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AEJMC  November 2004, Week 3

AEJMC November 2004, Week 3

Subject:

AEJ 04 PaulinL MAC Newspaper coverage of Hispanics in emerging immigrant communities

From:

Elliott Parker <[log in to unmask]>

Reply-To:

AEJMC Conference Papers <[log in to unmask]>

Date:

Fri, 19 Nov 2004 05:29:17 -0500

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text/plain

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  This paper was presented at the Association for Education in Journalism
and Mass Communication in Toronto, Canada, August 2004.
        If you have questions about this paper, please contact the author
directly. If you have questions about the archives, email
[log in to unmask] For an explanation of the subject line, send email to
[log in to unmask] with just the four words, "get help info aejmc," in the
body (drop the "").
(Oct 2004)
Thank you.
Elliott Parker
************************************************************************
Fitting the pieces together: The puzzle of newspaper coverage of Hispanics
in emerging immigrant communities


submitted to the
Minorities and Communication Division
of AEJMC
Lisa M. Paulin
Park Fellow, PhD student
School of Journalism and Mass Communication
The University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill



Address:        Lisa M. Paulin
102 Old Stable Court
Chapel Hill, NC  27514

Telephone:      (919) 929-2245 (home)
(919) 843-5865 (office)
(919) 593-2802 (cellular phone)

Email:  [log in to unmask]


Abstract

This study examines newspaper coverage of Hispanics in nine emerging
immigrant communities using content analysis.  The results indicate that
newspapers are generally attempting to portray Hispanics positively and to
promote social understanding, but at the same time, Hispanics are still
being portrayed as victims who are not in control of their
circumstances.  This study shows that newspapers, just as communities, are
grappling with the issue of how to effectively cover a complex group.

On January 22, 2003, newspapers across the United States carried front page
stories announcing that Hispanics had surpassed African Americans as the
largest minority group (Armas, 2003).  In addition, recent statistics from
the U.S. Census Bureau indicate that for the first time, the communities
that experienced the largest percentage increases in Hispanic population
were not in Florida, Texas, California, or New York, but states such as
North Carolina, Tennessee, Indiana, and Arkansas.  It appears that some
important demographic shifts are occurring in parts of the United States
and some communities are faced with changes they have never before
experienced.  Local media has been considered a reflection of the community
and examining local media can provide insight into how communities are
adapting to recent immigrants.   The purpose of this study, then, is to
examine how the emerging Hispanic population is being covered today in the
newspapers of the cities that experienced the fastest growth in their
Hispanic population from 1990 to 2000 in order to compare how the
communities are dealing with the challenges of this significant demographic
shift.  For this study, the terms Latino and Hispanic are used interchangeably
to refer to a U.S. resident who self-identifies with the indigenous or
Spanish-speaking cultures of Mexico, Puerto Rico, Cuba, Central America, or
South America.

Literature Review
Historically, racial minorities have been portrayed in the mass media in a
way that identified them as a problem people, either causing problems or
suffering from problems.  Much of the literature regarding how Latinos are
portrayed in the media focuses on film and fictional television.  As early
as 1911, Mexicans were being portrayed in films such as Tony the Greaser as
"the vilest of characters, who indulged in banditry, pillage, plundering,

rape, and murder" (p. 74).    This image improved somewhat after the
Mexican government banned the films (Wilson & Gutiérrez, 1995).
Throughout the 1920s and 1930s other widely recognized, stereotypical roles
emerged for Latinos.  For men, these included the Latin lover, the male
buffoon, and El Bandido, a version of the previous greaser who was
consistently the villain (Berg, 1997).  The characteristics that defined
them included a short temper, an inability to maintain stable romantic
relationships, and as being involved in morally questionable
careers.  These stereotypical characters also prevailed in early television
with shows such as The Cisco Kid and I Love Lucy (Berg, 1997; Wilson &
Gutiérrez, 1995).  For women, the most notable roles were as the sensuous,
stormy beauty (Wilson & Gutiérrez, 1995).  Berg (1997) identified three
female stereotypes: the harlot, the female clown, and the dark lady.
Most media coverage of Latinos has involved a stereotypical
portrayal.  While much of the research has focused on entertainment, there
is some research on portrayals in television news.  One study showed that
Hispanics were portrayed as both victims and
perpetrators of crimes more often than whites (Dixon & Linz, 2000). Another
study found that readers exhibited stronger racist sentiment toward
Hispanic immigrants when the immigrants were tied to news stories related
to parking violations versus reports about non-immigrants with parking
violations (Short & Magana, 2002).
   According to Wilson & Gutiérrez (1995), this has been true since the
1960s and serves two purposes for the dominant group: to reassure the
general audience that the minority is in their place; and to inform them
that those who have left their place are no longer a threat because they
have adopted the values of the dominant culture (p. 157).  These are often
the stories of personal triumph that reference the individual's previous

