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An analysis of online sites produced by U.S. newspapers:
 Are the critics right?
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
          Jon Gubman            Jennifer Greer
          Graduate Student              Assistant Professor
 
University of Nevada-Reno
Reynolds School of Journalism/310
Reno, NV 89557-0040
 
 (702) 784-4191
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Paper submitted for consideration by the Newspaper Division of AEJMC, 1997
 
 
An analysis of online sites produced by U.S. newspapers:
 Are the critics right?
 
Abstract
 
 
        A content analysis of 83 sites produced by U.S. newspapers was conducted to
examine whether criticism directed at the industry for failing to adapt to new
technology is well-founded.  The research shows online newspapers making strides
in placement of news and reader interaction.  Online papers are not doing as
well adapting to the digital environment in news content and presentation of
news.  Sites produced by large newspapers appear closer to the critics' "ideal"
than small newspapers.
 The much-hyped digital revolution is upon us.  About 14% of U.S.  households
are reported to be accessing the Internet (Levins, 1997), and it is estimated
that by the year 2000, 50% of U.S.  homes will have online access (Cohen, 1996).
Mass media outlets are rushing to secure their future in this new digital age,
and newspapers are no exception.  The industry is rapidly creating a presence on
the Internet.  The onset of 1994 saw only 20 online newspapers.  By early 1996,
that number had grown to about 900, with about 450 operating in the United
States alone (Outing, 1996).  In January 1997, nearly 1,600 online newspapers
were being published worldwide, including 820 U.S.  products (Levins, 1997).
However, many newspapers are entering the fray with no clear reason other than
to simply create an online presence.  Critics charge that an online presence
alone will not draw the audience these ventures need to be successful.  Noack
(1997) argues that the new medium requires that newspaper Web pages be treated
differently in terms of length of stories and other content characteristics.
Too many of the hundreds of newspaper sites on the Web, he contends, "add up to
little more than static boards displaying weather, tourist and civic
information, or telephone numbers of editors at the newspaper" (32I).
     The question confronting online newspapers is how to reinvent the print
industry's conventions and practices to produce an entertaining, informative,
and useful online product for consumers.  While newspapers scurry to put their
products on the World Wide Web and other online formats, critics and industry
observers outline how online newspapers should look and what services they
should include.  Little systematic research has emerged to date describing what
the emerging world of online newspapers looks like.  This paper aims to fill
that gap through a content analysis of online publications being produced by
U.S.  newspapers.  First, the views of critics and industry observers are
reviewed.  Next, to see whether these criticisms and observations are accurate,
a study of 83 online newspapers is detailed.  The paper concludes with a
discussion about the strides online publications have made and offers
suggestions for further research on online newspaper content and services.
     Literature review
        The Internet and the birth of online newspapers presents the news industry with
the challenge of discovering the best ways to communicate in the new medium.  To
be successful, news professionals must first find the forms of communication
that work online.  Simply reproducing the print newspaper online will not work
because of the constraints of using a computer.  The small screen size of
computers make them inhospitable to long text stories (Fitzgerald, 1996), and
hypertext jumps make it easy for users to get lost and therefore click out of a
site.  In a 1995 study of the San Jose Mercury-News' online edition, Mueller and
Kamerer found that while readers saw the online paper as a useful tool, it was
no substitute for a printed newspaper.  Subjects found the new medium
unappealing leisurely browsing, inappropriate for all news material,
uncomfortable to travel through, and more difficult to read than traditional
newspapers (Mueller & Kamerer, 1995).  Analysts identify five areas on which
newspapers must concentrate when going digital: Structure, content, news
writing, reader interaction, and user services.
Structure
        Online newspapers have drawn criticism for not creatively rethinking new
formats for news delivery.  Most critics blast newspapers just reproducing the
print product online (Katz, 1994, Reason 1995a, Pogash 1996, Lasica 1996a,
1996d, 1996e, 1996f).  Regan (1995) argues:
     Simply sticking your content - or shovelware - on a Web site just
     doesn't cut it any more.  With the tsunami of newspapers flooding the
     Internet, the need to differentiate yourself is crucial (p.  78).
