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Minorities in health stories: How newspapers promote stereotypes,
role models, and awareness of social challenges
Paper submitted to the Minorities and Communications Division
Association for Education in Journalism and Mass Communication
Annaheim, California
August 10-13, 1996
Minorities in health stories: How newspapers promote stereotypes,
role models, and awareness of social challenges
Kristie Alley Swain
Ph.D. student,
College of Journalism and Communications
2000 Weimer Hall
University of Florida
Gainesville, FL 32611
(904) 371-6981
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Dr. Kim Walsh-Childers
Associate Professor, Department of Journalism
College of Journalism & Communications
3044 Weimer Hall
Gainesville, FL 32611
[log in to unmask]
Professor Jean Chance
Associate Professor, Department of Journalism
College of Journalism & Communications
3044 Weimer Hall
Gainesville, FL 32611
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Paper submitted to the Minorities and Communications Division
Association for Education in Journalism and Mass Communication
Annaheim, California August 10-13, 1996
Minorities in health stories: How newspapers promote stereotypes,
role models, and awareness of social challenges
Many news accounts based on facts subtly reinforce racial stereotypes
when they present minorities in a negative light. This study of minority
portrayals in health stories is a content analysis of 134 health-related
articles containing minority coverage that were published in U.S. newspapers
during 1993. After 400 articles from six elite U.S. newspapers and 1,000
non-elite newspaper health articles were downloaded from Lexis/Nexis, these
health stories were analyzed for minority keywords in order to select the 134
health stories (9.6 percent of health stories) that included minority coverage.
The dependent variable was the nature of the minority coverage, while the
independent variable was the play the stories received. Minority coverage
included five dimensions: headline content, story focus, theme of minority
coverage, diseases included in minority coverage and identification of minority
groups that received coverage. The four play variables were newspaper type
(elite or non-elite), wordcount, story placement, and newspaper section type.
Themes were grouped into three categories: those promoting awareness of
health-related challenges facing minorities, those supporting racial
stereotypes, and those promoting a positive or role model image of minorities.
Minorities in health stories: How newspapers promote stereotypes,
role models, and awareness of social challenges
This content analysis studied health-related articles containing
minority coverage published in U.S. newspapers during 1993. After 400 articles
from six elite U.S. newspapers and 1,000 non-elite newspaper health articles
were downloaded from the Lexis/Nexis online database, these stories were
analyzed for minority keywords to select the 134 health stories that included
minority coverage (defined as headline content, story focus, coverage theme,
diseases included in minority coverage and identification of minority groups).
Four play variables were newspaper type (elite or non-elite), wordcount, story
placement, and section type.
Minorities in health stories: How newspapers promote stereotypes,
role models, and awareness of social challenges
On any given day, many news accounts based on facts subtly reinforce
racial stereotypes when they present minorities in a persistently negative
light. Most studies of stereotyping have focused on portrayals of
African-Americans over time and the number of photos of blacks in news and
advertisements, but little has been written about the portrayal of minorities in
health coverage.
After 1965, the year of the Watts riots in Los Angeles, political and
religious critics accused the nation's media organizations for stereotypical
portrayals of African Americans and failure to report on the social inequalities
faced by African Americans. These critics claimed that the portrayals presented
African Americans only as train porters, sports heroes, entertainers, or
criminals and that these stereotypes fueled the frustration that led to the
violence (Lester, 1994).
In a study of photos in Life, Newsweek, and Time magazines from 1937 to
1988, Lester and Smith (1990) found that percentages of African American
visibility have increased over the years, especially in the categories of
everyday life, prominent person, and advertisement subject categories rather
than the stereotypes of crime, sports, and entertainment subject categories.
The Kerner Commission's report on civil disorders (1968), accused the
media of "failing to portray the Negro as a matter of routine and in the context
of the total society," which in turn "contributed to the black-white schism in
this country." Thibodeau (1989) argues that when today's norms regarding what
constitutes stereotyping or subtle racism are not clear, media professionals
face the risk of inadvertently invoking a stereotype.
