Content-Type: text/html Risk Perception in Community Context. Evaluating the psychometric paradigm and its relationship to risk amplification and reported communication channel usefulness. A paper presented to the Science Interest Group at the Annual Meeting of the Association for Education in Journalism and Mass Communication Washington, DC August 1995 by Craig W. Trumbo Graduate Student Department of Agricultural Journalism 440 Henry Mall The University of Wisconsin Madison, WI 53706 608-262-4902 (office) 608-233-9189 (home) [log in to unmask] ABSTRACT This project incorporates three sequential steps. First, the psychometric model of risk perception is evaluated for its validity under field conditions. Second, individuals are classified as amplifiers or attenuators within the social amplification of risk model. Finally, the characteristics of attenuators and amplifiers are explored, with special focus on their use of communication channels. Survey data from an on-going case study is employed in the analysis. The case study involves a mid-western community in which a controversy exists over the possibility of the existence of a cancer cluster caused by the operation of a small reactor. Results show that the psychometric model of risk perception has validity under the field conditions utilized in this study. Use of the psychometric model to classify individuals as risk amplifiers or risk attenuators produces a useful dichotomy that reveals differences between the two polar groups in terms of demographics, satisfaction with institutional response to the risk, concern over individual and social levels of risk, and the evaluation of various communication channels as having been useful in coming to a judgment about the risk. A final model comparing the two groups suggests that, in this case, two dominant forces are in play against one another: an evaluation of personal risk versus satisfaction with the institution managing the risk. Subordinate to these forces are the demographically based variables of education and years of residence in the community. This model also illustrates that aggregate-level observations may not be fully characteristic of underlying processes of polarization. ACKNOWLEDGMENT The author would like to thank the following individuals for their insightful comments on this project: Garrett O'Keefe, Sharon Dunwoody, and Jack McLeod. 1. INTRODUCTION Risk has recently grown as a topic of interest within the field of communication, with two related problems generally of greatest interest. The first involves the nature and consequences of news media representation of risk, typically with respect to technological or environmental controversies. The second area involves the difficulties encountered by scientists and other experts charged with informing the lay public about their risk from various natural or man-made hazards. The second area has most involved communication researchers in the area of risk perception: understanding how the individual perceives and makes judgments about risks faced in life. This investigation has the overarching goal of advancing understanding of how individuals come to a judgment about risk. This goal includes a focus on the role of communication channels within the process of risk judgment. This project incorporates three sequential steps. First, the psychometric model of risk perception is evaluated for its validity under field conditions. Second, individuals are classified as amplifiers or attenuators within the social amplification of risk model. Finally, the characteristics of attenuators and amplifiers are explored, with special focus on their use of communication channels. These areas of the literature will be addressed following a description of the case study being utilized in this project. 2. CONTEXT: THE CASE STUDY Since the Manhattan Project, the U.S. Department of Energy has operated its Ames Laboratory at Iowa State University in Ames, Iowa. The wartime assignment of the Ames Lab was to purify enriched uranium for use in the atomic bomb program. Since then the Ames Lab has continued to be involved in ceramics and metals development, methods of non-destructive analysis, and the development of environmental remediation technologies. Ames Lab is also very active in the area of technology transfer. Over the years, various activities and accidents at the Ames Lab have created a handful of waste sites in the Ames area. The Ames Lab and the citizens of Ames have recently been in conflict over three such situations. The first involves the construction of a youth sports complex on a site contaminated in 1953 by low-level radioactive thorium. Despite being cleaned-up in 1988, community resistance stalled the city's plans to build there.[1] The second issue involves the clean-up of a waste burial site in Ames where some 7,000 pounds of low level radioactive and other mildly hazardous materials have been interred for about 40 years. The DOE has recently concluded the remediation of that site.[2] The third issue involves a small research reactor that the Ames Lab and Iowa State University jointly operated from 1965 until decommissioning in 1981. Some residents of the Ross Road neighborhood (one-half mile directly south from the former reactor site) believe that they are now part of a cancer cluster caused by the reactor. One section of the neighborhood had 13 cases. Two epidemiological studies have been done. The first was inconclusive and the second found that cancer rates in the area were not significantly above normal. To address concerns in the community, the Ames Lab has hosted four public forums, a community workshop, and has created an information repository on reserve at the ISU library. These issues have also received a fair amount of attention from the local newspaper.