Content-Type: text/html Civic Journalism, Political Awareness and the University Dr. Robert Roberts Dr. Anthony Eksterowicz Dr. Arian Clark Department of Political Science James Madison University Harrisonburg, Virginia 22807 (540-568-3770) E-Mail [log in to unmask] Civic Journalism, Political Awareness and the University The notion of public or civic journalism is currently challenging more traditional notions of journalism. Public journalism represents an attempt to connect journalists with the communities they operate within. It places citizen input at the center of journalistic concerns. In this paper, we provide a broad ranging assessment of public journalism. The first part of the paper identifies the characteristic features of public journalism, and accounts for its recent growth. The second part of the paper explores the relationship between a decline in civic consciousness and contemporary journalistic practices. The final part of the paper offers some prescriptive suggestions for enhancing citizenship education through changes in the University curriculum. THE ORIGIN AND DEVELOPMENT OF PUBLIC JOURNALISM Defining Public Journalism The overall purpose of public journalism is to help print and broadcast news organizations to ".... reconnect to their communities so they can engage their citizens in dialogues that lead to problem solving. (Fouhy 1996: 11). As such, this effort engages journalists within, the confines of their communities, as champions of political and, perhaps, social reform. This new movement strikes at the heart of more traditional tenets of journalism which emphasize the concepts of "objectivity" and "fairness", or so the critics charge (Case 1994: 14). The concerns of citizens tend to become the primary concerns of journalists and these concerns tend to drive their reporting. The 1988 presidential election served as a catalyst for the initiation of public journalism. Civic Journalism, Political Awareness, and the University Many journalists were concerned about the relationship between journalists and political candidates which had been developing throughout the 1980s. Many, including James Batten of Knight-Ridder and David Broder of the Washington Post spoke openly about their concerns for the journalism profession as did press scholar James W. Carey. From 1990-92 the Kettering foundation sponsored conversations with journalists about the state of their profession and how they could connect to a more deliberative public. Other institutions were eventually involved in public journalism efforts such as The Knight Foundation, The Poynter Institute of Media Studies and the American Press Institute (Rosen, 1994 :370-374). One of the early experiments in public journalism involved the Wichita Eagle in Kansas under the leadership of Merritt Davis Jr. The purpose was to utilize newspaper resources to "discover" the public's issue agenda in order to better provide coverage and enhance citizen participation in politics. Approximately 500 residents were interviewed about their issue concerns then the paper matched these concerns with political candidates responses and stands on the issues during the 1990, 1991 and 1992 local, state and national elections. In addition the Eagle took the position that its citizens ought to vote and involved itself in voter promotion efforts. This two prong approach was entitled the Voter Project. It was an attempt to involve the people in issue selection, dialogue and candidate education all for the purposes of increasing voter turnout (Hoyt 1992: 45). The Wichita experiment spawned other efforts at public journalism. The Charlotte Observer in conjunction with the Poynter Institute for Media Studies and WSOC-TV polled citizens to ascertain issues of importance to them. They then compiled a Civic Journalism, Political Awareness and the University citizen's agenda and kept the focus upon this agenda during the 1992 elections. Voters and their concerns thus emerged as the focus of the campaigns (Rosen, 1994: 375-376). In Spokane, Washington the Seattle Times has sponsored focus groups and conversations with the voters. Readers ideas were incorporated into newsroom discussions. In Olympia, Washington the Olympian has published such stories as, "... county infrastructure needs, new business and industrial development, and the quality of life in the area." (Stein 1994: 15). In fact the Olympian joined the Thurston County Regional Planning Council on a project to assess the needs of the county (Stein 1994: 15). As part of a series from its "Safer Cities" project the St. Paul Pioneer Press sponsored a reporter, Richard Chin, to live in Frogtown, a crime ridden section of St Paul, and report his observations. As Chin (1996: 2) noted: 'We don't get those stories spending our days in the office, talking by phone to our usual sources. We middle-class reporters don't live in neighborhoods like Frogtown. Unless we're going there to cover a crime, Frogtown is usually only glimpsed through the windshields of our cars as we commute home or head to an interview with someone who matters.' Other experiments have included a partnership between the Charlotte Observer, WSOC-TV and radio stations WPEG and WBAV on a project entitled "Taking back our Neighborhoods/Carolina Crime Solutions Project." The "Public Agenda" Project was sponsored by the Tallahassee Democrat, WCTV, Florida State University and Florida A&M University. The purpose was to Civic