Martindale (1986) examined African-American portrayals in stories,
columns, letters to the editor, and pictures in the New York Times, Boston
Globe, Chicago Tribune, and Atlanta Constitution. She concluded that editors
have shown "an increased awareness of blacks, and perhaps a desire to cover them
more extensively and realistically than in the past." Sentman (1982), who
looked at African-American coverage in Life magazine from 1937 to 1972, found
that although there was a sharp increase in the total percentage of
African-Americans in the last two years of her study, coverage of blacks
constituted a minute portion of Life's content.
Moore (1990) notes that when newspapers are confronted with complaints
about negative reporting about minorities, many journalists raise the issue of
pandering. In 1994, nearly two-thirds of African Americans said they were upset
at least once a week by the way news organizations cover black issues, according
to a USA Today / CNN / Gallup poll. African Americans are far less satisfied by
press coverage of minority issues than Hispanics or Asians. The telephone poll
also found that a third of blacks, Hispanics, or Asians read their local paper
six or seven days of the week.
In its third annual "State of Hispanic America," the National Council of
La Raza argued that newspapers tend to focus on Latinos as "objects of the news
to be commented on by others, rather than as subjects of the news who have an
authoritative or legitimate perspective to share" (Fitzgerald, 1994, p. 11).
Further, the NCLR argued that Hispanics are often treated as either perpetrators
or victims of crime, drugs, poverty, and sloth.
Lee (1994) notes that Asians are stereotyped as the hardworking, docile,
and meek model minority, while Chinatowns are portrayed as exotic ghettos where
crime is rampant and where a flood of new immigrants are straining resources and
taking away jobs. In her on-line content analysis of 27 major U.S. newspapers
from 1989-1993, Lee found that 2,007 stories covered Asian Americans, 5,282
covered African Americans, and 4,710 covered Hispanic Americans.
Conflict theory, as developed by Duke (1972) assumes that the news and
entertainment media reflect societal issues. Corea (1993) argues that the
television entertainment industry has deliberately developed programs that
broadcast stereotypical projections of African American life, from "Amos 'n'
Andy," "The Jeffersons," and "Sanford and Son" to the more recent sitcoms.
In its coverage of minorities, the news media can create and reinforce a
distorted image of these groups. In her analysis of New Yorker cartoons
portraying black characters, Thibodeau (1989) defined stereotypes as traits and
behaviors that are common to all human beings but are overgeneralized to a
particular group.
Stereotypes "become destructive when they provoke prejudiced,
undifferentiated attributions about the personalities of individuals belonging
to the stereotyped group," Thibodeau argues (p. 492). For example, when
Dickerson (1994) used frame analysis to examine New York Times coverage of two
professors' controversial remarks about race, she found that a black professor
was framed as "illegitimate" while a Jewish professor was framed as
"legitimate."
Lee (1994) contends that media images play a key role not only in
constructing opinions and attitudes about minorities, but also shape how
minorities see themselves in the context of the larger society. The concept of
media framing, which undergirds the premise of this study, has three different
theoretical meanings:
(1) news frames, in which an organizing news story line can be framed
with various devices such as catch phrases, depiction, and examples (Gamson and
Modigliani, 1989). The placement, headlines, and other organizing elements of a
news story are presumed to guide the construction of meanings. The amount of
material presented to the readers helps determine a frame's importance. Sizing
reflects how important a story is to the newspaper and tells the reader about a
story's importance relative to the rest of the day's stories. Bleske (1994)
found that headlines cue readers to organize and integrate the material with
prior information in their memories.
(2) schematic frames, in which an person's knowledge, beliefs, and
experiences lead, emphasize, and select a certain line of interpretations
(Gamson, 1992).
(3) social/contextual frames, in which both news discourse and audience
interpretations simplify and conceptualize ideologies and cultural norms
(Morley, 1992).
METHOD
This study is a content analysis of 134 health-related articles
containing minority coverage that were published in U.S. newspapers during 1993.
This particular year was selected for analysis because it is assumed to be the
most recent year before health care reform became the central health-related
issue in the news media. Thus, it was hoped that health coverage from 1993
would show a representative range of story themes and would not be skewed by the
political health care reform agenda.
