Content-Type: text/html THE EFFECTS OF THREE different COMPUTER TEXTS ON READERS' RECALL (BASED ON WORKING MEMORY, RISK-TAKING TENDENCIES, AND HYPERTEXT FAMILIARITY AND KNOWLEDGE) BY Moon J. Lee, Ph.D. student Mary Ann Ferguson, Ph.D. Matthew C. Tedder, Software Developer at the College of Journalism and Communications The University of Florida Moon Jeong Lee 425 SW 2nd St. Apt. #2, Gainesville, FL 32601 Phone: (352) 375-3321 / E-Mail: [log in to unmask] Abstract of the Paper Presented to AEJMC THE EFFECTS OF THREE DIFFERENT COMPUTER TEXTS ON READERS' RECALL (BASED ON WORKING MEMORY, RISK-TAKING TENDENCIES, AND HYPERTEXT FAMILIARITY AND KNOWLEDGE) This study investigated the effects of three different computer texts on readers' recall based on working memory capacity, risk-taking tendencies, and hypertext familiarity and knowledge. The results varied by gender. There was a significant text format effect on the male subjects' recall but not on the female subjects' recall. The subjects' risk-taking tendencies were shown as significant factors for the males' recall while the working memory capacity (reading span) was a significant indicator for the females' recall. introduction Unlike paper-based materials, modern information technologies enable the adaptation of communications to individual needs. To improve a reader's recall and comprehension of written information, different text formats such as the order and detail of information presented can be modified in a manner more beneficial for readers, individually. At the center of these new technologies are various forms of hypertext and hypermedia. Hypertext is a computer-mediated text in which highlighted words or titles serve as links to other excerpts or documents of supporting information. In this way, a reader can choose his/her own order and level of detail. Traditional text, on the other hand, is defined as a text simply formatted from beginning to end, with no diversionary links to other excerpts or documents. For the large number of ways in which hypertext is being employed, little systematic research has been done investigating how much better or worse information is learned from hypertext formats versus traditional text. In the new hypertext environment, the reader may form his/her own cohesion and sequence of information. Traditional text contrasts in that the writer dictates the cohesion and sequence of information presented. Under this constraint, the best learning formats for individual readers cannot be accommodated by the text. Many scholars hypothesize that a reader takes an active role in finding information and encountering different types of information in a hypertext environment (Bourne, 1990; and Dee-Lucas & Larkin, 1995). However, there is considerable disagreement as to whether hypertext is beneficial for all individuals' cognitive learning processes (Gordon, 1990; Jonessen & Wang, 1990; Spiro& Jehng, 1990; Schroeder, 1994; and Dee-Lucas & Larkin, 1995). For example, do any characteristics of personality impact the reader's ability to understand and recall what he/she has read? Investigating the advantages and disadvantages of different hypertext formats in relation to relevant individual characteristics is an important step in exploring the new computer-based learning environment. It may in fact prove crucial in producing the best learning format for each individual. One of the key elements of learning or acquiring knowledge is working memory; that is, the mind's temporary memory storage used for initial processing of incoming information. It is well known that different individuals have different working memory capacities. Therefore, it has been suggested that text formats influence a reader's ability to recall what is read based on their working memory capacity. For example, researchers have hypothesized that some computer text formats or styles may be processed more easily by readers with different working memory capacities (Schroeder, 1994; Budd, Whitney, and Turley, 1995; Dee-Lucas and Larkin, 1995; Lorch, 1987). Personal behavioral characteristics such as risk-taking tendencies might also influence a reader's recall and comprehension of different texts differently. For example, Donohew, Palmgreen, & Duncan (1980) postulate an activation model of selective information processing based on their cognitive and activation needs. A basic assumption is that individuals have different levels of arousal needs at which they are most comfortable. In this aspect, attention depends on an individual's need for stimulation by an information source (Zillmann & Bryant, 1985). Therefore, for high sensation seekers (high risk-takers), information should be novel or sensational to be effective. In this aspect, individual risk-taking tendencies seem to have an effect on their information processing. Research on individual differences may help uncover the effects of hypertext and create more effective computer-mediated text based on an individual reader's needs. Considering the different working memory capacity of individuals and their risk-taking tendencies, relationships between text formats and cognitive processing need to be identified in further detail. This research attempts to identify a relationship between working memory and different computer text formats to support learning in a hypertext environment. It also looks at how personal behavioral characteristics might influence individuals' cognitive learning process. The purpose of this study is to investigate how text formats affect a reader's recall based on his or her working memory span, risk-taking tendencies, and hypertext familiarity and knowledge. The central focus of the research is how these factors influence an individual's recall. Anticipated benefits and problems of hypertext will be further addressed through literature review. LITERATURE