 
Katz (1994) maintains that online experiences are fundamentally different from
the functions of traditional newspapers.  The online environment has much less
organization and predictability.  Readers feel their way through it, never quite
sure where they will be led.  Peggie Stark Adam, a Poynter associate in visual
journalism, calls for publishers not to be overwhelmed by the technology and
simply dump their print versions onto Web sites, but to think creatively and
holistically through the development, creation, and delivery of information
(Reason, 1995a).
        So what changes should be made? Mike Gordon, director of Access Atlanta,
advises editors to design a shallow structure online by offering news on the
first available screen.  Gordon says online readers are reluctant to click
through several screens to find news content, therefore news should be as close
to the first available screen as possible (Reason, 1995d).  Dominique Noth, an
Internet consultant for media, also advocates a shallow structure.  Many papers
make readers delve three to four levels into the site to find news.  This is
time consuming and may cause users to get "lost" before they find the
information they are looking for (Noth, 1996b).  San Jose's Mercury Center, in
contrast, was the first online newspaper to offer a shallow structure.  Bruce
Koon, the managing editor of the Mercury Center, says this immediacy was key in
capturing users (Reason, 1995b).
Content
     Traditionally, news has been categorized as local, national, or
international.  Because the World Wide Web eliminates the geographic barriers
that come with distributing a timely print product, online newspapers are
grappling with what content they will carry.  Many online newspapers feel they
should continue to provide geographically "local" news.  Others, such as the
Radio and Television News Directors Foundation, think the Internet represents an
opportunity for online newspapers to redefine "local," arguing that local
content is news of interest to like-minded people.  Communities and localities
can now be thought of as interest groups.  For example, bicycle news would be
"local" to bicycle enthusiasts world-wide (RTNDF, 1996).
     Some strongly contend that online newspapers should, like print papers,
produce national news.  Susan Mernit, editor of New Jersey Online, argues that
online publications should deliver national newsDbut with a local spin.  Mernit
says difficulty arises when consumers expect the news to be up-to-the-minute.
This push for timeliness means that every online paper will have the same
stories from the same sources, usually a wire service like the Associated Press
(Cohen, 1996).  Many online papers now offer one or more automated wire services
for national news (Reason, 1995d).  Noth (1996b) also is critical of many online
papers for simply reproducing AP stories on their sites and calls for online
papers to individualize their stories and create their own local spin on
national events.
Writing style and the look of news
     Just what constitutes a news story in the online environment? Although no
dominant model has emerged, new media allows for experimentation with writing
style and the incorporation of various media elements.  NandO.net's director,
Rafael Bonnelly, asserts that the inverted pyramid style of writing will
continue to be the most important model but may be modified for online use.
Online journalists may write in multiple inverted pyramids, or what Kevin
McKenna, director of The New York Times Electronic Media, calls "serial
storytelling."  Reporters will have to tell their stories in 400- to 500-word
installments.  This form of storytelling fits the medium because the computer
screen is inhospitable to long stories; a 10-inch column seems endless on a
computer screen (Fitzgerald, 1996).  Ruth Gersh, editor of multimedia at the
Associated Press, sees the broadcast model fitting the medium.  Gersh advises
online newspapers to use attribution first, keep the sections of the story
short, and repeat attribution because it takes too much effort to go back a page
online (Fitzgerald, 1996).  In a 1996 discussion on the LISTSERV JOURNET,
several journalism educators and professionals agreed with Gersh's expectation
of the broadcast style emerging as the dominant writing style online because of
the use of the present tense, short sentences, simple language, and direct
sentence structure  (Franklin, Grow, Hamlett, Herbert, Sands, & Weispfenning,
1996).  However, others argued that broadcast style is too terse and defend the
viability of longer, more substantial novella-length writing on the Internet.