Journalism, Political Awareness and the University create a dialogue among citizens on issues that they deemed as important. (Fouhy 1994: 263). The Pew Charitable Trusts, in October 1994, established the Pew Center for Civic Journalism in Washington, D.C. (CQ Researcher 1996: 827). The creation of the center helped to provide legitimacy for the public journalism movement and badly needed financial support for civic journalism initiatives. The Pew Center, taking advantage of the World Wide Web explosion, established the Democracy USA a web site devoted exclusively to facilitating the discussion of civic journalism in helping to revitalize democratic values across the nation (see http://www.democracyplace.org). Edward Fouhy, former Washington bureau chief for both CBS and ABC news, agreed to serve to run the Pew Center for Civic Journalism (CQ Researcher 1996: 832). Pew, between 1993 and 1996, funded some $9.3 million dollars in civic journalism projects across the country (CQ Researcher 1996: 832). The decision of the Pew Charitable Trusts to back the civic journalism movement represented a turning point in the civic journalism movement. National Public Radio, during 1994, instituted the National Public Radio Election Project which involved some 90 NPR affiliates in helping to identify issues of important to voters in communities across the country (http://www.cpn.org/sections/topics/journa.../civic_perspectives/civic_journalis m.html). The Public Broadcasting System, during the 1996 presidential campaign, conducted the PBS Democracy Project (http://www.pbs.org/democracy/). The project resulted in the broadcast of numerous programs directed as exploring important public policy issues from the perspective of average Americans. PBS, for example, on September 20, 1996 broadcast CITIZENS '96 Civic Journalism, Political Awareness and the University "Election Year Survival Guide." The production attempted to provide voters "helpful tips and detailed information to help voters analyze debates, decode political commercials and decipher campaign finances." (http://www.pbs.org/democracy/programs/). Explanations for the Recent Rise in Public Journalism The rise in public journalism cannot be understood without appreciating the monumental upheavals which have recently transformed American society. The 1960s and 1970s were decades of profound social, political and economic reforms. The Civil Rights, Women's and Environmental movements along with the Vietnam Protest movement profoundly transformed the domestic and international political landscape with a number of long term consequences. On the international scene, the increasing interdependence of the worlds economies brought forward a new series of international actors and policy challenges eventually culminating in the end of the Cold War. (Kehone and Nye, 1970: passim; Brown, 1974; passim; Nye, 1992:83-96; Rosencrance, 1992: 64-82). On the domestic scene, American politics witnessed upheavals and reforms such as the Watergate scandal and the consequent campaign finance reforms which led to greater autonomy for special interest groups and their PACs and weaker political parties (Lowi, 1969: passim and McClesky, 1989: introduction). The journalistic community responded to these events by adopting an investigative style of reporting with an emphasis on rooting out public scandals and following money trails in political campaigns ( Drew, 1983: passim). The confluence of these Civic Journalism, Political Awareness and the University reforms both domestic and international led to a sense of diminished American optimism in both public and private institutions ( Lipset and Schneider, 1987: passim). The journalistic community was not immune to this trend. The catalytic event for a rethinking of the relationship between journalists and their public was the 1988 presidential election . The disgust with the relationship of candidates and journalists, which developed partly as a consequence of the wide ranging political and campaign reforms of the 1970s, led directly to the Wichita Eagle project under the direction of Davis Merritt Jr. (Rosen, 1994: 374). From 1990-1992 the Kettering Foundation sponsored conversations with journalists on the relationship of the public with the journalistic community. As Rosen (1994:371-372) notes, there were concerns which led to the public journalism movement. Journalists were concerned with a decline in newspaper readership. They noted the increasing gap between citizens and journalists. They were concerned about the increasing sense of political disaffection in the population. They noted the dichotomy of public reporting being housed within an industry devoted to private gain. All of these concerns led to a willingness on the part of some journalists to experiment and challenge some of the central tenants of modern journalism The rise in public journalism was also shaped by the forces of technological and economic change. The dissemination of news was revolutionized by a number of technological developments. Satellite technology helped increased the immediacy of news coverage by television stations. The growth in the number of cable stations, coupled with the creation of a twenty-four hour news station, CNN, greatly increased competition in the news business. The Civic Journalism, Political Awareness and the University network news organizations have all become acquired by large conglomerates, which resulted in major restructuring