REVIEW Hypertext and Cognition One of the challenges for instructional designers is how best to represent information (Schroeder, 1994). Research on text structure, schema development, learner control, and text enhancement techniques provide a good insight for designing effective instructional materials to improve learning (Schroeder, 1994). Plude (1992) points out that selective attention can be conceived of as executive control in the memory system. In other words, selective attention determines which information is processed or ignored. Selection is one of the necessary conditions for memory retrieval. Most studies have been done with traditional text, such as books, but more recent studies address the acquisition of knowledge in terms of hypertext. Many scholars suggest that hypertext provides a high degree of interactivity. Interactive learning is widely assumed to be effective because active learning produces more effective learning outcomes. Traditional text presents a continuous linear flow of information. When readers read a text, they are required to build a mental representation of the content in their own minds. With traditional text, readers read from top to bottom so that text processing is continuous. However, hypertext seems to interrupt continuous text processing where readers move back and forth between the text units. Dee-Lucas and Larkin (1995) speculate two possible effects of this discontinuity. First, "Interruptions in text study could interfere with the development of an integrated representation of the text as a whole (p. 435)." Each time when readers select a new peace of information, they have to build a connection and incorporate with prior information. It would be difficult for readers to identify the main idea of an overall text. Second, "Interrupted text study may increase the depth of processing of content within each unit by focusing attention on the individual unit (p. 435)." According to Bourne (1990), as a learner constructs a path to read the material, he/she must make choices and become a more active learner. This active role of acquiring knowledge allows the learner to reconfigure his/her own educational materials. To remember factual information successfully, retrieval must be in response to some sort of cue (Farr, 1987). Dee-Lucas and Larkin (1995) suggested that unit titles would be better recalled than corresponding headings and subheadings from traditional text. They assumed that the way in which the text is partitioned into units is highly salient to the reader because this information guides him/her to the next choice. On the other hand, Jonessen and Wang (1990) argued that hypertext may actually hinder factual recall. Many scholars have suggested that hypertext systems can cause disorientation in leaner and an additional cognitive burden of remembering the links and comprehending information as a whole. (Heller, 1990; Jonessen & Wang; Spiro & Jehng, 1990; Schroeder, 1994). Phillips and his colleagues (1992) examined different types of navigational devices in a hypertext database and found that those provided with the most minimal navigational tools achieved the highest recall. Researchers have shown that prior knowledge and existing schemata influence learning. For example, Schroeder (1994) suggested that users may have difficulty tracking the overall structure of information in a hypertext and relating it to their prior knowledge. This problem may be worse for students with low prior knowledge by causing disorientation or cognitive overload. In his study, those with high prior knowledge did better on most variables and showed a greater increase in structural knowledge than those with low prior knowledge. One interesting finding is that treatments that provide more structural knowledge support appear to be less influenced by the degree of prior knowledge. This study suggests that further research is required to clarify how to help readers with low prior knowledge to get familiar with using hypertext. Schroeder (1994) pointed out that hypertext requires skills of navigating and suggested that hypertext is not suit for highly structured learning tasks. Hypertext readers must integrate specific content to the text as a whole. Dee-Lucas and Larkin (1995) argued that readers may process the text units as segment information rather than as interrelated information. Thus, readers with hypertext might have difficulty identifying the main points from the text as a whole, compared with readers using traditional text. Maintaining coherence among information is a potential problem in using hypertext, and some solutions have been proposed. Dee-Lucas and Larkin's study (1995) suggests minimally structured overviews that allow students to construct their own organization of the information. Hypertext is normally integrated with other visual or auditory aids and produces a better quality of learning. Since hypertext is used in combination with other media such as video, audio, and graphics, it is hard to consider hyper-link systems themselves as hypertext applied in practice. However, the way hyper-link systems affect an individual's cognitive information processing should be studied on a micro level. Individuals' relevant experience, previous knowledge of subjects, and motivation are the important factors influencing recall and comprehension in information processing. However, how these factors actually work in the memory process is unclear. Studies have explored the effects of different learning strategies in hypertext learning environments by using learning strategies to predict simple cognitive performance. However, not much research has been conducted for addressing the problems or the benefits of new hypertext systems which can adapt to readers' individual preferences. Working Memory and Information Processing One emerging