They believe the power of the written word is compelling enough to capture the
attention of the audience, even for several screens (Franklin, et al., 1996).
        The changing face of news will go beyond writing style.  The Radio and
Television News Directors Foundation experts see news reports combining multiple
media elements; text, sound, still images, animation, and video (RTNDF, 1996).
Mark Fitzgerald, Editor & Publisher's Midwest editor also envisions a story as a
mix of text, sound, video, and graphics (Fitzgerald, 1996).  San Jose's Koon
agrees that online newspaper reports will mix various mediums and predicts a
challenge in finding reporters who are able to successfully collect audio and
video materials (Reason, 1995b).  The St.  Petersburg Times and the Boston
Globe, for example, are experimenting with the new forms of storytelling by
creating environments in which users can experience the stories for themselves.
St.  Petersburg Times Interactive provides a virtual museum that guides users
through images and stories from a local museum exhibit, while Boston Globe
Online features a virtual tour of Massachusetts (Cohen, 1996).  Rochelle Lavin,
online editor of the St. Petersburg Times Interactive, calls this journalism at
a different level; it combines text with audio, video, and graphics (Reason,
1995c).  Regan (1995) calls for online papers to link stories with audio, video,
chat groups, and other sites to build an interactive community around each
important story.
        Lasica (1996c) contends that readers do not want newspapers to use flashy
multimedia effects; rather readers want multimedia efforts to enable more reader
interaction with stories.  Susan Mernit likes new multimedia applications, such
as Java and Shockwave, as ways to enhance news stories, but she contends they
are currently not successful because of incompatibility with many Web browsers.
When these multimedia services become compatible with all Web browsers, they
will enable the paper to be more easily navigable and aesthetically pleasing, as
well as enhancing storytelling (Cohen, 1996).
User interaction
         Interactivity can allow readers to become active participants in the creation
of news content.  Analysts say online newspapers are not producing sites that
are truly interactive.  Currently, if a site offers the user a set of choices
with predetermined results, it is called interactive.  But true interactivity
allows readers to become participants in the creation of the news (Noth, 1996d).
Katz (1994) argues that the majority of online newspapers simply post their
print stories online, offering some graphics but no e-mail addresses or other
attempts at interactivity.  The online news is decided by editors, not through
discourse with the readers.  To promote interaction online, analysts recommend
including e-mail addresses with columns and stories and providing and
interacting with online discussion forums.
     In his analysis of The New York Times' Web site, Noth (1996a) praises the
online forums and discussion areas on the Web site.  Noth hopes the paper will
respond to the posts it receives, saying forums offer the opportunity for active
participation, encourage a dialogue with the readers and help the paper deliver
news of genuine interest to readers (Noth, 1996a).  Budde (1996) reports that
The Wall Street Journal receives voluminous e-mail, which is filtered by editors
and sometimes incorporated into the newspaper's content.  But Lasica (1996b)
criticizes most other online papers for not providing e-mail addresses and for
the lack of response to issues raised by readers in the papers' electronic
forums.  Feedback is a good way of monitoring reader interest; articles that
receive many responses are given follow-up columns.  User interaction also
builds an online community that could help retain online readers (Lasica,
1996b).  Finally, interactivity fosters a more involved staff (Regan, 1995).
One columnist, who provides her e-mail online and in the printed paper, calls
interaction with readers fun.  "Sort of like those childhood days when we used
to string two cans together and talk on our private line" (Solomon, 1997).
User services
     If online newspapers can provide services that keep users returning to
their sites, the newspapers will gain an important place in the digital
environment and become more attractive to advertisers.  Analysts see navigating
functions, customizable content, and searchable archives services as most
valuable.
