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Who Gets Named?:  Nationality, Race and Gender in New York Times Photograph
Cutlines, p.
Who Gets Named?:
Nationality, Race and Gender in New York Times Photograph Cutlines
 
A Research Paper
Submitted to the Visual Communication Division
of the 1998 AEJMC National Convention
Baltimore, Maryland
 
by John Mark King, Ph.D.
Assistant Professor
Manship School of Mass Communication
Louisiana State University
 
Office address:
221 Journalism Building
Manship School of Mass Communication
Louisiana State University
Baton Rouge, LA  70803
 
Home address:
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Prairieville, LA  70769-5152
 
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Who Gets Named?:
Nationality, Race and Gender in New York Times Photograph Cutlines
 
 
A Research Paper
Submitted to the Visual Communication Division
of the 1998 AEJMC National Convention
Baltimore, Maryland
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
Who Gets Named?:
Nationality, Race and Gender in New York Times Photograph Cutlines
 
 
 
75-word Abstract
 
 
        This research examined 986 New York Times  images to assess the impact of
nationality, race and gender on named individuals in cutlines.  Chi-square
tests, significant at less than .001,  showed that Americans were named more
often than non-Americans.  Caucasians were named more often than Hispanics,
Asians and Middle Easterners, but less often than people of African descent.
Males were named more often than females.  Two hypotheses were still supported
after controlling for nine story types.
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
Introduction/Literature Review
        A well-established practice in journalism is to view proximity as a strong news
value, which often results in a bias toward covering events and issues close to
the immediate community rather than issues far away from the community in which
the newspaper is published, including news and information from other
nations.[[1]]  As a result, international stories consistently take up small
percentages of the news hole.[[2]]  Everette Dennis has chronicled historical,
social, political and economic reasoning for these trends toward small amounts
of foreign news in American newspapers as well.[[3]] One journalism and mass
communication dean has noted that American newspapers seem to value stories
featuring Americans over stories about people from other nations.[[4]]   His
observation would probably apply to many American newspapers.
                A British press baron once posted this notice in his newsroom:  "One
                        Englishman is a         story.  Ten Frenchmen is a story.  One hundred Germans is a
story.          One thousand Indians is a story.  Nothing ever happens in Chile."
                American journalists may think of themselves as more progressive than their
                English cousins on Fleet Street.  But the motto could as easily have been
posted on               the wall of a U.S. newsroom.[[5]]
 
        In one of the few studies about international news photos, the researcher found
that United States newspapers devote less space to foreign news photos than
Canadian newspapers and that most international news photos in Canadian
newspapers concerned U.S. news, while virtually none of the international news
photos in U.S. newspapers concerned Canadian news.[[6]]
        In a study of more than 250,000 newspaper photographs published during a
53-year time span, Lester[[7]] found that coverage of minorities in American
newspaper photos has increased steadily over the past 50 years, but that this
was accompanied by an increase in stereotypical (crime, sports and
entertainment) content categories.
 
        Research by the University of Southern California/New York University Women,
Men and Media Project has consistently noted low frequencies of women as sources
in newspaper
stories.[[8]]  In 1992, the researchers found that on front page stories of 20
newspapers, only 15 percent of the sources were women.[[9]]  A national study by
McGrath[[10]] found that newspaper readership by women is declining faster than
readership by men.  Fair[[11]] concluded that media images of African women tend
to marginalize them and depict them as dependent on men.
        Social psychologists and historians have found that the practice of giving
individuals names supports the idea that most cultures value names and that
there are strong connections between and individual's name and his or her
identity.[[12]]  Names are also viewed as indicators of cultural and social
ideologies for individuals and groups.[[13]]  This line of research shows that
most human beings value their names, and it could be reasonably argued that most
people probably expect their names to appear when their images appear in the
newspaper.
        Many newspaper editors and photographers have had the experience of a mother or
father calling the newspaper office to ask why their child's name did not appear
when they were sitting right beside the lead trumpet player or running right
beside the star basketball player.  Journalists understand that the lead trumpet
player or basketball star was probably the central figure in the photograph, but
parents often may not appreciate this.  But, when individuals are central to the
story or the point of the photograph, it is reasonable to assume they expect to
be named.  Are they named? Who gets named and who doesn't?  These are the
central points of this research.
 