status (i.e., illegal immigrant, or migrant farm worker) then highlight the
characteristics that show how he or she now fits into society.  All of
these previous categories represent the minority as "problem people which
means they are projected as people who either have problems or cause
problems for society;" hence, a social burden (Wilson & Gutiérrez, 1995, p.
158).  This stereotypical media coverage of the Hispanic community has also
been described as superficial and without real understanding (Gersh,
1993).  Common harmful stereotypes of Mexicans which are often carried over
to other Latinos in the media include laziness, heavy drinkers/loud
partiers, families with many children because of  their Catholic heritage,
connections to criminal activity often related to drugs, and references to
being illegal (Aldrich, 1999).  Immigrants are often represented as coming
in waves or as a rising tide. Often Spanish-language, Latino produced media
is the best source for positive portrayals of immigrants:  as courageous,
strong, and proud of their ethnic group (Vargas & DePyssler, 1998).
A framework for analyzing minority coverage in news media has been put
forth by Wilson and Gutiérrez (1995) who identified five common
developmental stages: "exclusionary," "threatening issue," "confrontation,"
"stereotypical selection," and "multiracial coverage" phases (p.
152).  According to Wilson & Gutiérrez, the last phase is the most
desirable; however, the authors believe that only some news outlets are
beginning to achieve this.  The exclusionary phase means precisely what it
states:  that minorities are effectively excluded from coverage and
rendered nonexistent.  Although Vargas (2000) did not use this particular
framework as a basis of her study on Latinos in the Raleigh News &
Observer, exclusion from coverage was one of her findings.  In an analysis
of articles


appearing from 1992-1995, she found a monthly average of only 6 out of
3,720 articles was related to Latino issues.
During the threatening issue phase, minorities are covered in the event
that they are perceived as a threat by the majority.  This would include
threats to safety, social order, and the status quo in general.  It is
rooted in fear and when the fear is acted upon, the third phase appears:
the confrontation phase.  If it does not erupt in physical violence it may
appear in the news as "us versus them."  Stories that present Hispanics as
a threat could include crime stories related to Hispanics that might lead
the majority group to feel as though they are no longer safe in their
community.  Common examples include stories relating an increase in
gang-related activity or an increase in drunk-driving incidents.  This is
not meant to suggest that these stories should be suppressed if they are
there, but that focusing on these exclusively with a lack of stories about
benefits to the community, would be an example of decontextualized
threatening coverage.
The stereotypical phase, discussed above, again is the most common.  In
this phase Hispanics, while not being a clear threat, are generally a
social burden.  There is little evidence of attempts to provide cultural or
social understanding, and Latinos are depicted as lazy, loud partiers,
out-of-control, with large families.  Another common stereotypical
portrayal is that of the victim.  They may be victims of crime, poor
education, financial circumstances, but this is illustrated through
generally being unwilling or unable to control their own circumstances.
The final phase, of multiracial coverage, is the objective in order to
abolish prejudice and racism from the U.S. news media.  It is summarized by
Wilson & Gutiérrez (1995) in the following quote:

At present this phase is still largely a vision, but it is within the grasp
of a society determined to include all Americans in the quest for social
and economic equality.  This does not mean that all news about non-Whites
will be good news, but that non-Whites will be reflected in all types of
news.  News will be reported from the perspective that "us" represents all
citizens (p. 158).
One way that multiracial coverage can be observed, where it exists, is
through the inclusion of multiple views on issues such as the environment,
foreign policy, education, or any issue that affects the members of the
community.  A high level of multiracial coverage might be observed in the
inclusion of Latino leaders or local Latinos as sources in stories that are
not necessarily specific to Latinos, or in stories that strive to promote
social understanding in explaining different ways that members of the
community deal with certain issues.  Stories that fit into this category
would show an implicit assumption of shared interests and would be framed
in terms of a unified "us" rather than "us" versus "them."
        Decidedly, most of the research conducted on Latinos and the media has
focused on places where Hispanics are part of the original population, or
Chicago or New York which also have a long history of Hispanic
immigration.  Most of California, Texas, Arizona, and New Mexico were part
of Mexico before being annexed by the United States in the Mexican-American
War.  North Carolina, however, is the state that had the largest increase
in Hispanic population in the 1990s, and the issues that the media have
encountered in dealing with this change has been the subject of both some
academic study and discussion in the journalism trade publications.  In a
study of portrayal of Hispanics in the Raleigh News & Observer (hereinafter
N&O) from 1992 to 1995, Vargas (2000) found that Hispanic issues centered
on seven categories: immigration, affirmative action, crime, drugs,

welfare, "uneducated immigrants unable or unwilling to help or speak for
themselves," and criminals or victims.  Her overall findings revealed that
Hispanics were largely invisible in the news in respect to their increasing
numbers in the population of the community served by the paper.  In terms
of criminalization and victimization, they were not necessarily portrayed
more often as criminals, but the stories covering a criminal who was
Hispanic were longer stories, more detailed, and often with
visuals.  Victimization referred to Hispanics being overwhelmingly
portrayed in tragedies of some sort in the stories involving crime.
        At the same time that Vargas's (2000) study was being conducted, an
incident occurred which lent salience to the entire topic of the study.  On
March 8, 1998, the N&O profiled a Mexican man who was an undocumented
worker that resulted in the man being deported (Cunningham, 2002; Vargas
2000).  This event caused local outrage and also stimulated conversation in
journalistic circles.  Trade publications for journalism
professionals discussed the handling of the incident, effectively opening
the doors to allow discussion of how Hispanics should be covered in areas
of significant demographic shifts (Anders, 2000; Garriga, 2001; Noack,
1998; Wizda, 1998).  The Triangle area of North Carolina was featured again
recently in a case study about the challenges of covering Latinos
(Cunningham, 2002).   The article focused on the Raleigh News & Observer;
the Durham Herald-Sun; the Chapel-Hill News; a Spanish-language weekly, La
Conexión; and broadcast media, analyzing the variety of media and the
strategy each medium is taking to incorporate the Latino community.  The
principal difficulties cited were a lack of Hispanic or even
Spanish-speaking reporters, concern over how to deal with sensitive issues
such as migratory status, and measuring readership; all during times of
severe budgetary constraints

(Cunningham, 2002).  Nevertheless, the issue of integrating the communities
into their daily coverage is mentioned as being the underlying cause for
the concerns listed above.
        Therefore, the research sought to investigate the following questions:

RQ1:  What are the general characteristics of Hispanic news coverage in
emerging immigrant communities?

RQ2: Does Wilson & Gutiérrez's framework of five stages of minority
coverage apply to describe this context?

Method
This study used a content analysis of newspaper coverage of Hispanics in
emerging immigrant communities. Emerging immigrant communities was defined
as cities that have
recently experienced a large growth in their Hispanic immigrant population
and that did not previously have a large Hispanic population.  All of the
cities included in this study have been identified by the Brookings
Institution as the cities that experienced the highest percentage growth in
Hispanic population from the 1990 to the 2000 U.S. Census (Brookings
Institution Center on Urban and Metropolitan Policy, 2001).  The cities
along with their respective newspaper are listed in Table 1.
        The only city and therefore, newspaper, that was listed in the report but
not included in this study was Nashville, Tennessee.  Access to the
Nashville Tennesseean was not available through database searching or in
hard copy from the geographic location of this researcher.  The newspapers
of the other nine cities were examined through one of the