Lexis/Nexis, a full-text on-line database, was the source of these
articles. A health article was operationally defined by a string of 69
keywords that appeared in the headline or lead of the articles (Figure 1). This
list of keywords was developed by analyzing health-related stories in a variety
of newspapers and by including names of diseases or other health problems listed
as the top causes of death in the 1990 U.S. census report.
The sampling strategy excluded business journals, obituaries, newswires,
journals, and magazines. A sample of 400 articles was drawn, using systematic
random sampling, from six elite U.S. newspapers: New York Times, Chicago
Tribune, USA Today, Washington Post, Los Angeles Times and the Wall Street
journal. Wall Street Journal articles were downloaded, using the same keywords,
from Wall Street Journal-Ondisc (a CD-ROM archive) because Lexis/Nexis does not
include full-text articles from the Wall Street Journal. These six newspapers
were selected because of their national prominence, their large circulations,
and the elite status conferred on them by previous agenda-setting studies (i.e.,
Shoemaker et al (1989), Shaw and McCombs (1977), and McCombs (1981).
A second systematic random sample of 1,000 non-elite U.S. newspaper
health articles was downloaded from Lexis/Nexis (Table 1). Using a word search
function in the Microsoft Word software package, the 1,400 stories were analyzed
for minority keywords (see Figure 1), in order to select the 134 health stories
(9.6 percent of health stories) that included minority coverage.
One coder analyzed all articles, while a second coder analyzed 20
percent of the articles in order to estimate intercoder reliability. Overall
intercoder reliability was 78.3 percent. The intercoder reliability was 96.4
percent in determining whether a headline was minority-related, 78.6 percent in
determining the minority focus of an article, 96.3 percent in determining which
minority groups were the focus of an article, 87.2 percent in determining the
theme of the minority coverage, 75.5 percent in determining which minorities
received any coverage in an article, 64 percent in determining whether this
minority coverage was about a group, individual, or both; and 45 percent in
determining the precise number of words devoted to each instance of
minority-related coverage. The variables that had intercoder reliabilities of
less than 75 percent were not included in the analysis, but will be recoded
using a different coding scheme. Thus, the valid overall intercoder reliability
for the variables which were included in this study is 86.4 percent.
The unit of analysis for this study was a health-related newspaper
article. The dependent variable was the nature of the minority coverage, while
the independent variable was the play the stories received in the newspapers.
Minority coverage included five dimensions: headline content, story focus, theme
of minority coverage, diseases included in minority coverage and identification
of minority groups that receive coverage. The four play variables were
newspaper type (elite or non-elite), wordcount, story placement, and newspaper
section type.
Headline: The headline of each article was coded according to whether
it contained the name of a minority group or a general minority keyword
(minority, ethnic, racial, race, or immigrant).
Focus: The focus of the article was classified as a specific minority
group, a specific minority individual, more than one minority group or
individual, or no minority or minority issue.
Theme: The theme of the minority-related coverage within an article
was classified using a coding scheme developed through a preliminary screening
of minority articles.
Diseases: When the minority coverage theme was about disease
prevention efforts or how a minority is disproportionately affected by disease,
the coders were asked to identify the diseases or other health problems
associated with this coverage.
Identification of Minorities: If the focus of an article was
classified as minority- oriented, the coders used a classification scheme to
identify the ethnicity of the group or to identify the focus as a general
minority issue.
Newspaper Type: Each story was classified as an elite newspaper (New
York Times, Chicago Tribune, Los Angeles Times, USA Today, Washington Post, or
Wall Street Journal) or as a non-elite newspaper.
Wordcount: The total wordcount was provided within the Lexis/Nexis
header of each article. A minimum wordcount of 500 words was established in
order to eliminate briefs.
Placement: The coders recorded the letter or number identifying the
section, as well as the page number. This information was provided in the
Lexis/Nexis header of each article. The section and page number were then
combined to indicate whether an article was a front page, section front, or
interior story.