concept in the information-processing literature is working memory, a system responsible for the temporary storage and processing of information (Baddeley, 1986). Working memory plays a critical role in integrating information during recall and comprehension. Several models show a dual role of working memory: First, it grasps recent information from a text and connects it to related information in long-term memory. Second, it temporarily maintains main information for constructing an overall understanding of the passage (Kintsch & Van Dijk, 1978; Baddely, 1986; Lee-Sammons & Whitney, 1991). Individuals have different capacities for working memory. Some researchers have suggested that individual differences in working memory capacity predict readers' level of text integration ability. For example, Yuill, Oakhill, and Parkin's study (1989) showed that readers with low working memory span have poorer text integration abilities than readers with high working memory span. Readers with low working memory capacity show poorer comprehension of texts than readers with high working memory capacity because they seem less able to maintain necessary information in an active state (Lee-Sammons & Whitney, 1991). On the other hand, some data suggest that high-span readers are better able to maintain multiple tentative interpretations and use text elements to test those interpretations (Baddeley, Logie, Nimmo-Smith, & Brereton, 1985; Lee-Sammons & Whitney, 1991). Lee-Sammons and Whitney (1991) examined the effect of working memory span and readers' perspectives on comprehension of a narrative text. In their study, subjects were told to read the story from different perspectives (e.g. either from the perspective of a potential home buyer or a potential burglar) and to think about the relevance of each sentence from that perspective. One interesting finding is that subjects recalled more information relevant to the new perspective than information relevant to the original encoding perspective. For low and medium-span readers, shifting perspectives resulted in less recall of new information than if the perspective was held constant while high-span readers recalled information independent from shifting perspective. Furthermore, low-span readers were poor at recalling information not relevant to the original encoding perspective while high-span readers recalled similar amounts of perspective-relevant and irrelevant information. The studies for measuring memory span were mostly done with a test of storage capacities for unfamiliar and unrelated information. These kind of a test didn't seem to indicate the capacity of working memory available during reading. Daneman and Carpenter (1980) designed a task to measure the capacity of working memory during reading. They presented subjects with a series of unrelated sentences that they needed to comprehend to answer following text questions. At the end of the presentation, subjects were asked to recall as many of the last words of the sentences as possible. The number of words a subject correctly recalled became the subjects' reading span. They found that the subjects' active efforts to encode associations between the last words of the sentences resulted in better recall. A well designed computer text requires less working memory by the way in which the text is presented (Schroeder, 1994; Budd, Whitney, and Turley, 1995; Dee-Lucas and Larkin, 1995; Lorch and Lorch; 1996). Unfortunately, few computer materials have been designed in consideration with this individual different capacity. Working Memory Capacity and Text Format In most theories of cognitive tasks, it is agreed that construction of referential representation in memory for the interpretation of the text is necessary. The 'structural hypothesis' has been developed and tested using different types of representations (e.g. different text formats) and cognitive processes (e.g. recall or comprehension) (Nakamura, Kleiber, & Kim, 1992). The structural hypothesis suggests that recall depends on the memory strength (e.g. high and low) of the interconnections and the number of types of interconnections (e.g. vertical and horizontal) within a representation. Readers who use a structural strategy to understand a text recall more top-level information than do readers who process text in a linear manner. According to Budd, Whitney, and Turley (1995), in order to establish relations between closed clauses or sentences, readers have to maintain the information most recently processed from the text in working memory. Thus, working memory facilitates the comprehension of text by building coherence at a local and general level. In this aspect, if texts are coherent at a more general or thematic level, readers will require less working memory capacity to process new information. Individual differences in working memory capacity seem to be related to differences in what kind of information, or how much information, is retained when one is reading texts (Baddeley, 1986; Budd, Whitney, & Turley, 1995, and Lee-Sammon & Whitney, 1995). Reading is much easier if there is a clear concept stated at the beginning of the passage because readers need only adopt and test it against the remainder of the passage. Otherwise, readers have to construct one while they are reading. Furthermore, readers are required to modify it when they confront new information inconsistent with their initial interpretation (Kieras, 1981). These activities require more working memory to process information. Budd, Whitney, and Turley (1995) investigated whether individuals' different working memory capacity is related to different working memory management strategies in reading an expository text. One interesting finding was that readers consider information displayed first as more important than information displayed later. In sum, when