Research Questions/Hypotheses
                As noted in the literature review, it is clear that mass communication
researchers have established that there are distortions of nationality, race and
gender in newspapers.  This has been primarily manifest in studies which show
that international stories are not very common in newspapers published in the
United States, that minorities are often subjects of crime, sports and
entertainment stories and that women are largely underrepresented in news
coverage.
        Visual communication has been part of this line of research, yet so far, no
study has looked at effects of nationality, race and gender in newspaper
photographs in the same study.  Moreover, a study which examines the very core
human value of being named or not in newspaper photograph cutlines has yet to be
published.
        Studies which document frequency of appearance of people based on nationality,
race and gender are important measures of media representation.  However, an
even more fundamental way of examining questions of media representation is to
study how newspapers identify or do not identify people based on their
nationality, race and gender when their images do appear in print.  An important
indicator of the value assigned to people who are subjects of newspaper
photographs is whether their names appear in the cutlines which accompany the
newspaper photographs containing their images.
        The idea of using naming of individuals in newspaper photograph cutlines as a
dependent variable raises some worthwhile questions for researchers and
journalists.  Are Americans more likely to be named in newspaper photograph
cutlines than people of other nations?  Are people in newspaper photos with
events or datelines inside the United States more likely to be named than people
in newspaper photos with events or datelines outside the United States?  Are
Caucasians more likely to be named than people of other racial groups?  Are men
more likely to be named than women?  How does story content influence these
trends?
        Specifically, four hypotheses can be advanced to study these issues in a
systematic, measurable, testable way.
        H1:  Americans will be named more often in newspaper photograph cutlines than
people  of other nations.
        H2:  Individuals appearing in photographs with datelines or events inside the
United States will be named more often in newspaper photograph cutlines than
individuals appearing in photographs with datelines or events outside the United
States.
        H3:  Caucasians will be named more often than people of other racial groups
(people of African descent, Hispanics, Asians, Middle Easterners) in newspaper
photograph cutlines.
        H4:  Men will be named more often than women in newspaper photograph cutlines.
 
Method
        To answer the research questions, a content analysis of two randomly
constructed weeks of the New York Times was conducted.  The New York Times was
chosen because it is widely considered one of the most influential American
newspapers with a significant national and international focus.  The publication
time period covered one year,  Sept. 1, 1995- Aug. 31, 1996.
        The unit of analysis was any individual appearing in any photo which contained
people published during the time period of the study.  All story types were
included in the study except for advertising content.  All pages in the issues
of the newspapers were examined.  Two coders coded the photographs along several
dimensions.  First coders established whether the photos contained people or
not.  Then nationality (American or not), race (Caucasian, African descent,
Hispanic, Asian, Middle Easterner) and gender (male, female) of people who
appeared in the photographs were coded.  Individuals who appeared in the
background or who were not otherwise part of the central point of the photo were
not included in the analysis.  Multiple individuals appearing in the same
photograph were coded separately.  Nationality, race and gender were determined
by appearance of the individual and/or textual cues in the cutlines and
datelines.  While this does present some methodological problems, most of the
time people of other nations were identified in such a way that it was clear
that they were from a nation other than the United States.  For example, the
cutline would identify an individual as a Somali woman or an Ethiopian child.
        Other variables were place of event or dateline (nation), story type (natural
disaster, war/conflict, political/government, sports, entertainment/leisure,
crime, religion, human interest/feature, environment, local news, obituaries,
business, technology/science, health/medicine, other disaster
(man-made/accidental), and fashion/product demo).
        An intercoder reliability test of 76 images published in 1994 showed 87-99
percent agreement for all categories between two coders, both graduate students
in an accredited journalism and mass communication program.
 