in news departments. Many news bureaus were forced to close down, and the content of programming was changed in order to increase ratings. (Ansolabhere, Behr, Iyengar 1993: 26). This new competitive environment in the broadcast media contributed to the woes of the newspaper business, which faced chronic circulation problems. Newspapers lost advertising dollars and demographic surveys illustrated a drop in younger readers. As Fouhy (1994: 260-61) indicates, some newspapers responded by moving to sensationalize the news in order to appeal to this younger generation but others responded in a way that would enhance the "...civic life of their communities." Public journalists chose to directly confront problems arising from the declining sense of community in America. Aware that younger readers were increasingly drawn to broadcast news, partnerships were developed between newspapers, local broadcast stations and civic groups for experiments in public journalism. Given these developments we now turn to the relationship between public journalism and public political knowledge. PUBLIC JOURNALISM AND POLITICAL KNOWLEDGE "Whether uninterested, uniformed or simply ignorant, millions of Americans cannot answer even basic questions about American politics" (Morin, 1996: 1). A recent national survey conducted by the Washington Post, the Kaiser Family Foundation and Harvard University starkly demonstrated that much of the American public lack the political knowledge necessary to fulfil the Civic Journalism, Political Awareness and the University role of an active, engaged citizenry (Morrin, 1996). In this part of the paper, we deal with three central issues connected with this low level of knowledge about American politics. First, we examine the current state of political awareness; second, we explore the media's responsibility for promoting political ignorance; and third, we review the prospects for increasing political awareness through public journalism. The Current Level of Political Awareness of Americans Entman (1986: 4) has stated that "...by most benchmarks the level of public is disturbingly low". His contention is corroborated by numerous surveys and research studies (see Bennett 1989; Kinder and Sears, 1985; Delli Carpini and Keeter, 1991; Delli Carpini and Keeter, 1996). Table 1 displays the findings of the 1996 Washington Post survey pertinent to the topic of political knowledge. These data show that Americans lack basic awareness about both the structural characteristics of government and familiarity with the personalities, events, and issues on the contemporary political scene. Just over half of those surveyed were able to identify that the U.S. Supreme Court possessed final authority to determine whether a law is constitutional. Approximately a quarter of the sample knew that U.S. senators served six year terms. [table 1 about here] Citizens' knowledge of the current political environment is similarly low. It is perhaps startling that at a time when the public visibility of U.S. House Speaker Newt Gingrich and Majority Leader Dole was high that only about half of the sample were able to identify the former figure, and only a third, the latter. It is also significant to point that despite the publicity accorded Civic Journalism, Political Awareness and the University to the Clinton administration's initiative to "reinvent" government and reduce federal employment, only 28% of those surveyed were aware that the size of the federal workforce had been reduced. The Media and Political Information Does the media have any responsibility for the low levels of political information possessed by the American public ? There is good reason to believe that this is the case. News organizations are heavily influenced by need to sell advertising space. The profit motive coupled with technological advances have shaped the content of the news in a number of important ways. First, news is presented in a personalized fashion. "In order to encourage audience interest and identification, journalists tend to explain events by reference to the actions of individuals rather than to institutional, historical, or other abstract forces" (Entman, 1989: 49-50). A second flaw in the presentation in the news relates to the fact that reporters are excessively reliant on official sources for their stories. The reliance on officials for stories can be attributed primarily to economics. It is simply easier and cheaper to turn to decision making elites for the content of news programming than to seek out non governmental sources and story topics (Entman, 1989). Journalists adhere to professional norms which emphasize objectivity and "fairness" in reporting. In practice, this has meant that there is a lack of interpretation and critical analysis in news stories (Bennett, 1995). Politicians have exploited this passivity on the part of the news organizations by employing techniques of news management. The central objective of officials "...is less to inform Civic Journalism, Political Awareness and the University or enlighten than to find imagery that produces desired public responses" (Bennett, 1995: 88). Critical reporting on politics certainly exists, but it tends to be more ritualistic than substantive in nature. Genuine investigative journalism is comparatively rare, particularly since the cuts in the size of the networks' newsrooms which occurred during the 1980s (Ansolabehere, Behr and Iyengar, 1993: 224).The