materials were easy, the performance differences of readers with different working memory spans were small or insignificant. However, these differences got larger when materials were difficult to understand. Lower span subjects performed more poorly on a detailed question in the topic-absent (where there is no heading) condition. These data imply that certain text or passage formats can detriment or help readers' recall of more detail information from a text. Theory of Information Processing and Risk-taking Scholars have suggested that an individual's information processing depends upon needs for novelty and sensation (Bardo, Donohew, & Harrington, 1996; Zuckerman, 1994). Needs for novelty and sensation seem to affect the initial process of information. Zuckerman, Persky, Hopkins, Murtaugh, Basu, & Schilling (1966) suggested that risk takers may exhibit a higher need for arousal than non-risk takers. Donohew et al. (1998) suggested that messages high in sensation value should be more attractive to high sensation seekers. Basically, it was suggested that the effectiveness of messages depends on the characteristics of target audiences such as whether they are high sensational seekers or not. According to the laboratory experiments of Donohew et al. (1991) and Palmgreen et al. (1991), high sensation seekers (HSS) responded more positively to the messages with the high level of suspense and tension than did the low sensation seekers (LSS). Also, HSSs tend to pay more attention to "high sensation value programming" than to "low sensation value programming." Therefore, the sensation value of information is an important determinant of a message effect, particularly for HSSs even though the results indicate that many LSSs are also affected by the same messages as much as HSSs. Certainly, this shows evidence that the characteristics of target audiences such as risk-taking tendencies may produce different results in readers' learning when they read information through different computer text formats. The results of these kinds of studies will provide important direction for the design of effective instructional materials with regard to the critical issues of effective computer text design and placement. Being predisposed to risk-taking was a concept largely researched by Marvin Zuckerman. A basic assumption regarding different risk-taking tendencies is that individuals have different degrees of predisposition toward sense-arousing stimuli (Zuckerman, Kolin, Price, & Zoob, 1964). It was known that high sensation seekers tend to prefer visual complexity (Zuckerman, Bone, Neary, Mangelsdorff, & Brustman, 1972) and spend more time listening to music, attending movies (X-rated movies, in many cases), and reading fictional novels (Ferguson, Valenti, & Melwani, 1991). Ferguson, Valenti, & Melwani (1991) postulate three types of risk-taking tendencies: impulsiveness, adventurousness, and rebelliousness. Impulsiveness represents reports of behaving without thought and getting "carried away." Adventurousness represents self-reports of enjoyment of risk and new and exciting experiences while rebelliousness represents self-reports of enjoyment of wild parties, drinking, sex, and drug use (Ferguson, Valenti, & Melwani, 1991). Impulsiveness Impulsiveness is associated with a dislike of thinking. Those predisposed to impulsive risk-taking score low on cognitive involvement with health, have negative feelings about health, do not feel in control of their health, and have little concern about their health. Impulsiveness is a construct associated with many types of risk takers (Eysenck & Eysenck, 1977). Impulsive risk takers also tend to be "young, single, female, or smokers" (Ferguson, Valenti, & Melwani, 1991, p. 219). Adventurousness Adventurousness can be defined as "the desire to try new, exciting activities." (Moore & Rosenthal, 1993, p. 98) This is a risk-taking predisposition that correlates positively with good attitudes about health, a feeling of control over one's health, and strong health values. This would follow that adventurous types would be less likely to take up and more likely to quit smoking than those classified as impulsive. Ferguson, Valenti, & Melwani (1991) also describe adventurous types as "those who are young, single, male, or who never or only occasionally attend church" (p. 218). Additionally, both of the above studies found driving fast was associated with these types of risk taking. Rebelliousness From previous research (Ferguson, Valenti, & Melwani, 1991), rebellious personality types were shown to be largely young, single, and male. Rebellious risk-taking is associated with high radio use and reliance on radio, but a low reliance on all media for health information. Those who are smokers and ex-smokers have also tended to score high in this area (Jex & Lombard, 1998; Lipkus, Barefoot, Williams, and Siegler, 1994). Rebels were shown to not be particularly religious. Rebellious personality types also have been shown to take risks not for perceived benefits, but rather for notoriety among others for being rebellious or daring. Rebellious adolescents also tend to respond to the sensational aspects of a message rather than its perceived risks (Moore, 1996; Donohew, Lorch, & Palmgreen, 1998). Based on these risk-taking constructs, target audience and style of text presentations themselves are expected to interact with the subjects' risk-taking tendencies. Based on the literature review, the following research questions were investigated in this study. RESEARCH QUESTIONS RQ1 - How do the different computer text formats influence the subjects' recall when subjects' working memory capacity, risk-taking tendencies, hypertext familiarity and knowledge, and total reading time are statically controlled? RQ2 - How does individual working memory capacity have an effect on the