        Lasica (1996a) sees the potential of newspapers to become navigational devices
for exploring the news, whether breaking news or what is now considered "old"
news.  New media's ability to archive news stories and sort and retrieve
information by topic can be one of its most valuable services.  News archives
are useful because they come from a reliable source, unlike much of the
information on the Internet, and provide news that has extreme value for the
reader (Noth, 1996d).  Some papers, such as the Atlanta Journal-Constitution,
offer searchable story archives as far back as five years (Reason, 1995d).  Many
new-media watchers see a free online archive as part of a news organization's
responsibility to the public (Biggs, 1997).
        Noth (1996d) recommends searchable classifieds, which are of value to both
users and advertisers.  Martire (1995) sees the most significant impact of
online publications on print products as the hit in print classified linage.  He
advises papers to maintain the classified franchise online.  Other services
touted by analysts and professionals include Mercury Center's personal comics
page, which allows readers to receive strips not available in their geographic
area (Reason, 1995b); the Atlanta Journal-Constitution's four automated wire
services and hypertext links to the Web (Reason, 1995d); and the Boston Globe's
interactive Java news ticker (Cohen, 1996).
     Research Questions
     While there is insufficient prior research on the content and services
offered by online newspapers to formulate hypotheses, the literature cited above
provided the researchers with several paths for analysis.  Industry observers
criticize newspapers for not being innovative enough when going digital.  This
research is designed to test whether the criticism is valid.  The researchers
took the view that the critics were correct, expecting to find the flaws
outlined above.
     On structure  issues, the researchers expected that most online papers
studied would not contain news on the first available screen.  On content
issues, the researchers expected that most online newspapers would provide
geographically local content similar to their print versions and would not
customize national news; instead, national news would appear mainly in links to
news wires.  On news writing and news presentation issues, the researchers
expected that the news articles would resemble those in the print products,
using traditional newspaper writing style with linear storytelling instead of
linked boxes of text.  The researchers also expected to find few sites using
multimedia applications to tell the news.  For user interaction, the researchers
expected few papers to be providing staff e-mail addresses or online forums to
allow for reader feedback.  User services are one of the few areas in which
analysts see progress, therefore researchers expected most online products to
have searchable archives, carry advertising, and have searchable classified ads.
For other services, such as customizable news, comics and Internet access, the
researchers had no expectations.
     The researchers also were interested in how online products connected with
larger print newspapers (those with circulation greater than 300,000) differed
from those at mid-sized (100,000 to 300,000) and smaller print newspapers
(circulation less than 100,000) in each of the above categories.  It was
expected that because larger print newspapers might have greater resources
available, their online products might be closer to the critics' ideal.
Similarly, researchers were interested in how more established sites (those that
had gone online in 1994 or 1995) compared with newer sites (those started in
1996 or 1997).  It was expected that more established sites might have had more
time to make improvements and therefore might be closer to the critics' ideal.
        Method
        To answer the research questions outlined above, researchers conducted a
content analysis of a sample of U.S.  online newspapers.  First, a list of all
online newspapers currently publishing in the United States was obtained from
the Editor & Publisher Web site's online newspaper section.  As of February
1997, the list included about 880 online newspapers, alternative publications,
publishing groups, news magazines and specialty publications in the United
States.  The list is routinely updated to add new papers and remove some no
longer publishing.  The list had been updated within a month of the time the
sample was drawn for this study.
     Because researchers were interested in how print newspapers are adapting to
the online environment, the target population was online newspaper sites
actually providing news content and connected with a U.S.  newspaper.  About 60
percent of the total publications listed on the site are classified as daily
newspapers.  In addition, some of the daily newspaper sites on the Editor &
Publisher list are informational only, providing details about the print
product.  The site also includes news magazines, business publications, and
alternative weeklies with online products.  These publications were not
considered for the sample.  The list also contains a small number of dial-up
(BBS) services (33) that were not included in the sample.   Finally, some of the
880 publications listed were no longer online at the time the sample was drawn.