Results
        A total of 1,104 images of individuals and photos without people were examined.
One hundred and 18 photos (10.7 percent) did not contain images of people and
were eliminated from the analysis.  A total of 986 images of people were
published and included in the analysis.
        Images of 735 (74.5 percent) Americans were published and 249 (25.3 percent)
images of non-Americans were published.  Nationality could not be determined on
two images (0.2 percent).
        The place of the event or dateline was dominated by United States locations;
686 (69.6 percent) of the images originated inside the United States.  Table one
shows the frequencies for all nations represented in the study.
 
Table 1         Frequencies of images by place of event or dateline
Place of Event/Dateline
Frequency
Percent
United States
686
69.6
unstated
111
11.3
Canada
24
2.4
Bosnia/Serbia/Croatia
23
2.3
England
18
1.8
Russia
14
1.4
India
11
1.1
China
10
1
Egypt
8
0.8
Germany
7
0.7
Cuba
7
0.7
Australia
6
0.6
Chechyna
6
0.6
Japan
6
0.6
Israel
5
0.5
Italy
5
0.5
South Korea
5
0.5
Ethiopia
5
0.5
Phillipines
5
0.5
France
5
0.5
Mexico
4
0.4
Thailand
4
0.4
Brazil
2
0.2
Poland
2
0.2
Haiti
2
0.2
Ireland
1
0.1
South Africa
1
0.1
Pakistan
1
0.1
Denmark
1
0.1
Afghanistan
1
0.1
Totals
986
100
Note:  N= 986.
 
        Caucasians were dominant in the images;  704 (71.4 percent) of people pictured
were Caucasian; 158 (15.8 percent) were of African descent; 45 (4.6 percent)
were Middle Eastern; 40 (4.1) percent were Asian and 37 (3.8 percent) were
Hispanic.  Race could not be identified in four (.04 percent) of the images.
        Images of males (656, 66.5 percent) were more prevalent than images of women
(312, 31.6 percent).  Gender could not be determined for 18 (1.8 percent) of the
images.
        Of the 986 images analyzed, 529 (53.7) contained individuals who were listed by
name in the cutline.  Almost half (457, 46.3 percent) were not named.
        Crosstabulations and Chi-square analyses were performed to test the hypotheses
among the images of people.  The significance level was set at .05.  Almost all
hypotheses were supported by the Pearson Chi-square analysis of statistical
significance.
        H1 was supported.  Americans were named more than twice as often as people of
other nations in newspaper photograph cutlines as indicated in Table 2.
 
Table 2:  Chi-square analysis of nationality by naming in newspaper photograph
cutlines
Nationality
Not named
Named
non-American
191 (76.7 %)
58 (23.3 %)
American
264 (35.9 %)
471 (64.1 %)
Total
455 (46.2%)
529 (53.8%)
Note.  N= 984, Chi-square= 124.48, p= <.001
 
        H2 was supported.    Individuals appearing in photographs with datelines or
events inside the United States were named more often than individuals appearing
in photographs with datelines or events outside the United States.  An initial
crosstabulation revealed 45 cells with too few frequencies to perform a
chi-square analysis, so locations were collapsed into regions.  Table 3 shows
that among locations or datelines that were listed, only Americans were more
often named than not named in newspaper photograph cutlines.  People in
locations in Western Europe were the next group most often named, followed by
people in locations in Mexico/South America and the Caribbean.  People in other
regions were named in less than 30 percent of the images.
 
Table 3:  Chi-square of place of event or dateline by naming in newspaper
cutlines
Place of Event/Dateline
Not named
Named
United States/Canada
290 (40.8 %)
420 (59.2%)
unstated
54 (48.6%)
57 (51.4%)
Western Europe
36 (60 %)
24 (40%)
Mexico/South America/Caribbean
10 (66.7%)
5 (33.3%)
Asia/Australia
34 (70.8%)
14 (29.2%)
Russia/Eastern Europe/Republics
18 (78.3%)
5 (21.7 %)
Africa/Middle East
15 (78.9%)
4 (21.1%)
Totals
457 (46.3%)
529 (53.7%)
N= 986, Chi-Square= 44.98, p= <.001
 
        H3 was supported with one exception.  People of African descent were named more
often than any other racial group.  Caucasians were named more often than
Asians, Hispanics and Middle Easterners.  Asians were named the least often.
Table 4 shows the results of the analysis.
 