Section Type: The section type of each article, provided in the
Lexis/Nexis header, was classified according to whether it was national,
local/state/regional, health/science, financial, features, or
opinion/editorial.
The use of the Lexis/Nexis full-text database posed unique challenges
and possibilities for content analysis. One limitation is that coders cannot
see the visual placement of stories on a page. Also, the researcher must impose
an operational definition of content in using keyword search strategies, which
seldom can be exhaustive enough to retrieve every article containing the desired
content or selective enough to eliminate every article containing irrelevant
usages of the keywords. Another disadvantage of databases is that none can
archive every newspaper in publication nor every article from those newspapers
it does include.
Traditional newspaper content analysis calls for drawing a random sample
from all articles in a given time period, or looking up articles cited in a
newspaper index. When studying a relatively narrow topic, the sample typically
yields a small number of stories. An advantage in using a keyword search is
that a database can quickly and efficiently retrieve every article within a
specific time frame, search for keywords within a particular story segment, such
as the headline or lead, and can exclude newspapers and story types that are not
needed. Also, the database provides information at the top of each article,
such as section type, story location, and wordcount, which can require tedious
coder effort when using bound newspapers or microfiche to measure widths and
lengths of columns, dealing with stories that jump from one page to another, or
manually counting hundreds of words in a story.
Since this is a descriptive study involving a population of articles, no
tests were performed to assess whether any differences are significant.
Analysis of play variables
Most health stories containing minority coverage did not mention a
minority in the headline (79 percent). Of the stories that did have a
minority-oriented headline, all contained less than 2,000 words, two-thirds were
in non-elite newspapers. These stories most frequently focused on Native
Americans, followed by African Americans, Hispanics, immigrants, and general
minorities (Tables 2 and 4).
About 63 percent of all stories were interior stories. About 60 percent
did not actually focus on a minority group or person. Of the ones that did, 22
percent focused on a minority group, 6 percent focused on a minority individual,
and 12 percent focused on two or more minority groups. Non-elite newspapers
were more than twice as likely to focus on a specific minority group, and were
three times as likely to focus on two or more minority groups.
Of the stories with a minority focus, 37 percent appeared in the
national section, 34 percent appeared in the local, state, or regional section,
10 percent appeared in the features section, 8 percent appeared in an opinion
section, and 2 percent appeared in the health or science section. About 8
percent of stories with a minority focus were front page stories, while a third
were section front stories and the remaining 41 percent were interior stories
(Table 3).
Most stories were interior stories (61 percent), while 23 percent were
section front stories and 13 percent were front page stories. Most with a
minority headline were interior stories (59 percent), 34 percent were section
front stories, and 7 percent appeared on the front page (Table 6)
Most stories appearing in the national, features, and opinion sections
focused on African Americans, while those appearing in the local/state section
were more often about Hispanics. The only story with a minority focus appearing
in the health section was about Asians (Table 5). Most national section stories
received interior placement, while most local/state/regional section stories
were section front or interior stories. Most financial stories received section
front placement. All health or science stories were interior, while most
features and opinion section stories also were interior (Table 6)
Diseases
A secondary analysis of the coded stories resulted in 22 disease
categories. This is similar to the results of a content analysis of health
articles published in three African-American interest magazines between 1981 and
1991, in which Cobb (1993) identified 24 types of health disorders. As in the
present study, Cobb found that the largest number of health articles featured
AIDS.
When themes were associated with disease coverage, the minority coverage
usually focused on how a minority is disproportionately affected by disease or
about disease prevention efforts targeting minorities. The diseases
disproportionately affecting minorities included AIDS, Hantavirus, infant
mortality, tuberculosis, heart disease, ovarian cancer, apnea, breast cancer,
diabetes, fetal alcohol syndrome, kidney disease, prostate cancer, skin
diseases, and asthma. Stories about minority disease prevention efforts usually
focused on AIDS (28 percent of these stories), followed by diabetes, eating
disorders, preventable childhood diseases (each accounting for 11 percent of
these stories), and breast cancer, eye diseases, heart disease, hepatitis,
hypertension, oral cancer, and tuberculosis. When disease coverage was
associated with discrimination in health care delivery, it discussed AIDS, fetal
alcohol syndrome, or prostate cancer. Discussion of the Hantavirus appeared in
coverage about racial stereotypes (Table 7).