subjects' recall? RQ3 - How do individual risk-taking tendencies influence readers' recall? If significant effects are found, which text formats are better or worse for which risk-takers? RQ4 - How does hypertext familiarity and knowledge influence subjects' recall? All these four research questions were evaluated based on gender. Experimental Methodology The experimental design was a post-test only model with three variations of computer text formats. The manipulation involved reading an article in one of the three formats: traditional text, structured hypertext, and networked hypertext. After subjects finished reading, they were asked to take the Reading Span test, then the risk-taking tendency tests, and last the factual recall tests[1]. The subjects also answered demographic questions. In the experiment, each subject was randomly assigned to one of three groups, corresponding to the three text formats. The subjects' working memory span was measured by the Reading Span tests. Developing the Stimulus Material and Measuring the Dependent Variable After seven initial articles were tested, a topic was selected based on the level of interest and gender neutrality in the article. The article selected was, "The battle against segregation in America,"[2] being determined the most interesting for both males and females. The development of the recall test for this article involved the following procedure. Twenty-two multiple-choice questions were written for a factual recall test with approximately six questions for each paragraph of the article. Sixteen graduate students at the University of Florida, participated in the pretest to determine which items to use. T-tests for the subjects' interest level and item difficulty scores were computed. Sixteen multiple-choice questions were adopted and 6 questions were dropped from the recall test[3]. Study Design Subjects were randomly assigned to one of the three conditions: traditional-text, structured hypertext, or networked hypertext. The researcher explained the test procedures at the beginning of the study and subjects were told to read the text completely and not to go back to the readings after they began the recall test. Computers were preloaded with a letter from the researcher explaining the study and a choice, which randomly led subjects to one of three different conditions. How much time each subject spent on each screen of the article as well as which links he/she clicked was collected by the computer program presenting the article. The experiment was conducted in a computer lab at the University of Florida. In condition 1, the article was presented in traditional text format with a link captioned, "turn to the next page", to simulate the pages in a paper-based book. The subjects were to read the article in traditional text format, from top to bottom. After the subjects finished reading, they clicked on the button "Finished." After clicking on this button, subjects were automatically taken to the working memory tests, followed by the risk-taking tendency tests, followed by the recall tests, and ending with the demographic questions. A "Back" button was available enabling the reader to return to the previous page while reading. In condition 2, the article was presented in a structured-hypertext format. The structured-hypertext consisted of each sub-topic on a different screen, linking hierarchically by highlighted, underlined key terms in the text. The reader began reading at the top level and was able to click on links for several levels of sub-topical information. As in condition 1, a "Back" button was available enabling the reader to return to the higher levels in the hierarchy. In condition 3, the article was presented in a networked-hypertext format. The text was presented with each excerpt on its own screen. The user was able to navigate between excerpts by clicking on highlighted, underlined terms, serving as links. No structure, such as hierarchical, was used between links. Instead, wherever a term existed in the article for which an elaborating excerpt existed, a link was presented. This created a web-like, user navigated architecture of links where looping was possible. As in conditions 1 and 2, a "Back" button was available for the reader to return to previous screens, as would be found in a web-browser or Windows Help file. After subjects finished reading, each subject was given three reading span tests, the risk-taking tendency tests and the recall tests. Fourteen questions were given to subjects regarding demographic information, computer usage and familiarity, affinity for history, attitude toward computers and the degree of interest in and experience with hypertext. Each subject took from 30 to 45 minutes for the whole process. Ninety-six undergraduates at the University of Florida were tested. Twenty-two sessions were held. Subjects were compensated with extra credit in their college courses. ANALYSIS AND FINDINGS The purpose of the analysis was to find out whether presentation of the same information in different text formats affected subjects' recall scores and if these scores varied by the subjects' working memory capacity, risk-taking tendencies, and gender. In addition, data were collected to describe subjects' race, age, computer ownership and use, Internet access, World Wide Web site viewing time, and familiarity with hypertext. GLM analysis and linear regression were used to test the effects of the different text formats with gender, working memory span, risk taking tendencies, hypertext familiarity and knowledge, and subjects' total reading time. Recall Score Of the 16 recall measuring questions, the minimum number correct was 3 and the maximum correct was 15 with a mean of 8.4 and a standard deviation of 2.9.