critical element of news reporting tends to focus on the personal foibles of the incumbents in office, rather than the structural and institutional weaknesses of government (Bennett, 1995). Political news tends to be presented to the American public in an episodic format. The characteristic feature of episodic news stories is "...on-the-scene coverage of 'hard' news in a fast-paced and visually compelling manner" (Ansolabehere, Behr and Iyengar, 1993: 52). Stories are generally reported to the public in a highly fragmented manner. The media may, thus, share responsibility for the well documented lack of political sophistication on the part of the American people (Bennett, 1995). Campaign coverage has also been faulted for a variety of failings. Ideally, reporting on election campaigns should serve to educate the public on the issue position stands of candidates and their proposals for change. There have been numerous research studies which have shown that the network news organizations have failed to educate the public in this manner, preferring rather to focus on the horse race dimension of campaigns and the character issue (see for example Sabato, 1991; Patterson and Mcclure, 1976; Robinson and Sheehan, 1980; Ansolabehere, Behr and Iyengar, 1993). Civic Journalism, Political Awareness and the University A Washington Post poll conducted after the 1996 election determined that " ... after hundreds of millions of dollars in campaign spending, countless news stories, three nationally televised debates and hours of advertising on television and radio, Americans knew no more about how the two major presidential candidates stood on key issues when they voted then they did when the fall campaign began in September." (Morrin and Brossard, 1996: 1). The 1996 presidential election had done little to reverse the growing disenchantment of the American public with politics and the press. Ultimately, the failings of the media in modern American society can be traced to the lack of civic content in news coverage. We are currently presented with a troubling paradox of "democracy without citizens" (Entman, 1989). The United States has the world's longest democracy; yet it has one of the lowest rates of voter turnout. In general, the media has done a poor job in providing members of the mass public with the basic facts which might promote active citizenry. A study by Luskin (1990) showed, for instance, that exposure to the network news has a negligible impact in increasing political awareness. The irony in all this, of course, is that we are in the midst of an information revolution, which should serve to elevate the level of public knowledge about the political process. The media is unlikely to succeed in increasing the level of political awareness unless it makes a serious attempt to reform itself. More than anything else this will require a shift away from the passivity of its current commitment to "objective" journalism and a return to the aggressive, critical, civic oriented journalism which characterized the Progressive era. Civic Journalism, Political Awareness and the University The Prospects for Increasing the Level of Political Information Through Public Journalism There are several strong theoretical reasons for us to expect that the widespread adoption of the tenets of public journalism by media organizations would lead to a general increase in the level of political knowledge. First, public journalism emphasizes the reporting of issues during election campaigns. For example, a long standing media partnership between Wisconsin Public Television, public radio, and WISC, the CBS affiliate, has spawned the "We the People/Wisconsin" project. The project includes hosting town hall meetings, and focus groups, call-in radio programs, and live television special dealing with key issue concerns of voters (Fouhy and Schaffer, 1995). NPR, in conjunction with a number of newspapers around the country, also adopted this issue, community oriented, style of reporting to its election coverage. Apparently, there was enormous positive public feedback to these experiments (Fouhy and Schaffer, 1995). Public journalism differs from the dominant model of journalism in that it focuses on the concerns of ordinary people, their issue preferences, and on the provision of information which is of practical importance to those who are interested in becoming actively involved in the political process. To that end, for example, the Columbus Ledger-Enquirer in Georgia reached out to its readers by conducting research on what they liked and disliked about their communities. They used this information to run a series of articles identifying community problems. The also organized a series of town meeting and smaller meetings to mobilize community opinion to place pressure on government to address people's concerns. They also created a civic organization Civic Journalism, Political Awareness and the University "United Beyond 2000" to give a permanent institutional forum for those interested in advancing community interests (Rosen, 1992). Importantly, public journalism does not accept the lack of popular participation as an immutable "given", but rather advocates the adoption of measures, such as sponsoring town meetings, to create an active, engaged citizenry, even where none currently exist (Rosen, 1992). There is an interactive dimension to public journalism which places emphasis on maintaining a dialogue with members of the