When a minority group was mentioned in the headline, the disease
associated with the group was most often the Hantavirus, followed by AIDS,
diabetes, heart disease, eye diseases, oral cancer, and ovarian cancer. The
Hantavirus also received the most coverage within stories focusing on a specific
minority group, the Native Americans. Other stories focusing on a specific
minority group covered AIDS, heart disease, eye diseases, and infant mortality.
AIDS was the most frequently covered disease within stories focusing on two or
more minority groups. When a story focused on a minority individual, it
discussed AIDS as associated with Arthur Ashe, breast cancer associated with a
malpractice suit against a Hispanic doctor, and skin diseases associated with
Michael Jackson (Table 8).
When a story focused on African Americans, the coverage usually
discussed an AIDS issue, which accounted for 55 percent of the disease coverage
about this group. Other African-American diseases included preventable
childhood diseases, heart disease, infant mortality, and skin diseases. The
only disease-related coverage in stories focusing on Asians discussed heart
disease. The stories focusing on Hispanics most frequently discussed AIDS,
followed by diabetes, preventable childhood diseases, breast cancer, eye
diseases, and heart disease. Coverage of the Hantavirus accounted for 18
percent of all stories that included discussion of a disease, and these stories
focused on Native Americans. Diabetes also was discussed in a Native American
story. Among stories focusing on immigrants, the disease coverage addressed
AIDS, heart disease, preventable childhood diseases, and eye diseases. When a
story focused on minorities in general, the disease coverage addressed diabetes
and eye diseases
(Table 9).
Minority-related disease coverage that made front page news included
AIDS, breast cancer, diabetes, Hantavirus, hepatitis, hypertension, ovarian
cancer, and tuberculosis. The disease discussion that was always buried in the
interior pages included infant mortality, fetal alcohol syndrome, eating
disorders, kidney disease, oral cancer, prostate cancer, and skin diseases.
Discussion of AIDS was almost twice as likely to appear in a non-elite
newspaper, while discussion of preventable childhood diseases, kidney disease,
ovarian cancer, and skin diseases only appeared in elite newspapers. Diseases
that exclusively appeared in non-elite newspapers included discussion of
tuberculosis, infant mortality, breast cancer, apnea, eating disorders,
hepatitis, prostate cancer, and asthma (Table 10).
Of the longest stories containing disease discussion, those more than
1,500 words, half talked about AIDS. Other diseases that appeared in long
stories were tuberculosis (25 percent of these stories), apnea and asthma (12.5
percent each). Of the shortest stories, 500 to 1,000 words, AIDS was again the
most frequently discussed disease (27 percent of these stories), and other
frequently discussed diseases in these stories were the Hantavirus and infant
mortality (Table 11).
Most minority coverage of disease appeared in the national section (32
percent), local / state / regional (30 percent), or features (24 percent)
sections, not the health or science section (5 percent). About 6 percent of
disease coverage appeared in an opinion section (Table 12).
Themes
The 33 themes identified in minority coverage within health stories
could be grouped into three categories: those promoting awareness of
health-related challenges facing minorities, those supporting racial
stereotypes, and those promoting a positive or role model image of minorities.
Promoting awareness of challenges
Weaver and Garrett (1983) argue that "nowhere is discrimination more
prevalent than in the treatment which women and minorities receive at the hands
of the health industry" (p.79). In the present study, the coverage themes that
promoted awareness of this and other special minority challenges included issues
of:
discrimination in health care delivery or financing
disease prevention efforts targeting minorities
how minorities are disproportionately affected by disease
lack of minority health care providers
the problem of racial stereotypes
adoption of minority children
environmental racism
ethnic genocide in the past
the need for health care facilities for minorities
health care reform issues
nutrition of ethnic food,
parenting issues for minorities
the implications of racial differences in pharmaceutical effects
job discrimination in hospitals
These stories tended to be the longest, typically more than 1,500 words
(Table 13) and nearly 82 percent of stories with a minority headline covered one
of these themes (Table 14).