The researchers estimate that about 50 percent of the total U.S.  Web sites
listed by Editor & Publisher match the criteria for the sample.
     Researchers then selected newspapers to achieve regional distribution by
choosing one online newspaper under each state listing.  Next, additional sites
were selected under the "national" category.  Additional online products were
added to the sample to achieve a balance among online sites connected with large
newspapers (circulation greater than 300,000), those connected with mid-sized
newspapers (circulation from 100,000 to 300,000), and those connected with
smaller newspapers (circulation less than 100,000).[1]  Finally, additional
papers were selected to achieve a balance between more established sites (those
that went online in 1994 or 1995) and newer sites (those started in 1996 or
1997).  The resulting sample consisted of 83 online news publications connected
with U.S.  dailies, about 9.4 percent of the 880 U.S.  sites listed by Editor &
Publisher but closer to 20 percent of the current online publications that meet
the criteria defined by the researchers.
        The unit of analysis for this project was the entire online publication.
Researchers examined the sample publications over a two-week period in February
1997.  First, researchers collected demographic information about the online
site and its corresponding printed newspaper, including location, circulation
size, and date the paper went online.  Next, the researchers coded questions
designed to examine each of the five areas discussed above.  On structure
issues, coders analyzed on what level or screen the first news content appeared
and what the layout of the first news screen looked like.  On content issues,
coders noted whether the publication carried local news, whether national news
was present, whether a link was provided to an automatic news wire such as the
Associated Press, and how recently the news had been updated.  For writing style
and look of news, articles were examined and classified as being
traditional/linear, fragmented or mixed.  For sites with mixed or fragmented
news writing style, the length of the blocks was coded.  Multimedia features,
such as use of audio, video, animation were then analyzed.  For user
interaction, coders noted whether reader feedback was allowed, whether staff or
departmental e-mail addresses were listed, whether online forums were present,
and whether reader responses were posed on the site.  For user services,
researchers examined whether archives were present, how far back archives went,
and whether users were charged for archive retrieval.  In addition, the sites
were coded for use of advertising in general, classified ads, and real estate
ads.  Finally, coders analyzed whether comics were present, whether news could
be customized, whether wires could be searched, and whether Internet access was
provided through the site.
        Two researchers coded aspects of the online publications on prepared code
sheets using a uniform codebook designed for the study.  To determine the
intercoder reliability coefficient, both coders independently analyzed nine of
the 83 publications included in the sample.  Using the formula provided by
North, Holsti, Zaninovvch, and Zines (1963), reliability ranged from +.76 to
+1.00 with an average intercoder reliability of +.91.
Findings
The Sample
        The 83 sites were connected with print newspapers ranging in size from
circulation of 1,435 to 1,893,770.  Nearly 39% (32) were classified as small
newspapers; 32.5% (27) were mid-sized papers; 25.3% (21) were large papers; and
no circulation size was available on 3.6% (3) newspapers.  Papers were evenly
distributed throughout the country: 22 (26.5%) were in the West; 18 (21.7%) were
in the Midwest; 17 (20.4%) were in the South or Southeast; and 22 (26.5%) were
in the Northeast.  Another four papers (4.8%) were located in Alaska, Hawaii, or
the U.S.  Virgin Islands.  Six papers (7.2%) went online in 1994; 29 (34.9%) in
1995; 33 (39.8%) in 1996; and one (1.2%) in 1997.[2]
Structure
        While critics contend that online newspapers make readers click through several
screens to find the news, this expectation was not supported by the data.  (See
Table 1)  More than half of the sites studied (44) contained some form of news
content on the first screen.  In addition, most online products went beyond
simply putting a headline on the first screen devoted to news.  Nearly 70% (58)
included either a headline and capsule of each news story or the headline and
full story on the first news screen, meaning readers could get some news content
without going farther into the site.