[4] Working Memory The Reading Span test was given three times. Each test used a black computer screen with unrelated sentences centered in large yellow type. The sentences were presented for approximately four seconds each, followed by prompts for the subject to remember and enter the last word of each sentence. Each test began in this manner with one sentence, then two, three, four, and five sentences. Each series of sentence displays and questions were followed by a question about content to assure the subject read the complete sentence. The results of the first test (first sentence) were discarded due to exceptionally low scores. Measuring Risk-Taking Tendencies The risk-taking scale created by Ferguson & Valenti (1989, 1990) and Ferguson, Valenti, & Melwani (1991) was used to measure subjects' risk-taking tendencies. In their research program, they classify risk takers by three different attributes: 1. Rebelliousness: This risk taker often takes risks as a way of breaking social norms, rules, and laws and prides himself/herself on being known as a rebel. 2. Impulsiveness: This risk taker takes risks on the spur-of-the-moment and he/she enjoys the excitement associated with being spontaneously risky. 3. Adventurousness: While this risk taker takes risks of a physical nature that may put his/her body in danger of physical harm or even death, he or she plans carefully and trains actively to be prepared for the dangers. Based on a factor analysis, a Principle Component Analysis with a Varimax Rotation, nine items were used to measure adventurousness[5], seven items measured rebelliousness[6], and seven items measured impulsiveness[7]. Computer Use and Familiarity Seventy-seven percent of the subjects owned a computer and 99% (N = 95) said they were able to use computers either at home or at work/school or both while 1% (N = 1) responded "I don't use computers at all." Also, 98% of subjects have access to the Internet. Fifty percent (N = 48) of the subjects answered that the average time they spend on the Internet per day was less than 30 minutes, 24% (N = 23) more than 30 minutes to one hour, 12% (N = 11) between 1 and 2 hours, 6% (N = 6) over 2 hours while 8% (N=8) of the subjects said that they didn't look at the Internet at all. For the question "What do you use a computer for?," 36% (N = 35) answered for doing homework, 25% (N=24) for getting information, and 29% (N=28) for chatting or e-mail. In terms of familiarity with the term "hypertext," 10% (N = 10) of the subjects said they were 'very familiar' while 28% (N = 27) answered ' very unfamiliar.' Some 26% (N = 25) were 'somewhat familiar,' 9% (N = 9) were 'familiar,' and 26% of subjects answered 'somewhat unfamiliar' (N = 25). A question about their highest level of hypertext knowledge was asked. Table 1 shows the proportion of subjects who selected each level. Only about 14% said they could create hypertext documents. Table 1 Level of Hypertext Use " What is your highest level of hypertext knowledge?" % of answering 'Yes' I can create advanced hypertext documents. 2% I can create basic hypertext documents. 12% I know how to use hypertext, but I cannot create hypertext documents. 20% I have heard the term hypertext, but I don't know how to use it. 7% I don't know of hypertext at all. 58% Total: 100% (N=96) The subjects also were asked to rate their ease of reading from a computer screen. 'Very comfortable' was the response of 31% (N = 30), 'somewhat comfortable' was indicated by 31% (N = 30), 'neither comfortable nor uncomfortable' by 15 % (N = 15), 'uncomfortable' by 4% (N = 4), and 'very uncomfortable' was answered by 17% (N = 17). In sum, 62% (N = 60) of the subjects were fairly comfortable with reading text from a computer screen while 21% (N = 21) answered 'uncomfortable' or 'very uncomfortable.' When the question was asked, "What was the basis upon which you normally decided to click on hyperlinks in the text?," 41% (N = 39) answered "to find more information. 19% (N=18) answered "because a link was there" and 19% (N=18) of the subjects said "pure curiosity." Hypertext Familiarity and Knowledge To create an index to measure the use of computers and hypertext, a Principal Axis, Varimax Rotation, factor analysis of subjects' level of hypertext knowledge, familiarity with the term "hypertext," ease of using hypertext, access to the Internet, time spent viewing Web sites, ease of reading hypertext documents, comfort with a computer screen, computer use, and ownership of a computer (9 total items) was conducted.[8] Knowledge level and familiarity with hypertext, ease of using hypertext, and the daily average time on the Internet, loaded on factor 1. The ease of reading hypertext and comfort reading from a computer screen loaded on factor 2.[9] The standardized item alpha of the three Hypertext variables from on factor 1, was .73. A hypertext familiarity and knowledge index was created from a summed-index of factor scores. Demographic Information Of the 96 participants, 68% (N = 65) of subjects were white, 19% (N = 18) were Hispanic American, 4% (N = 4) were Asian or Pacific Islander, 2% (N = 2) were African American. Ninety two percent of the subjects were between 19 and 22 years old. 66% were female (N = 63) and 34% were male (N =33). HYPOTHESIS TESTS The Effects of Text Formats: Condition in Interaction with Gender A GLM model was used to test whether computer text formats (traditional text, structured hypertext, and networked hypertext) interacted with gender to affect the number of correct answers on the recall test. Other variables were submitted as covariates[10]. Text format had a significant effect on recall scores [F (2,95) = 3.4.6, P < .04]. Also, there was a significant gender effect on recall scores [F (1,95) = 2.9, P < .09]. Also, there was a near significant gender by condition interaction [F (2,95) = 2.6, P < .08]. For males, there was a significant text format effect on