Reinforcing racial stereotypes
Weaver and Garrett (1983) contend that race role stereotyping acts to
dissuade ethnic minorities from seeking entry into medicine, dentistry, health
care administration, or pharmacy and that media organizations systematically
exclude minorities who have succeeded in the health professions.
Some of the coverage themes could be viewed as subtly reinforcing racial
stereotypes, even when the stories are factual. In this study, these themes
include:
w labeling the Hantavirus as the "Navajo flu" by stating that Navajos
are disproportionately affected by the disease
w substance abuse among African Americans, Asians, Native Americans,
and minorities in general, which can reinforce the image of minorities as
problem citizens
w AIDS among minority groups, which can reinforce the stereotype of
immoral, promiscuous or drug-abusing minorities
w ban of HIV-infected immigrants, which creates a fearful,
disease-ridden image of all immigrants, especially Haitians and Cubans
w cultural factors in fitness, which stated that Asian, Hispanic, and
other minority children tend to exercise less, thus reinforcing stereotypes of
laziness
w depression and other mental illnesses, which could foster the
stereotype of incompetent, problem people
w Native American healing techniques, which promotes a stereotype of
exotic mysticism and non-scientific attitudes
w indigent health care issues, which can reinforce the idea that
minorities are poor, lazy, or sapping resources
w malpractice by a minority physician, in which the story pointed out
the doctor's Hispanic ethnicity and promoted an unethical or incompetent image
of this minority group
w racial discrimination against pregnant African American cheerleaders,
in which the story highlighted the ethnicity of the teens and supported the
stereotype that young blacks are always having babies and burdening society
Creating role models
Not all of the minority coverage addressed problems or reinforced
stereotypes, as several of the themes promoted a role model image of minorities.
These stories:
w highlighted the accomplishments and social contributions of Arthur
Ashe, an African American after he died from AIDS
w focused on the credentials, views, and political agenda of top
minority leaders of government health organizations, such as the African
American surgeon general, the African American national secretary of health,
and the minority heads of National Institutes of Health and Centers for
Disease Control.
w discussed the tobacco industry's attempts to win the support of
minority legislators, thus portraying minorities as stakeholders in national
policy making
w highlighted the community contributions of a minority leader in the
health insurance industry
CONCLUSIONS
The results of this content analysis imply that newspapers throughout
the United States should be commended for their sensitivity and willingness to
give voice to a wide range of health-related social challenges facing
minorities. However, when certain health issues are repeatedly tied to minority
groups, this coverage can re-inforce negative racial stereotypes.
Newspapers should strive for a more balanced presentation of minority
issues in their health coverage and continue to dig deeper for the underlying
sources of frustration facing minorities competing for resources and equality in
the health care system. Although most newspapers have evolved from the blatant
stereotypical coverage of 30 years ago, there still appears to be a need for
greater sensitivity on the part of editors to show minorities as equal members
of society.
In her critical analysis of racially charged stories in the national
media, Moore (1990) commented that "to cover communities that are increasingly
diverse, journalists are going to have to bring to the story a knowledge of and
sensitivity to different kinds of people and cultures. It is no longer
acceptable to work from a limited personal perspective and yet claim to be
objective" (p.23).
Several newspapers provided thorough reporting in stories that created
minority role models, which may indicate that particular newspapers are
sensitive to this issue. However, the stories devoted to minority role model
themes was only 7 percent of all health stories containing minority coverage.
Williams (1975) noted that popular press publications are often the
primary source of medical information for individuals. A phone survey of Ohio
adults found a direct relationship between perceived positive news coverage of
health care and positive perceptions of health care, but less so for one's own
health than for health care in society at large (Culbertson and Stempel, 1985).
It could be inferred that positive health-related coverage of minorities could
promote positive perceptions of health care among minorities, many of whom are
underserved by the health care system.
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