community and encouraging citizens to talk to each other more about public affairs. One of the leading proponents of public journalism, Jay Rosen, argues that the media ought to "...become a support system for public life." (Rosen, 1992: 70). The ethos of public journalism is, thus, very much in the tradition of communitarian democracy. The objectives of its proponents, such as fostering community connectedness, encouraging a public dialogue, and increasing civic involvement, coincide with this vision of democracy. The ethos of public journalism is based on the premise that the views of members of the public should be important in determining the direction of public life. This assumption lies at the heart of a democracy. The empirical evidence about whether public journalism is actually achieving its objectives is fragmentary and impressionistic at this point. These findings have, however, been positive in nature. Research by Lemert (1981) showed that the presence of mobilizing information in news stories, such as providing the names and addresses of public officials, led to an increase in citizen activism. The Charlotte Observer's series on crime led to an increase voluntarism (Stein, 1994). Civic Journalism, Political Awareness and the University The Ledger-Enquirer's activities led to the creation of a new civic organization (Rosen, 1992). The voter turnout in the circulation area covered by the Wichita Eagle was over 10% higher in the 1991 local election than the rest of the state (Hoyt, 1992: 45). Other promising pieces of evidence have been turned up all around country. It does not appear that any other force is rushing into fill the information vacuum in the United States. Public journalism appears to represent the most promising means to promote increases in public awareness and political participation. CIVIC JOURNALISM AND THE UNIVERSITY It is clear that up until this point in time, universities and colleges have not played a major role in the expansion of the civic journalism movement. As discussed above, private foundations such as the Pew Charitable Trust and the Radio and Television News Directors Foundation has provided the seed money for a large number of civic journalism projects and have provided civic journalism training for journalists interested in pursuing civic journalism projects and partnerships. Many opportunities exist for active journalists to learn the tools of civic journalism. The Radio and Televison News Director Foundation "provides resources for journalists, including funding, to assist startup projects." (Cy Porter, 1997: 3). The Pew Center for Civic Journalism "provides resources, including funding, for projects and training." (Cy Porter, 1997: 3). The Poynter Institute for Media Studies "teaches seminars on issues relating to broadcast and print journalism." (Cy Porter, 1997: 3). And the Kettering Foundation "partners with individuals and Civic Journalism, Political Awareness and the University groups actively working on problems of communities." (Cy Porter, 1997: 3). The large increase in the number of media outlets entering into civic journalism projects provides strong evidence that their efforts have helped to overcome some of the opposition to the movement. At the October 1997 meeting of the national conference of the Associated Press Managing Editors, Ketchum Public Relations Worldwide released results from a survey of "2,335 media executives at newspapers, magazines, radio and television stations across the country."(Sewell, 1997: 1). The media executives said that "journalists entering the 21st century must keep their educations up to date and journalism schools should offer integrated courses that stress basics but also state-of-the-art technology training and creative thinking." (Sewell, 1997: 1). At the same time, "more than 88 percent of the participants also said creative thinking and analysis will be necessary for successful communication professionals, and 51 percent said they would consider testing job applicants for creative thinking." (Sewell, 1997: 1) Equally significant, a majority of media endorsed "civic journalism" "as an important way to connect journalists with their audiences through taking part in community activities and sponsoring civic discussions."(Sewell, 1997: 1). A closer examination of the survey reveals that media executives are sending mixed messages to individuals interested in pursuing media careers. On the one hand, entry level print and broadcast journalists need to acquire up-to-date technical skills. "Some three-fifths of those surveyed said journalism school graduates won't be hired unless they have state-of-the-art technological skills" (Sewell, 1997: 1). On the other hand, media executives want young Civic Journalism, Political Awareness and the University journalists to be creative thinkers and become familiar with tools used by civic or public journalists. What steps can a university take to help prepare young men and women become effective civic journalists? First, schools of journalism and mass communications could add civic journalism courses to their curriculum. Second, universities might require journalism and mass communication majors to complete a minor in political science, economics, sociology, economics or some other university program which might help graduates understand the problems faced by communities across the country. Third, universities and colleges might encourage school newspapers