Table 4:  Chi-square of race by naming in newspaper photograph cutlines
Race
Not named
Named
African descent
58 (37.2%)
98 (62.8%)
Caucasian
317 (45%)
387 (55%)
Hispanic
19 (51.4%)
18 (48.6%)
Middle Eastern
31 (68.9%)
14 (31.1%)
Asian
29 (72.5 %)
11 (27.5%)
Totals
454 (46.2%)
528 (53.8%)
Note.  N= 982, Chi-square= 26.34, p= <.001
 
        H4 was also supported.  Men were named more often than women in newspaper
photograph cutlines as Table 5 indicates.
Table 5:  Chi-square of gender by naming in newspaper photograph cutlines
Gender
Not named
Named
Male
271 (41.3%)
385 (58.7%)
Female
168 (53.8%)
144 (46.3%)
Totals
439 (45.4 %)
529 (54.6%)
Note.  N= 968, Chi-square= 13.41, p= <.001
 
Discussion and Exploratory Research
        This study supports the hypotheses advanced; all but one was highly significant
at less than .001.  Americans were more than twice as likely as non-Americans to
be named in photograph cutlines.  Photographs covering events or with datelines
in the United States were much more likely to include names than photographs of
events or with datelines outside the United States.  With the exception of
people of African descent, Caucasians were much more likely to be named than
people of other racial groups.  Men were much more likely to be named than
women.
        What are possible explanations for these findings?  One possibility is that
certain story types might naturally exclude names because of difficulty in
obtaining identification of individuals or for other reasons.  To test for this
possibility that story type may have an impact on the hypotheses, an exploratory
Chi-square analysis of story type and whether individuals were named or not was
performed.  Some categories from the original list were collapsed to enable
statistical analysis due to empty cells.  Results indicated some differences
among story types as shown in Table 6.  As expected, disaster stories and
war/conflict stories had the highest incidence of not naming individuals. Among
the remaining categories,  features/human interest and local news were the only
categories with less than 50 percent of the individuals named.
 
 
Table 6:  Chi-square of story type by naming in newspaper photograph cutlines
Story Type
Not named
Named
Business
22 (23.2%)
73 (76.8%)
Entertainment
63 (28%)
162 (72%)
Crime
17 (35.4%)
31 (64.6%)
Sports
73 (42%)
101 (58%)
Politics/Government
54 (47.8%)
59 (52.2%)
Features/Human Interest
71 (58.7%)
50 (41.3%)
Local News
67 (66.3%)
34 (33.7%)
War/Conflict
61 (81.3%)
14 (18.7%)
Disasters
29 (85.3%)
5 (14.7%)
Totals
457 (46.3%)
529 (53.7%)
Note:  N=986, Chi-square= 136.04, p= <.001
 
        To further examine the proposition that story type might influence the results
of the hypothesis testing, exploratory crosstabulations and Chi-squares (where
possible) with each story type as control variables were performed for each of
the four hypotheses.  This resulted in several dozen additional crosstabulations
and Chi-Squares which were somewhat difficult to interpret due to many cells
with frequencies too small to run the significance analyses.  However it appears
that across some story types the findings from the hypotheses testing still held
true.
        Table 7 shows that Americans in photographs were named more often than
non-Americans across six story types including sports, entertainment, features,
local news and business, all significant at less than .01 and
politics/government, significant at less than .05.   Disaster stories and
war/conflict stories featured only Americans, so there was no way to compare
with non-Americans on those types of stories.  There were no significant
differences on naming among crime stories.  Cells with small frequencies should
be interpreted with caution of course, but it appears that the hypothesis that
Americans would be named more often than non-Americans in newspaper cutlines was
still supported after controlling for story type.
Table 7:  Chi-squares of story type by naming by nationality in newspaper
cutlines
Story type
Nationality
Not named
Named
Chi-square
p
Disasters
non-American
0
0
 