following electronic library databases: EbscoHost, Factiva, or LexisNexis
by conducting a full text search for the terms "Latino" or "Hispanic" for
the months of February, May, and August of 2003. This sample could be
considered representative of a year and using nonconcurring months
diminished the possibility of having uncharacteristic coverage because of
one specific event.  The unit of analysis was the article and a total of
272 articles were coded for analysis.
        The articles were coded for the category of news coverage, whether it was
specific or non-specific to Latinos, whether the coverage relating to
Hispanics was positive, neutral, or negative, and for the presence or
absence of sources as well as for the variables that would place the
coverage into the stages of minority coverage (Wilson & Gutiérrez,
1995).  The sources were coded if they contained a Latino or non-Latino
authority as well as Latino or non-Latino non-authority sources.  Authority
was defined as anyone who is in a position of authority to comment on the
subject being discussed.  These included teachers, legal
experts, government or business leaders.  Latino authorities may or may not
have had Latino names; they were identified as being an authority of a
Latino group; for example, the Hispanic Chamber of Commerce, or the Society
of Hispanic Professionals.  Non-authority sources included anyone who was
not used in the story as an authority on the topic and in the case of
Latino sources; they were either identified with a Hispanic name or by
national origin.
        The variables that were designed to examine the characteristics of the
coverage as well as the stages of coverage included an association of the
following with Hispanics: crime, criticism or implication of a social
burden, a threat to the dominant group's way of life, derogatory terms,
possibility of being illegal immigrants, being victims, identifying

someone as having become an American citizen.  The other variables included
whether the article strove to promote social understanding, strove to
alleviate fears based on prejudice, provided a Latino viewpoint of a
societal issue, focused on language as a barrier, depicted Latinos as "just
another part of the community."  Articles were also coded for presence or
absence of Latinos as an important market; a focus on a Latino festival,
holiday, or food; and whether or not they provided a "success" story of a
Latino who had overcome difficult circumstances.
        Scott's pi calculation yielded a reliability coefficient of 73.27%.  The
categorical data were analyzed using frequencies and chi-square analysis to
determine statistical significance of the differences in coverage.

Table 1

Demographic information of cities including newspaper, percentage of Hispanic

population, percentage of Hispanic growth, sample size of articles


City            Newspaper                            % Hispanic    % Growth    Sample

Denver
Post
31.68
271
25
Minneapolis
Star-Tribune
7.63
269
57
Charlotte
Observer
7.36
614
13
Raleigh
News & Observer
6.99
557
22
Greensboro
News-Record
4.35
452
55
Indianapolis
Star
3.92
299
8
Memphis
Commercial Appeal
2.97
334
4
Little Rock
Democrat-Gazette
2.67
266
56
Birmingham
News
1.55
263
32



Results
        The data yielded some interesting results regarding research question one,
about the characteristics of Hispanic coverage.  The majority of the
stories were not negative (85.7%), and the most frequent categories of
stories were local interest (25%) followed by business/economics
(18.7%).  Furthermore, the variable that was the most frequent in the
stories was that Latinos were portrayed as just another member of the
community (50.4%).  The second most frequently occurring variable, however,
was that Latinos were portrayed

as victims (37.5%) followed by language being mentioned as a barrier
(20.6%).  Overall, the frequency of the other variables appearing in the
articles ranged from 1.8% for the use of derogatory terms to describe
Hispanics to 19.9% for Latinos being an important market.  There was not a
higher or lower frequency of obviously negative or more positive variables.
As can be seen in Table 1, there was a wide range in the number of stories
from each newspaper, from only 4 articles for the months studied in the
Memphis Commercial Appeal to 57 articles in the Minneapolis Star
Tribune.  Because of the small number of articles from certain papers, the
data were collapsed into three categories determined by the size of the
Hispanic population of the city.  The percent of the population that is
Hispanic for each city is also listed in Table 1.  The cities were grouped
by those in which the Hispanic population was over 7% of the population,
between 3 and 6.99% of the population, and under 3% of the population.

Table 2
Percentage of stories per category by Hispanic population

Category                                            Hispanic population

 >7%            3 to 6.99%                  <3%

Crime/immigration
9.7 (9)a
15.7 (14)
15.9 (14)
Local interest/lifestyle
22.1 (21)
30.3 (27)
22.7 (20)
Business/economics
29.5 (28)
11.2 (10)
12.5 (11)
Education
9.5 (9)
20.2 (18)
14.8 (13)
Politics
11.6 (11)
9 (8)
12.5 (11)
Other
17.9 (17)
13.5 (12)
21.6 (19)
Total
100 (95)
100 (89)
100 (88)