and radio stations to conduct their own civic journalism projects. Although all of the above recommendations might help to prepare students for civic journalism, the fact remains that civic journalism requires individuals with an understanding of the problems faced by communities across the country and a sincere interest in finding solutions for the problems. In other words, civic journalists must believe they have a duty to help the communities they live in develop a consensus on how to resolve their most pressing problems. Over the last decade, the higher education community has engaged in a debate over the appropriate role of the university in helping to prepare graduates for civic life. The January/February 1997 edition of Change Magazine devoted its entire edition to the subject of the role of higher education in rebuilding civic life. Change Magazine covers emerging issues in American higher education. Articles in the edition included "Higher Education and Rebuilding Civic Life, (Gamson, 1997: 10), "Civic Innovation And American Democracy," (Sirianni and Civic Journalism, Political Awareness and the University Friedland, 1997: 14), "John Dewey--A Voice That Stills Speaks To Us," (Halliburton, 1997: 24), "Educating A Committed Citizenry," (Gabelnick, 1997: 30) "New Voices In University-Community Transformation," (Arches, 1997: 36), "Can We Rebuild Civic Life Without A Multiracial University?" (Bensimon and Soto, 1997: 42), and "Researching For Democracy & Democratic Research." (Ansley and Gaventa, 1997: 46). All of the articles present a common theme. Colleges and universities must do more to prepare their graduates to take on the responsibilities of citizenship. These impressive articles present a common theme. Higher education has a responsibility for helping to prepare their students as civic leaders and participants. "The challenge of educating a committed citizenry," writes Faith Gabelnick President of Pacific University, "is to change the societal and university paradigm from a strategy of competitiveness to one of collaboration, from a perspective of scarcity to one of sufficiency and inclusion, and from a stance that looks for expedient solutions to one that engages and commits to a series of values and a way of life." (Gabelnick: 1997, 30). President Gabelnick continues by describing various programs on college and university campuses across the country directed at helping students become involved in their communities. "It is an exciting time to be a student, and an exciting time to be a faculty member. Our educational landscape has been ignited by a "common fire" of civic involvement and change," writes President Gabelnick. Universities and colleges have taken up the challenge of citizenship education in a number of ways. For instance, the Center for Democracy and Citizenship at the Humphrey Institute for Public Affairs, University of Minnesota and the Walt Witman Center at Rutgers University are attempting to engage their universities and the nation in a dialogue regarding the importance of "renewed citizenship and effective public work." (Sirianni and Friedland, 1997, 20). The Center for Human Resources at the Heller School of Advanced Studies in Social Welfare at Brandeis University and the School of Journalism and Mass Communication at the University of Wisconsin-Madison in 1995 established the Civic Practices Network to share civic innovations around the country. (Sirianni and Friedland, 1997, 20) The CPN makes available on the World Wide Web the "broadest array of tools that can be utilized by innovative practitioners, policymakers, and ordinary citizens in every arena." (Sirianni and Friedland, 1997, 21). Other universities include civic education elements in their general education programs. THE UNIVERSITY AND THE TOOLS OF CIVIC JOURNALISM The most effective role a university or college can perform in helping to prepare students as effective civic journalists is to provide students the opportunity to become more involved in community life. In other words, colleges and universities need to encourage students to leave their class rooms and dorm rooms to gain a better understanding of the hopes and fears of a cross section of those who live around them and who are not part of the immediate university community. Educational Record devoted its Summer/Fall 1997 edition to "College & character: preparing students for lives of civic responsibility (King, 1997: 7-44). A number of the articles in the edition, emphasizes the importance of colleges and universities taking responsibility for the moral development of college students (King, 1997: 87-93). Civic Journalism, Political Awareness and the University Service Learning and Public Journalism A common feature of college and university character development programs has been the establishment of service learning programs (Jarpsz, 1997: 83). University sponsored service learning programs help college students find volunteer positions in public, private and non profit organizations that operate various programs designed to help to deal with a wide variety of problems in their communities. College students may work as tutors in elementary schools or community shelters (Berson, 1993: 30). More recently, advocates of service learning have begun to stress the direct relationship between service learning and civic education (Clark, 1997: 164). One can make a persuasive argument that service learning programs can constitute