recall scores [F (2,31) = 4.8, P < .018] and further analysis revealed that there is a significant difference between the recall scores of the structured hypertext and the networked hypertext with .011 significant level. The mean score of the male subjects who read the networked hypertext is 10.7 while the mean score of the male subjects who read the structured hypertext is 7.8. However, for the female subjects, the condition effect was not significant [F (2,59) = .69, P < .51] (Figure 1). Figure 1. Means for Recall by Condition and Gender Risk-Taking Tendencies, Working Memory Capacity, and Other Factors A multiregression model was used to test whether the reading span, the risk-taking tendencies, hypertext familiarity and knowledge, and the total reading time had an effect on the total recall. For the male subjects, the model was shown as significant [F (6, 32) = 4.9, P < .01] with R2 = .53. The results showed that the more the subjects are adventurous (Beta = .42, P < .01), the higher their recall scores are. On the other hand, the more the subjects are rebellious (Beta = -.34, P < .02), the lower their recall scores are. Also, the hypertext familiarity and knowledge as well as the total reading time were the significant indicators on the male subjects' total recall. In other words, the more time they had to read (Beta = .46, P < .01), the higher recall scores were, while the higher they scored in hypertext familiarity and knowledge (Beta = -.3, P < .05), the lower the recall scores were. For the female subjects, the model was shown as significant [F(6, 56) = 5.74, P < .01] with R2 = .38. The total reading time, the reading span, and hypertext familiarity and knowledge were the only significant indicators for the female subjects' total recall. The more time they had to read (Beta = .48, P < .01), the higher recall scores were. Also, the higher their reading span scores are, the higher recall scores were (Beta = 2.7, P < .01) while the higher they scored in hypertext familiarity and knowledge (Beta = -.17, P < .10), the lower the recall scores were. The subjects' impulsiveness (r=-.27, P < .008) and rebelliousness (r=-.24, P < .017) were negatively correlated with the working memory accuracy test. Gender had a significant effect on the hypertext familiarity and knowledge [t(1, 55) = 1.64, P < .05], the adventurousness [t(1, 94) = 2.86, P < .005], and the rebelliousness [t(1, 94) = 3.14, P < .005]. The male subjects (M = .23) had higher hypertext familiarity and knowledge than the female subjects (M = -.12), were more adventurous (M = .39) than the female subjects were (M = -.20), and were more rebellious (M = .42) than the female subjects were (M = -.22). The subjects' total recall scores had a moderate correlation with total reading time (r=.47, P < .001) and a weaker one with the Reading Span (r=.24, P < .01). The higher the subjects' reading span was the better the subjects' recall scores were. Also, the total reading time was affected by impulsiveness [F(1, 91) = 3.11, P < .08] and text format conditions [F(2, 91) = 2.89, P < .06]. The more the subjects were impulsive, the less amount of time they read. The subjects who read the networked hypertext spent more time reading than those who read the traditional text. SUMMARY In this study, the effects of reading from three different computer text formats varied by gender. For males, the subjects' recall scores varied by reading the different computer text formats. The difference was found between the recall scores of the structured hypertext and the networked hypertext. The male subjects who read the networked hypertext had much higher recall scores than those reading identical information from the structured hypertext documents. However, the text format effect was not shown as significant for the female subjects when other variables are controlled statistically. The subjects' working memory span affected their recall scores. Again, it varied by gender. For the male subjects, no working memory effect was found while the female subjects' working memory capacity had a significant effect on recall scores. Furthermore, when the risk-taking tendencies, hypertext familiarity and knowledge, and the total reading time were tested in a multiregression model, the subjects' adventurousness as well as rebelliousness were shown as the significant predictors for the male subjects' recall. The more the subjects are adventurous, the higher their recall scores are. On the other hand, the more the subjects are rebellious, the lower their recall scores are. Also, the hypertext familiarity and knowledge as well as the total reading time were shown as significant on the male subjects' total recall. The more time they spend reading, the better recall scores are, while the higher they score in hypertext familiarity and knowledge, the lower the recall scores are. For the female subjects, the total reading time and working memory capacity are the only significant indicators for predicting their recall scores. In addition, the total reading time was affected by impulsiveness and text formats. The more the subjects were impulsive, the less time they spent reading. The subjects who read the networked hypertext spent more time reading than those who read the traditional text, when other variables were statistically controlled. The subjects' impulsiveness and rebelliousness were negatively correlated with the working memory accuracy test. Gender had a significant effect on the hypertext familiarity and knowledge, the adventurousness, and the rebelliousness. The male subjects had higher scores in the hypertext familiarity and knowledge than the female subjects. The male subjects were more adventurous than the female subjects were and the male subjects were more rebellious than the female subjects were. Recall seems to be affected by the structure