aThe number in parentheses is the total number of articles.
p = .031

Table 2 shows the category breakdown of stories by Hispanic
population.  There was a significant difference (p = .031) in the
categories depending on the size of the Hispanic population.  In the cities
that are over 7% Hispanic, the category in which articles most frequently
occurred was business or economics with 29.5%.  In the other cities, with
lower Hispanic populations, it was much lower, but there were significantly
more stories related to crime than in the cities with a Hispanic population
over 7%.
The results that appear in Table 3 address the second research question
about whether the stages of minority coverage as proposed by Wilson &
Gutierrez (1995) adequately describe the context of emerging immigrant
communities.  Table 3 includes

only the stories that were coded as being specific to Latinos.  These were
articles in which the researcher determined that the paper would not have
had a reason for publishing the article if Latinos had been removed from
it.  While not all of these results were significant, many of them
were.  These results illustrate that no matter whether the population of
the city is more or less Hispanic, that a relatively high percentage of the
newspaper articles reflect what could be considered both aspects of
stereotypical and multiracial coverage.

Table 3

The percentage of certain characteristics in articles that are specific to
Latinos by

percentage of Hispanic population of city

characteristics of articles                     percentage of Hispanic population
specific to Latinos                             >7              3-6.99                  <3

Strove to promote social understandingb
46.2 (12)a
p = .000
40 (10)
p = .002
46.4 (13)
p = .000
Strove to alleviate fears based on prejudiceb
26.9 (7)
p = .010
28 (7)
p = .064*
46.4 (13)
p = .001
Latinos as an important market
46.2 (12)
p = .001
44 (11)
p = .030
25 (7)
p = .099*
Used a Latino authority as a source
69.2 (18)
p = .000
44 (11)
p = .000
53.6 (15)
p = .000
Provided a "success" story of a Latino who had overcome difficult circumstances
23.1 (6)
p = .000
24 (6)
p = .000
28.6 (8)
p = .003
Included language as a barrier
30.8 (8)
p = .011
44 (11)
p = .006
50 (14)
p = .002
Criticized or implied Hispanics were a social burden
19.2 (5)
p = .027
36 (9)
p = .002
21.4 (6)
p = .206*

aThe number in parentheses is the total number of articles.
bA pearson correlation for these two variables was .457, indicating that
they were not measuring the same thing.
*Result was not significant.  Significance is p < .05.


Discussion
        The results of this study indicate that newspapers are generally
attempting to portray Hispanics positively and to promote social
understanding, but at the same time, Hispanics are still being portrayed as
victims who are not in control of their circumstances.  This

reflects the complexity that newspapers face when trying to represent
recent dramatic demographic changes occurring in their communities.
This complexity occasionally even manifested itself all in one
article.  For example, there was an article that talked about a colloquium
being held for Latina women featuring seminars on financing, leadership,
and career goals that was designed to connect them with businesses and
nonprofit groups in the community.  It was a positive article that talked
about empowering the women, yet at the same time when discussing the
struggles the women had faced, such as discrimination and language
barriers, it shifted the focus back to the stereotypical emphasis on being
a victim rather than perhaps focusing on a Latina business or the
opportunities that are available (Brown, 2003).
Interestingly, it is not so easy or clear-cut to describe the coverage of
Latinos according to developmental stages.  Even newspapers in communities
that have a dramatically growing, yet small percentage of Hispanics do not
manifest a lower developmental stage than communities with a higher
percentage of Hispanics.  There are not any clear trends that show a
movement toward more multiracial coverage.  It appears more likely that
there is a highly nuanced range of characteristics, some positive and some
negative, that appear frequently in articles along with occasional
appearances of other characteristics.  This calls for the development of
other, empirically tested, models to account for newspaper coverage of
Hispanics or minorities in general.
As can be seen especially in Table 3, it would be difficult to make
generalizations about how Latinos are being covered in larger or smaller
communities because there were significantly few differences in the
characteristics of coverage as well as the frequency with which they
occurred.  Characteristics that have traditionally been considered
stereotypical