an important part of any university program designed to help students prepare to be effective civic journalists. Numerous opportunities exist for college students to work in public schools, criminal justice organizations, non-profit social service agencies, environmental organizations and other community organizations. Such assignments provide students the opportunity to gain a much better understanding of how communities behave and how difficult it is to solve problems such as poverty, poor educational performance and substandard housing. A number of studies have found a strong relationship between service learning activities and the development of a sense of civic responsibility among college students (Sax and Astin, 1997, 28). Civic Journalism, Political Awareness and the University Civic Journalism Internships In addition to encouraging students to participate in service learning projects, journalism and mass communications programs should encourage students to complete civic journalism internships. More and more newspapers, radio stations and television stations are participating in civic journalism projects (Porter, 1997: 5-6). This fact provides students more opportunities for journalism and mass communication internships. At the same time, journalism and mass communication programs have a long history of students doing internships in various types of media organizations. Yearly, thousands of journalism and mass communication students complete media internships. For example, Peterson's Guide to Internships list hundreds of journalism internships for college and university students (Peterson's: 1997). A 1996 survey of journalism students who had completed an internship found that all of those surveyed believed that colleges should require students to complete internships. (Hilt, 1996: 36). Because the civic journalism movement grew out of concern over inadequate media coverage of the 1988 presidential election, journalism and mass communication programs should encourage students to complete internships which give them the opportunity to cover political campaigns. During the 1996 election, a significant number of television stations launched election projects directed at improving the coverage of issues and candidates. (Porter, 1997, 4-6). These projects typically involved carefully surveying individuals in their communities to determine the issues that concerned them. Election projects also sponsored town meetings to provide potential voters to express their opinion and to meet with candidates. Civic Journalism, Political Awareness and the University The Radio Television News Directors Foundation and the Poynter Institute has devoted considerable time and resources to helping journalists improve media coverage of elections (Potter, 1997). The Political Coverage Project of the Radio Television News Directors Foundation has brought together a resource that news directors can use to improve their coverage of elections. (http://www.rtndf.org/rtndf/96/index.html). Election coverage internships can prove extremely valuable in helping journalism and mass communication students learn to cover elections using civic journalism methods. For instance, Project Vote Smart has successfully collected information on some 13,000 local and state officials. The non-profit public interest organization relies heavily on volunteers and interns to collect the information and make the information available on the World Wide Web (http://www.veto-smart.org/about/help/nip/). Much like advocates of civic journalism, Project Vote Smart argues that voters cannot make informed decisions without accurate information on the candidates and the issues. Project Vote Smart has numerous internship opportunities for interested college students. National Public Radio also provides college students excellent internship opportunities. General Education Reform and the University The demand from students, parents and prospective employers have placed tremendous pressure on universities and colleges to permit students to take a larger percentage of their course work in pre professional areas. The majority of full-time undergraduate students now major in Civic Journalism, Political Awareness and the University business, journalism or mass communication, education and engineering. Most colleges and universities continue to see a smaller and smaller number of liberal arts majors. Major and minor trends has contributed to increased student resistence to liberal or general education programs which students often regard as irrelevant (Weeks, 1996: 50-3). A recent Kettering Foundation study on the political life of college students presents a complex picture of the attitudes of college students towards politics and civic participation (Mathews, 1997: 15). "Despite charges that undergraduates are preoccupied with personal self-interest," writes President of the Kettering Foundation David Matthews, "the study revealed that the younger generation is no more uncaring than the older generation is apathetic. In fact, students care a great deal" (Mathews, 1997, 15). However, the survey found college students "more cynical than their elders about the way the political system operates-and far more pessimistic about their ability to reform it" (Mathews, 1997, 15). And the survey found college students "particularly put off by the tone of what they hear in politics--by the ideological extremes and negative tenor of what appears to be a