        No significant differences emerged on any of the structure questions between
newer sites and more established sites.  However, large newspapers (those with
circulation greater than 300,000) were significantly more likely to have news on
the first available screen (M=1.3) than small newspapers (those with circulation
less than 100,000), which were more likely to wait until the second screen to
include news (M=1.7, t (49) =2.2, p <.04).
Content
        As expected, virtually every site in the sample (74 or 89.2%) provided local
news.  Only nine sites (10.8%) did not.  National news was less common but still
present in a majority of the sites (45 or 54.2%).  However, as the critics
assert, most online news products offering national news are simply offering a
direct feed from a wire service, such as the Associated Press, and making little
effort to put their own spin on national events.  Of the 45 sites offering
national news, 11 offered national news only from a wire service; 17 provided
both a link to an automated news wire and national news in their publication;
and 17 provided national news only in their publication.  (See Table 2)
However, the researchers observed that even the national news in the
publications was mainly taken straight from the Associated Press or another news
wire with no attempt made to customize it.
        The majority of the sites were updating their news content daily.  Of the 59
sites (71.1% of the total 83) updating daily, eight were updating virtually
every hour.  The remaining 24 sites (28.9% of the total 83) had not been updated
within a day of the time the researchers coded the sites.
        As with structure, no significant differences were found between established
and news sites on the content questions.  But differences were found comparing
sites by size of their print companion.  (See Table 2).  Large newspaper sites
were significantly more likely to carry national news than mid-sized or small
paper sites (chi square (2) = 13.7, p < .01).  Similarly, sites connected to
large and mid-sized newspapers were more likely to have a link to an automated
news wire than sites run by small newspapers (chi square (2) = 6.1, p <.05).
Finally, sites connected with small newspapers were less likely to have updated
news content within the hour and more likely to wait longer than 24 hours to
update their news (chi square (4) = 6.1, p <.01).
The look of news
        The critics appear to be correct in asserting that few online newspapers are
adapting their writing style to fit the new medium.  Only 13 (15.7%) of the
newspapers surveyed used any type of linked boxes or non-traditional
storytelling.  Of those 13, three broke up the news copy into blocks shorter
than one screen, three used blocks equal to one screen, and seven used blocks of
text longer than one screen.  (See Table 3)  Likewise, few online services were
using multimedia elements in presenting the news.  While 44 sites (53%) used
animation, 13 (15.7%) used audio, and 6 (7.2%) used video, most sites were using
multimedia in ads, not to tell the news.  Only 12 sites (14.5%) sites used
either audio, video, or animation in news sections.
        Again, no differences emerged on any of the approach to news writing variables
between older and newer sites.  However, several significant differences were
detected when comparing the sites by size of printed newspaper.  Sites connected
with large papers and mid-sized papers were significantly more likely to include
a mix between traditional, linear storytelling and fragmented writing structure
(chi square (2) = 7.28, p.  < .03) than small newspaper sites.  In addition,
small papers were less likely to have sites that featured animation (chi square
(2) = 9.23, p.  < .01), to use audio content (chi square (2) = 11.45, p.  <
.01), and use multimedia approaches to telling the news (chi square (2) =
17.54,
p.  < .001) than larger papers.
User interaction
        Virtually all sites (79 or 95.2% of the total) allowed for some type of reader
feedback, even if they simply included the paper's e-mail address for comments.
Fewer papers, but still the majority (46 sites or 55.4% of the total), provided
either the reporter's or editor's e-mail addresses or gave addresses for
specific departments such as news, opinion, and features.  Papers weren't as
likely to provide online forums.  About 40% (33 sites), allowed readers to
discuss news and issues on forums.  The majority of papers (48 sites or 57.8% of
the total) appear responsive to reader comments, at least to the extent of
posting the comments in a forum, a letters to the editor section, or attached to
news articles.  (See Table 4)
        While no differences emerged in comparing older and newer sites on user
interaction, several differences were detected when comparing the sites by size
of print product.  Virtually all large newspapers provided online readers with
reporter or departmental e-mail addresses, whereas only about a third of the
small papers did so (chi square (2) = 18.70, p.  < .001).  The same pattern held
for providing online discussion forums (chi square (2) = 14.69, p.  < .001).