occurred alongside attempts to be inclusive of Hispanics.  One could argue
that the newspapers are obviously past the stage of depicting Hispanics as
a threat although a counter-argument could be that as a society the United
States has moved into a more politically correct era in which it is no
longer acceptable to use language that was previously used to describe
racial or ethnic groups.
Future research could examine how Hispanics are portrayed in newspapers in
other ways.  For instance, it would be interesting to track these emerging
communities' coverage over the ten year period in which their Hispanic
population grew so dramatically to see if there were obvious differences in
characteristics of coverage.  Another interesting study would be to compare
coverage in emerging communities to that of more established
communities.  It might also be interesting to compare coverage of Hispanics
with coverage of other minority or even majority groups.
Hispanics, overall, represent a complex group.  Some are immigrants while
others are original inhabitants of the United States.  The American
government grants amnesty to some while not to others and the countries
receiving amnesty change from time to time.  Some Hispanics are U.S.
citizens, others have permanent residency, others may have entered the
country through visa checkpoints as tourists but stayed past their visa
expiration, and others have crossed the border without documents
(MacKenzie, 2003).  In an ideal situation, newspapers would help their
readers understand this complexity by providing context when writing
articles about Hispanics.  In the absence of the ability to do that with
every story, the danger lies in relying continually on stereotypes which
homogenize the characteristics of a very heterogeneous group.  This study
shows that


newspapers, just as communities, are grappling with the issue of how to
effectively cover Hispanics while telling the truth and telling a
compelling story.





References
Aldrich, L. (1999). Covering the community: A diversity handbook for media.
Thousand Oaks, CA: Pine Forge Press.
Armas, G. (2003, Jan. 22). Hispanics now outnumber Blacks in U.S.
Associated Press.
Berg, C. (1997). Stereotyping in films in general and of the Hispanic in
particular.  In C.E. Rodríguez (Ed.), Latin looks: Images of Latinas and
Latinos in the U.S. media.  Boulder, CO: Westview.
Brookings Institution Center on Urban and Metropolitan Policy. (2001,
April). Racial change in the nation's largest cities: Evidence from the
2000 census.  Retrieved August 30, 2003, from
http://www.brookings.edu/es/urban/census/citygrowthe
xsum.htm
Brown, L. (2003, Aug. 17).  Latina women get tips, support. The News &
Observer. B2.
Cunningham, B. (2002). The Latino puzzle challenges the heartland; editors
are dealing with a vast demographic shift.  North Carolina is a case in
point.  Columbia Journalism Review, 40(6), 34-40.
Dixon, T. & Linz, D. (2000). Race and the misrepresentation of
victimization on local television news. Communication Research, 27(5). 547-573.
Garriga, R. (2001). The Hispanic challenge. American Journalism Review,
23(10), 58-61.
Gersh, D. (1993). Portrayals of Latinos in and by the media. Editor &
Publisher, 126(31). 12-14.
MacKenzie, H. (2003, April). ABC's of Immigration Law and Policy.  Panel
presented at Covering the Latino community effectively: A seminar for
reporters, editors, news directors, general managers and publishers, Chapel
Hill, NC.

Noack, D. (1998). Angst and anger over a story that led to arrest. Editor &
Publisher, 131(21). 13.
Short, R. & Magana, L. (2002) Political rhetoric, immigration attitudes,
and contemporary prejudice: A Mexican American dilemma. The Journal of
Social Psychology, 142(6). 701-714.
Suro, R. & Singer, A. (2002). Latino growth in metropolitan America:
Changing patterns, new locations. Washington, D.C.: The Brookings Institution.
Vargas, L. (2000). Genderizing Latino news: An analysis of a local
newspaper's coverage of Latino current affairs. Critical Studies in Media
Communication, 17(3), 261-294.
Vargas, L. & DePyssler, B. (1998). Using media literacy to explore
stereotypes of Mexican immigrants. Social Education, 62(7), 407-412.
Wilson II, C. & Gutiérrez, F. (1995). Race, multiculturalism, and the
media: From mass to class communication.  New York:  Alfred A. Knopf.
Wimmer, R.D., & Dominick, J.R. (1991). Mass media research (3rd ed.).
Belmont, CA: Wadsworth.
Wizda, S. (1998). Too much information: reporting about an illegal
immigrant. American Journalism Review, 20(5). 58-62.

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September 1997, Week 2
June 1997, Week 1
January 1997, Week 3
December 1996, Week 4
December 1996, Week 3
December 1996, Week 2
December 1996, Week 1
October 1996, Week 4
August 1996, Week 2
April 1996, Week 1
March 1996, Week 1
February 1996, Week 4
February 1996, Week 3
February 1996, Week 2
February 1996, Week 1
January 1996, Week 5
January 1996, Week 4
October 1995, Week 4
August 1995, Week 4
August 1994, Week 4
August 1994, Week 3

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