in which the information was presented and the subjects' different working memory capacities as well as their risk-taking tendencies. Also, these effects varied by their gender. LIMITATIONS AND DISCUSSION This study had several limitations that should be considered for interpretation of the results and suggestions of further studies. One limitation of this study was the sample size. Due to the small male sample size (N=33), even though other variables were tested as covariates, a careful interpretation should be applied to the results. The generalization of the results should be cautiously presumed. Further research is required with more subjects for more accurate results. The findings of this study reveal that the structure and presentation of text influence how well information is recalled. The study results indicate that different kinds of hypertext systems may have different effects on an individual's information processing. Many scholars have suggested that hypertext systems can overload cognitive processing capabilities and encourage over-simplification of the information read. However, these conclusions are premature since individuals' characteristics such as gender, working memory capacity, and risk-taking tendencies, seem to influence subjects' information processing. One of the interesting findings was that the hypertext familiarity and knowledge had a negative influence on the subjects' recall. This might be because readers with high familiarity and knowledge of hypertext don't pay as much attention to the detail information as do readers who are new in the hypertext environments. Further research is necessary to find out whether this is the case and what is really going on in terms of hypertext familiarity and knowledge on readers' information processing. Some researchers assert the positive role of hypertext in learning, based on the assumption that hypertext provides selective attention or reader control. Many educators believe that selective attention determines which information is processed or ignored; therefore, it accelerates information processing. It is worth examining "selective attention," in terms of hypertext use, more closely to evaluate its implications for the future regarding factual recall of all presented information and recall of information that interests to subjects. Considering individuals' working memory differences that exist in hypertext learning materials, the findings in this research may give clues for further research. However, because the study contains several limitations regarding sample size, more careful examination of the working memory effect on readers' recall is highly recommendable. This avenue, too, is worth exploring. Also, if these different approaches to learning are subject to differential responses based on working memory capacity, risk-taking tendencies, and gender, isolated and simplistic conclusions from the studies of individual differences, which assert that high working memory people are simply physiologically or biologically superior, hinder our understanding of human information processing. 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[1] In this experiment, the reading span tests and the risk-taking tendency tests were given after the stimulus because it was considered that the stimulus manipulation didn't affect the results of the reading span tests and the risk-taking tendency test tests. [2] Topic 4: "The battle against segregation in America" from How to prepare for the GRE, P521 [3] This is based upon the result of an analysis. Items with Item Discrimination scores greater than .50 were kept. Also, T-tests for males vs. females and item difficulty scores were computed. [4] The reliability of these 16 items was tested. The Cronbach Alpha score was .61. [5] Items are the following: "I welcome new and exciting experiences, even if they are a little frightening," "I like adventure," " I like challenges," "I do or would enjoy the sensation of skiing very fast down a high mountain slope," " I enjoy or would enjoy skydiving," "I enjoy or would enjoy scuba diving," " Life with no danger in it would be too dull for me," "I would like to drive or ride on a motorcycle," and " I sometimes take different routes to a place I often go, just for variety's sake." The Cronbach Alpha score of these nine items was .87. [6] Items are the following: "I like wild and uninhibited parties," "I am likely to drive after I have had several drinks, "Having lots of alcohol is the key to a really good party," I like people who are partiers," I'm likely to do drugs when I want to party," "I am at a party with other people. Someone lights a joint of marijuana and begins to pass it around the party. A lot of people are trying it. I will try it," and the recoded item "I would make quite sure I had another job before giving up my old one." The Cronbach Alpha score was .82. [7] Items are the following: "I often do things on the spur of the moment," "I often get into a jam because I do thins without thinking," "I mostly speak before thinking things out," "I get so "carried away" by new and exciting ideas, I never think of possible snags," "I generally do and say things without stopping to think," " I sometimes take different routes to a place I often go, just for variety's sake," and " I like to explore a strange city or section of town by myself, even if it means getting lost." The Cronbach Alpha score was .84 [8] The Eigenvalue and the Scree Plot indicated a two-factor solution. Factor 1 explained 34% of the variance and factor 2 explained 24% of the variance. [9] For the factor2, the Cronbach's alpha was too low to create an index. [10] Due to the small sample size, other variables such as working memory span, risk-taking tendencies, total reading time and hypertext familiarity and knowledge were tested as covariates.