[3] This investigation has as its primary focus the third issue: the perceived cancer cluster. This issue is being emphasized for two main reasons. First, it is of an enduring nature. It predates the other issues and will out-last them as well. Second, it is an intractable problem: there is no evidence of a cancer cluster D and even if there was such evidence it could not be causally associated with the former reactor. While the cancer cluster issue cannot be termed a "hot button" topic, it is a issue that is widely known of in the community. The key aspect is that due to the general recognition of the issue most individuals have had to come to some conclusion about it. In more general terms, the situation faced by Ames residents is not uncommon. Many communities face relatively small and localized hazard issues. Cases like Love Canal or Times Beach capture high media attention, but are atypical of the experience Americans more commonly have with environmental hazards. Understanding how individuals perceive their situation relative to this variety of hazard and how they use information channels to form opinions is a task of some importance. 3. LITERATURE To frame the primary questions of this investigation, three areas of literature will be briefly examined: the psychometric model of risk perception, the social amplification of risk model, and communication channel utility. The Psychometric Model. A considerable amount of research has been done in the area of risk perception. Dunwoody and Neuwirth prefer the term "risk judgment" to emphasize the active information processing inherent in the construct.[4] In any case, the psychometric model of risk perception has grown from research that asks individuals to compare a range of hazards based on a set of attributes, such as how well the hazard is understood or how many people might be affected by the hazard. The research has consistently shown that people evaluate hazards not only on the hazard's objective harm (e.g., deaths per year) but also on a range of more subjective criteria.[5] The series of projects initiated by Fischoff and coworkers, and carried on by Slovic and associates, have shown that two important dimensions can be seen to describe the perception of risk.[6] [7] One dimension of risk is termed dread. This is related to the scale of the risk and the degree to which it impacts innocent individuals. The second dimension, termed knowledge, involves how well a risk is understood and how observable its consequences are. The model has since been widely replicated and cited. The risk space model has been validated in various countries and researchers have also expanded risk into additional dimensions using a wide variety of attributes such as the number of people affected or the voluntariness of the risk. [8] [9] Non-human mortality and transgenerational effects have also been examined as risk perception factors.[10] But the basic premise of the two dimensional psychometric risk perception model has remained essentially unchanged.[11] Some salient criticisms of the model have been addressed, including consistency among individuals in risk perception and the nature of risk perception within a single technological domain.[12] The model held up in these investigations, and also faired well in a reanalysis of the original data carried out by Gregory and Mendelsohn, who also found that perceived benefit plays a role in risk perception.[13] While these studies do suggest a remarkable validity to the psychometric model, an important weakness remains in this direction of research: risks are examined in the abstract. People can certainly be called upon to evaluate a set of risks, or attributes of a single risk, even though they do not personally face that risk as an important aspect of daily life. But is it safe to assume that people perceive or judge risk in the same way when it involves a "live risk," a hazard or a risk controversy that is part of daily life? This question is not ignored in the literature. Risk perception studies have looked at specific risks in context. Such research has typically been in the form of case studies.[14] While these studies and others have great merit, they have not employed the psychometric risk perception model. It would be useful to know if the psychometric model can be used to understand the perception of such local hazards. That is the first issue to be addressed in this study. Social Amplification of Risk. In response to the acute need to find some way to bring the diverse array of perspectives on risk, risk perception, and risk communication together into an integrative framework, Kasperson and coworkers formulated the social amplification of risk.[15] Social amplification of risk holds that the communication and behavioral responses of individuals, groups, and institutions operating under a risk event or controversy act as "amplification stations." It is the interaction among the risk interpretations and responses of these stations that determine the nature of the life course, or "rippling," of the risk event or controversy. Within the concept of the amplification station exists a linkage between the macro level social functions of institutions or groups and the micro level processes that operate within and between individuals. Kasperson conceptualizes the micro level functioning as "individual stations of amplification" and the macro level analog as the "social stations of amplification." Social amplification is primarily a framework in which to utilize a variety of discrete theories and methods. Renn describes how social amplification might integrate the strengths and weaknesses of the social, psychological, and cultural approaches to risk.