grossly adversarial system with no regard for fair play" (Mathews, 1997, 15). What can colleges and universities do to persuade their students that their participation in politics can make a difference. David Mathews argues that colleges and universities need to change the way they teach students about politics and government. Specifically, Mathews argue that colleges need "more contact with the democratic public, with those citizens who are creating a place for themselves in politics, who are political actors serving the larger public interest, who Civic Journalism, Political Awareness and the Constitution are building rather than escaping from communities, and who are addressing causes rather than simply alleviating symptoms (Mathews, 1997, 17). Much like the concern that led to the establishment of the civic or public journalism movement, concern that students are leaving colleges and universities with little interest in civic participation has led colleges and universities to engage in serious debate over what they can do to prepare their graduates to active civic participants. Educational Records, an influential higher education journal, devoted its Fall/Summer issue to the subject of "College & Character: Preparing Students for Lives of Civic Responsibility" (College & Character, 1997, 1-100). All of the articles stress the importance of colleges and universities taking responsibility for fostering the development of a sense of civic responsibility in their students. CONCLUSION Once considered a fad, strong evidence now exists that "civic journalism" methods have gained much wider acceptance in traditional media outlets. Hundreds of media outlets have established home pages which permit the public to comment on current issues and talk directly to reporters and editors. (PilotOnline, 1998) A growing number of media outlets have participated in "civic education" partnerships funded by private foundations such as the Pew Center for Civic Journalism. (Pew Projects, 1997) The paper also argues that the civic journalism movement and civic responsibility movement now taking root on college and university campuses across the country have many Civic Journalism, Political Awareness and the University common features. Both movements seek overcome the cynicism of citizens to politics as usual. Both are searching for ways to persuade citizens that they can make a difference. Table 1-- Political Awareness of Americans Question Percent Answering Correctly Can you tell me who was president when the Watergate scandal took place 86 As far as you know, is there a limit on the number of terms in office a president of the United States can serve, or not 81 Can you tell me which party- the Democrats or Republicans-has the most members in the U.S. Senate 62 Can you tell me which party- the Democrats or Republicans-has the most members in the U.S. House of Representatives 61 Can you tell me the name of current vice President of the United States 60 As far as you know, who has the final responsibility to decide if a law is constitutional or not 54 Can you tell me the name of the speaker of the U.S. House of Representatives 53 Which party do you think is more conservative- the Republican Party or Democratic Party 52 Can you tell me the name of the current majority leader of the U.S. Senate 34 During the past three years, do you think the number of people employed by the federal government has increased, decreased, or stayed about the same 28 As far as you know, is more of the federal budget now spent on Medicare, or is more spent on foreign aid 27 How many years is a single term in office for a U.S. senator 26 Can you tell me the name of the current chief justice of the U.S. Supreme Court 6 Source: The Washington Post/Kaiser Family Foundation/Harvard University Survey Project 1996 --Why Don't Americans Trust the Government-- (The Kaiser Family Foundation 1996) Civic Journalism, Political Awareness and the University REFERENCES Ansley, Fran and John Gaventa. 1997. 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Sewell, Dan. 1997. "Media executives say journalists will need to keep up education, training," The Associated Press, October 16, 1997 Http://www.gateway-va.com/pages/staterul/internet/1016mees.htm Sirianni, Carmen and Lewis Friedland. 1997. "Civic Innovation And American Democracy." 29 Change. January/February: 14-23. Stein M.L. 1994. "In Praise of Public Journalism." Editor & Publisher. November 12 ; 15, 45. Weeks, Richard. 1996. "The Academic Major as a Model for General Education." Liberal Education, 82: 50-53. Civic Journalism, Political Awareness and the University Abstract Civic journalism represents an attempt to connect journalists with the residents of the communities in which they operate. The first part of the paper examines the reasons for the growth of civic journalism in the context of growing public cynicism over the political process. The second part of the paper explores the possible relationship between journalistic practices and a decline in civic consciousness on the part of the American public. The third part of the paper explores the role of the university in preparing civic journalism. The paper argues that universities and colleges can help to overcome the cynicism of their students toward politics by expanding citizenship education programs. This approach can also help to prepare graduates of journalism and mass communication programs for civic journalism opportunities.