.ccsi.columbia.edu>).” A copy should
kindly be sent to the Columbia Center on Sustainable Investment at
[log in to unmask] <[log in to unmask]>. *



For further information, including information regarding submission to the
*Perspectives*, please contact: Columbia Center on Sustainable Investment,
Maree Newson, [log in to unmask]


*Most recent Columbia FDI Perspectives*
<http://columbia.us6.list-manage2.com/track/click?u=ab15cc1d53&id=100d3ebd91&e=6f8fc3f180>


   - No. 165, Henry Loewendahl, "A new foreign direct investment accounting
   methodology for economic development organizations," January 18, 2016.
   - No. 164, Anne van Aaken, "International investment law and
   decentralized targeted sanctions: an uneasy relationship,” January 4, 2016.
   - No. 163, Moataz Hussein, “Toward balanced Arab regional investment
   regulations,” December 21, 2016.

*All previous **FDI Perspectives** are available at
**http://ccsi.columbia.edu/publications/columbia-fdi-perspectives/
<http://ccsi.columbia.edu/publications/columbia-fdi-perspectives/>**. *

*Other relevant CCSI news and announcements*

   - *New Video Added to "New Thinking on Investment Treaties" Online
   Series - *The CCSI / Global Economic Governance Programme at Oxford
   University online forum has posted a new talk by Lauge Poulsen on “The
   Politics of Investment Treaties in Developing Countries.” That video, as
   well as other videos posted as part of the series, are available here
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   Please subscribe to the channel and visit our website for updates.
   - *On February 4, 2016*, CCSI's Fall 2015 International Investment Law
   and Policy Speaker Series, co-sponsored by Crowell & Moring LLP and Baker &
   McKenzie LLP, concludes with a talk by *Robert Howse*, Lloyd C. Nelson
   Professor of International Law, New York University School of Law, on
   “Courting the Critics of Investor-State Dispute Settlement: The EU Proposal
   for a Judicial System for Investment Disputes.” The talk will take place at
   Columbia Law School, Jerome Greene Hall, Room 546 (435 W 116th Street,
   between Amsterdam and Morningside Avenues) from 12:10pm-1:00pm. Past
   speakers and select videos are available on our website
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   .
   - *August 2016 Executive Training on Investment Arbitration for
   Government Officials - *CCSI is also pleased to announce the return of
   its successful Executive Training on Investment Arbitration for
   Government Officials
   <http://columbia.us6.list-manage.com/track/click?u=ab15cc1d53&id=13c7dfd364&e=6f8fc3f180>
in
   New York City from August 1-5, 2016. Through an intensive week-long course,
   government officials involved in managing investment treaty disputes or
   negotiating investment treaties will increase their knowledge of crucial
   procedural and substantive aspects of investment law. Sessions will be
   taught by leading academics and practitioners and will be tailored to
   uniquely address issues relevant to governments. For more information about
   the program, including application materials, please visit our website
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   Applications will be accepted on a rolling basis. Firms or organizations
   wishing to provide scholarships for the 2016 program should contact us at
   [log in to unmask] for more information.



Karl P. Sauvant, Ph.D.
Resident Senior Fellow
Columbia Center on Sustainable Investment
Columbia Law School - Earth Institute
Ph: (212) 854-0689
Fax: (212) 854-7946

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