 
 
American
 29 (85.3%)
 5 (14.7%)
 
 
War/Conflict
non-American
0
0
 
 
 
American
60 (81.1 %)
14 (18.9%)
 
 
Politics/Gov't
non-American
6 (85.7%)
1 (14.3%)
 
 
 
American
48 (45.3%)
58 (54.7%)
4.3
<.05
Sports
non-American
55 (87.3%)
8 (12.7%)
 
 
 
American
18 (16.2%)
93 (83.8%)
83.39
<.001
Entertainment
non-American
51 (54.8%)
42 (45.2%)
 
 
 
American
12 (9.1%)
120 (90.9%)
56.64
<.001
Crime
non-American
1 (100%)
0
 
 
 
American
16 (34%)
31 (66%)
 
 
Features
non-American
44 (97.8%)
1 (2.2%)
 
 
 
American
26 (34.7%)
49 (65.3%)
46.09
<.001
Local news
non-American
18 (100%)
0
 
 
 
American
49 (59.9%)
34 (41 %)
11.12
<.001
Business
non-American
16 (72.7%)
6 (27.3%)
 
 
 
American
6 (8.2%)
67 (91.8%)
39.53
<.001
Note.  N= 986.
 
        Frequencies were too small in numerous cells to accurately test the influence
of story types on  whether individuals in photos with events or datelines inside
the United States were named more often than individuals in photos with events
or datelines in nations and regions outside the United States.  Therefore,
categories were collapsed to include events or datelines outside the United
States/Canada and inside the United States/Canada.  Table 8 shows that
individuals in photographs with events or datelines inside the United
States/Canada were named more often than individuals in photographs with events
or datelines outside the United States/Canada when the stories were about
politics/government, sports and features.  There were not significant
differences between the two groups on the other story types, suggesting that
story type may have some impact on naming by location and lending weaker support
for the original hypothesis.
 Table 8:  Chi-squares of story type by naming by location in newspaper cutlines
Story type
Location
Not named
Named
Chi-square
p
Disasters
outside U.S./Canada
15 (93.8%)
1 (6.3%)
 
 
 
inside U.S./Canada
14 (77.8%)
4 (22.2%)
 
 
War/Conflict
outside U.S./Canada
49 (79%)
13 (21%)
 
 
 
inside U.S./Canada
12 (92.3%)
1 (7.7%)
 
 
Politics/Gov't
outside U.S./Canada
25 (58.1%)
18 (41.9%)
 
 
 
inside U.S./Canada
29 (41.4%)
41 (58.6%)
2.98
<.05
Sports
outside U.S./Canada
18 (66.7%)
9 (33.3%)
 
 
 
inside U.S./Canada
55 (37.4%)
92 (62.6%)
8.02
<.01
Entertainment
outside U.S./Canada
10 (21.7%)
36 (78.3%)
 
 
 
inside U.S./Canada
53 (29.6 %)
126 (70.4%)
 
 
Crime
outside U.S./Canada
2 (28.6%)
5 (71.4%)
 
 
 
inside U.S./Canada
15 (36.6%)
26 (63.4%)
 
 
Features
outside U.S./Canada
46 (73%)
17 (27%)
 
 
 
inside U.S./Canada
25 (43.1%)
33 (56.9%)
11.14
<.001
Local news
outside U.S./Canada
0
0
 
 
 
inside U.S./Canada
67 (66.3%)
34 (33.7%)
 
 
Business
outside U.S./Canada
2 (16.7%)
10 (83.3%)
 
 
 
inside U.S./Canada
20 (24.1%)
63 (75.9%)
 
 
Note.  N= 986.
 