(See Table 4)
User services
        Although critics urge newspapers to offer searchable news archives free as a
public service, fewer than a third of the sites surveyed are doing so.  While 58
sites (69.9%) do contain archives of news content, some allowing readers to
search for articles published more than five years ago, only 39 sites (47% of
the total 83 ) allow readers to search the archives.  Only 24 (28.9% of the
total 83) did not charge for the search.  (See Table 5)  Few sites (9) provided
searchable news wires, but seven of those nine sites allowed readers to search
the wires for no charge.  Only eight sites (9.6%) allowed readers to create a
customized news profile.  Finally, most sites did not offer comics or Internet
access as a service to readers.
        All but nine of the sites surveyed accepted advertising; 60 (72.3%) contained
classified ads online; and 60 (72.3%) included real estate ads online.
Forty-three papers (51% or the total 83) allowed users to search classified ads;
no paper charged for searching classifieds.  While most sites with real estate
ads only provided text descriptions of the properties, 19 sites combined text
and visuals such as maps and pictures of the houses in their real estate
sections.
        One significant difference emerged between established (1994 or 1995 startup
date) and newer (1996 or 1997 startup date) sites on user services.  All 35
established sites carried advertising at the time of the study, while only 24 of
the 34 newer sites had advertising.[3]  Of the 10 new sites that did not have
advertising, four did not accept ads and six accepted ads but had none on their
site.  As in the other sections above, significant differences for user services
were found when in comparing the sites by the size of their print counterpart.
(See Table 5)  When examining papers providing classified ads online, large and
mid-size papers were much more likely to offer searchable classifieds as a
service than small newspapers (chi square (2) = 16.96, p.  <.001).  Of the
papers providing searchable archives, small papers were less likely to have
online archives dating back more than five years than mid-size or large online
papers (chi square (2) = 19.11, p.  < .05).  Interestingly, small papers were
more likely to provide searchable wires than mid-size or large newspapers (chi
square (2) = 6.53, p.  < .05).  The researchers observed that this finding
probably stemmed from the fact that online services offered by large and
mid-size papers were more likely to provide a link to the Associated Press news
wire, which at the time of the study was in the process of adding a search
function.
 Discussion
        The findings of this study suggest that critics of online newspapers are making
valid statements, at least in some areas. Observations that few newspapers are
rethinking the content they provide online appear to be valid. Online newspapers
seem to be concentrating on the same type of local news present in their print
versions.  Little effort is made to put a local spin on national news; most
online news services simply provide national content in the form in which it is
transmitted by the Associate Press news wire.  While most online newspapers were
updating their content at least daily, few were taking advantage of the
immediacy that Internet news delivery can provide by updating their news content
hourly.  Similarly, online newspapers appear to be making few changes from the
print standard of linear storytelling.  Only a few online newspapers are using
fragmented storytelling styles or using multimedia elements to tell the news.
        However, online newspapers do appear to be doing better than what the critics
contend in other areas.  Critics suggest that online newspapers are doing a poor
job designing a shallow structure, forcing readers to click through several
screens to find the news.  The results of this study do not support that view.
Most sites offer news - typically headlines, pictures, captions, and summaries -
on the first screen available when readers log onto a site.  In addition, most
online newspapers allow for some type of reader interaction with the newspaper
through e-mail.  However, the critics appear correct in their assertion that
most sites are failing to provide online discussion forums.
     The examination of user services also produced mixed results.  Online
newspapers seem to be doing a good job of providing advertising and allowing
users to search classified ads.  However, few papers allow free searching of
news archives, provide searchable news wires, offer customizable news, include
comics, or provide Internet access.