        People of African descent were named more often than individuals of other
racial groups across four story groups including sports (p= <.01), entertainment
(p= <.001), crime (p=<.05) and features (<.05). Three of these categories
(sports, entertainment and crime) represent stereotypical story types for people
of African descent and should not be viewed as evidence of achievement.  There
were no significant differences among the other story types, primarily due to
small cell frequencies.  However, it is interesting to note that only one person
of African descent, two Asians and two Hispanics showed up in business
photographs, while 69 Caucasians were featured in such images.  Several low cell
frequencies on this variable made statistical inference impossible, so race
categories were collapsed into two categories,  non-Caucasian and Caucasian.
Table 9 summarizes these chi-square tests.  Caucasians were named more often
than non-Caucasians on stories about war/conflict and local news, but less often
than non-Caucasians on sports and entertainment stories.  These findings show
that story type may have an influence and that the hypothesis that Caucasians
would be named more than any other racial group is weakened.  However, this may
still be largely due to the fact that non-Caucasians were named more often on
sports and entertainment stories.
 
Table 9:  Chi-squares of story type by naming by race in newspaper photograph
cutlines
Story type
Race
Not named
Named
Chi-square
p
Disasters
non-Caucasian
11 (91.7%)
1 (8.3%)
 
 
 
Caucasian
18 (81.8%)
4 (18.2%)
 
 
War/Conflict
non-Caucasian
27 (93.1%)
2 (6.9%)
 
 
 
Caucasian
32 (72.7%)
12 (27.3%)
4.68
<.05
Politics/Gov't
non-Caucasian
18 (50%)
18 (50%)
 
 
 
Caucasian
36 (46.8%)
41 (53.2%)
 
 
Sports
non-Caucasian
20 (29.9%)
47 (70.1%)
 
 
 
Caucasian
53 (49.5%)
54 (50.5%)
6.55
<.01
Entertainment
non-Caucasian
6 (16.2%)
31 (83.8%)
 
 
 
Caucasian
57 (30.5%)
130 (69.5%)
3.11
<.05
Crime
non-Caucasian
5 (27.8%)
13 (72.2%)
 
 
 
Caucasian
12 (40%)
18 (60%)
 
 
Features
non-Caucasian
21 (55.3%)
17 (44.7%)
 
 
 
Caucasian
49 (59.8%)
33 (40.2%)
 
 
Local news
non-Caucasian
28 (77.8%)
8 (22.2%)
 
 
 
Caucasian
39 (60%)
26 (60%)
3.28
<.05
Business
non-Caucasian
1 (20%)
4 (80%)
 
 
 
Caucasian
21 (23.3%)
69 (76.7%)
 
 
Note.  N= 982.
           Males were named more often than women in five story types including
politics/gov't,
sports, features, local news and business.  Women were named more often than men
in association with crime stories.  Table 10 shows that the hypothesis that men
would be named more often than women in photograph cutlines was still supported
after controlling for story type.
Table 10:  Chi-squares of story type by naming by gender in cutlines
Story type
Gender
Not named
Named
Chi-square
p
Disasters
Female
12 (85.6%)
2 (14.3%)
 
 
 
Male
11 (76.6%)
3 (21.4 %)
 
 
War/Conflict
Female
17 (89.5%)
2 (10.5%)
 
 
 
Male
38 (76 %)
12 (24%)
 
 
Politics/Gov't
Female
21 (61.8%)
13 (38.2%)
 
 
 
Male
33 (41.8%)
46 (58.2%)
3.81
<.05
Sports
Female
11 (64.7%)
6 (35.3%)
 
 
 
Male
62 (39.5%)
95 (60.5%)
4
<.05
Entertainment
Female
21 (24.1%)
66 (62.6%)
 
 
 
Male
42 (30.4%)
96 (69.6%)
 
 
Crime
Female
1 (8.3%)
11 (91.7%)
 
 
 
Male
16 (44.4%)
20 (55.6%)
5.13
<.05
Features
Female
48 (66.7%)
24 (33.3%)
 
 
 
Male
17 (39.5%)
26 (60.5%)
8.06
<.01
Local news
Female
27 (90.0%)
3 (10%)
 
 
 
Male
40 (56.3%)
31 (43.7%)
10.7
<.001
Business
Female
10 (37%)
17 (63%)
 
 
 
Male
12 (17.6%)
56 (82.4%)
4.08
<.05
Note.  N= 968.
 
 
        Overall, two of the hypotheses remained strong after the exploratory research
was performed.  Americans were named more often than non-Americans and men were
named more often than women after controlling for story type.  The other two
hypotheses were weakened by exploration of the impact of story type.  It appears
that whether a photograph with a dateline or was covering an issue inside the
United States or outside the United States was not a strong predictor of naming
when story type was controlled.  Similarly, race did not appear to have a strong
impact, but this may be due to stereotypical coverage of people of African
descent.  Clearly, images of people of other races (Asians, Hispanics and Middle
Easterners) were not very common.
        These findings suggest that photojournalists, photo editors or editors at the
New York Times or their sources for these images may not be equally identifying
people of other nations and women in cutlines as measured by the practice of
naming or not naming individuals central to the visual story in photograph
cutlines.  It is understandable that in professional journalistic practice that
sometimes on some story categories identification of individuals by name is
impossible to obtain.  Indeed, in disaster stories and war/conflict stories,
this study found that a large majority of individuals were not named.  However,
the exploratory analysis also showed that Caucasians were more likely to be
named than Asians, Hispanics and Middle Easterners in association with such
story categories.  Males were more likely than women to be named in both story
categories as well.
        This and other findings in the study suggest some cultural bias.  If
journalists seek to be more diverse in coverage of news and information, naming
individuals of all nationalities, races and genders whenever possible is an
obvious place to begin.  Since statistically significant findings were supported
by this study, visual communication researchers should broaden research in this
area by conducting studies of wider scope for improved generalizability.
Perhaps an expanded study of a larger number of United States newspapers and
international newspapers would bring the research to a higher level of
abstraction and generalizability.
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
Endnotes
 
[1] [1] []  Jack Fuller, News Values:  Ideas for an Information Age, Chicago,
Illinois:  University of Chicago Press, 1996.
[2] [2] []  Daniel Riffe, et. al., The Shrinking Foreign Newshole of the New
York Times.  Newspaper Research Journal, Summer 1994, pp. 74-88.
[3] [3] []  Everette Dennis, ed., Global News After the War.  Media Studies
Journal, Fall 1993.
[4] [4] []  John M. Hamilton and George A. Krimsky, Hold the Press:  The Inside
Story on Newspapers.  Baton Rouge, Louisiana:  Louisiana State University Press,
1996.
[5] [5] []  Hamilton and Krimsky, op. cit., pp. 70-71.
[6] [6] [] Roy E. Blackwood, International News Photos in U.S. and Canadian
Papers.  Journalism Quarterly, Spring 1987, pp. 195-199.
[7] [7] []   Paul Martin Lester, African-American Photo Coverage in Four U.S.
Newspapers, 1937-1990.  Journalism Quarterly, Summer 1994, pp. 380-394.
[8] [8] []  Karen Schmidt and Colleen Collins, Showdown at Gender Gap.  American
Journalism Review, July-August, 1993, pp. 39-42.
[9] [9] []  Debra Gersh, Women Still Underrepresented.  Editor & Publisher, May
15, 1993, pp. 20-21.
[10] [10]       []  Kristin McGrath, Women and Newspapers.  Newspaper Research
Journal, Spring 1993, pp. 95-109.
[11] [11]       []  Jo Ellen Fair, The Body Politic, the Bodies of Women, and the
Politics of Famine in U.S. Television Coverage of Famine in the Horn of Africa.
Journalism & Mass Communication Monographs, August 1996.
[12] [12]       []  Rachel Dinur, Benjamin Beir-Hallahmi and John E. Hoffman, First
Names as Identity Stereotypes. Journal of Social Psychology, April 1996,
pp.191-200.
[13] [13]       []  Gloria L. Main, Naming Children in Early New England.  Journal of
Interdisciplinary History, Summer 1996, pp. 1-26.