        Some industry observers have touted online publishing as the great equalizer,
allowing small newspapers - or even individuals - to compete with the media
giants.  However, the analysis in this research comparing small, mid-size and
large papers on the five areas shows this is not the case.  Sites run by large
newspapers appear to be coming closer to meeting the ideal described by
professionals and analysts than those run by small newspapers.  Larger
newspapers' online products were more likely than smaller newspapers' online
products to have news available on the first screen, carry national news,
provide links to news wires, update news more frequently, break from the
traditional news writing style, use multimedia in news stories, provide e-mail
addresses, offer online discussion forums, allow searching of classified ads,
and have more comprehensive news archives.  These findings suggest that large
newspapers, which often have more financial and staff resources available to
devote to their online products, do seem to have the advantage over sites
offered by small newspapers.
        Interestingly, the start date of an online news service appears to make no
difference in how well sites are meeting the critics' ideal.  The only
difference detected between established sites and newer sites was in whether
advertising is accepted or present.  This might be explained by the fact that
companies might be reluctant to advertise on a site that has not been proven to
have staying power or that newspapers might have a difficult time convincing
advertisers in their print product to try online advertising.  In addition,
newer sites might take a while to established a policy on accepting advertising
and acquire the staff expertise necessary to help clients design ads for online
consumption.
        While this research has attempted to answer the question of whether the
deficiencies pointed out by critics actually exist, a final question
researchers, professionals and industry observers might ask is whether this
criticism is valid.  For example, while most newspapers do appear guilty of
"shovelware" when putting news content online,  is that necessarily a crime?
Some contend that readers want online papers to contain the information found in
their print product.  While "shovelware" has been repeatedly criticized
elsewhere by analysts, there clearly is a desire for it on newspaper Web sites.
Neil Budde, editor of The Wall Street Journal Online, says people insist on
reproducing virtually everything available in print (Budde, 1996).  Terry
Schwadron, editor of the Los Angeles Times online paper agrees, saying
shovelware is in demand on his site as well (Schwadron, 1996).  John Lux, editor
of the Chicago Tribune Online, says shovelware, treated in the right way, can be
the most compelling content on Web sites.  Searchable shovelware, says Lux, is
one of the most valuable services the Tribune is attempting (Lux, 1996).
        To answer this final question - whether the critics are on track - further
research must be conducted.  Future research should focus on the online
audience.  Audits of online newspapers should be conducted to discover what
areas of the newspaper are most popular - and, conversely, unpopularDto the
audience.  Surveys of the online audience should also be conducted.  These
surveys should measure the enjoyablity of using online newspapers.  Do online
readers prefer to receive their news in a multimedia format that includes text,
animation, sound, graphics and video components, or does this audience prefer
the traditional text-heavy style which currently permeates the field?  Do online
readers enjoy using the sites for the news information they house, or do the
readers prefer the information about local events and activities?  Does the
audience crave online forums in which they can discuss the news and how it
impact their community?
     Reader preferences also could be examined through experimental research
both in the laboratory setting and in real world online environments.
Experimental research might be helpful in studying what style of news
presentation best helps a user understand and process the news.  For example, a
study could be designed to test whether users enjoy creating their own
narratives through the fragmented form of story telling in which they select the
order in reading a series of links.  This type of research also could examine
whether online readers learn and remember more with traditional writing
structure or a more fragmented style.
                Finally, surveys and experimental research of the audience reluctant to use
online newspapers should be conducted.  Why are these people disinclined to use
the online newspapers?  What services could online newspapers offer this
audience to help them overcome their reluctance or anxiety?  Answers to these
questions should provide the industry with a road map of the digital terrain it
should cover and help newspapers produce valuable sites that compel users to
return often.
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[1]  Circulation figures were taken from the 1995 edition of the Editor &
Publisher Yearbook. The non-Sunday or weekday circulation figures were used.
[2]  Online start date could not be determined for 14 (16.9%) of the sample.
[3]  Again, online start date could not be determined for 14 sites.