[16] The distinctive problems of each approach D social relevance for psychometrics, complexity for sociology, and empirical validity for cultural theory D may tend to cancel out and allow for an emergent perspective. The full application of the social amplification framework is a complex and long-term research goal. The present investigation has a more specific focus: to develop an understanding of how individuals can be classified as being either amplifiers or attenuators within the concept of the individual station of amplification. The existence of this dichotomy is a key micro-level prediction of the social amplification of risk model. Since no objectively-based definition of risk exists in this case study it must be held that amplifiers and attenuators exist relative to each other by way of their perception of risk from the threat D as opposed to existing relative to some "true" condition. In other words, there is no "correct" position in this controversy. Within this framework, the evaluation of individuals' perception of risk might be based on the psychometric model and this evaluation may in turn be used to group individuals as either amplifiers or attenuators. While largely a semantic matter, placing amplifiers and attenuators under the umbrella of amplification (in its engineering guise as to either increase or decrease) can create unnecessary confusion. Rather, the idea will be recast as what it essentially is: polarization. Channel Utility. The final aspect of this study seeks to examine the information channels people use in forming an opinion about a perceived risk. The focus of concern will be the relative roles of mass communication, interpersonal communication, and other forms of informa tion-seeking behavior. Chaffee presents an argument that the dichotomy of mass versus interpersonal communication has been endowed with excessive polarity.[17] His analysis of the literature builds the case that individuals use a given channel based on how accessible the channel is and how likely the individual believes it is that the desired information will be found in a particular channel. In this light, it should be emphasized that this research does not seek to determine mass or interpersonal supremacy, but rather to assess the various ways in which individuals use both channels in coping with a specific risk situation and how these channels relate to other forms of information-seeking. A handful of studies inform this question. Mazur and Hall examine how members of a New York county evaluate the risk of radon as either a specific concern in the home or as a more diffuse national hazard.[18] They find that neither interpersonal contact with family members nor mass media messages correlate with a specific concern about radon in the home. However, both were strongly correlated with a more general concern about radon as a national hazard, with family influence considerably stronger than mass media influence. McCallum and coworkers compared mass media and interpersonal channels as preferred ways of gathering information about toxic chemicals in the local environment. They surveyed subjects in six communities around the nation that were facing toxic chemical issues and found that mass media channels were strongly preferred as sources of such information. Interpersonal sources were used only 12% of the time. Following Tyler and Cook's observation that mass media impact social-level judgments more than individual-level judgments,[19] Coleman found that mass media are stronger than interpersonal channels in influencing society-level risk judgments.[20] Mass media also had some influence on personal risk judgments, an effect which interpersonal channels did not have. Contrasting the variety of findings in these studies goes to Chaffee's argument: interpersonal and mass communication channels have varying roles in shaping people's perceptions and no broad generalization can hold. The role of other information-seeking behavior is less clear from these studies. Chaffee points out that people have varying abilities to use other information resources, such as libraries or expert opinion. Dunwoody and Neuwirth also point out that people probably make different use of various channels during the life span of their relationship with a given risk. This study will attempt to address these issues, looking at the relative usefulness of mass communication, interpersonal communication, and other forms of information-seeking in the process of risk judgment. 4. RESEARCH QUESTIONS This study is both confirmatory and exploratory in nature. It seeks to confirm that the psychometric model describes how individuals in this case study evaluate the given risk. It also seeks to confirm that the individuals engaged in this risk controversy can be productively seen as being polarized into amplifiers and attenuators. Finally, it seeks to explore the characteristics of polarization and look for important differences between the two camps. Toward these ends, this study employs a set of three research questions: RQ1: Do individuals evaluate the given risk in terms of dread and knowledge as the psychometric model predicts? RQ2: Based on the psychometric model, can individuals be consistently grouped as amplifiers and attenuators as polarization predicts? RQ3: What differences are there between attenuators and amplifiers in terms of the demographic, risk, and channel use variables measured? 5. METHODS A mail survey instrument was developed to achieve the goals of this investigation. The instrument consists of three general segments. First, the set of original psychometric model questions were modified slightly to fit the specific issue at hand. While researchers have expanded and modified this set of questions, the model is most strongly associated with nine aspects of dread and five aspects of knowledge. These questions are shown in Table 1. The second part of the instrument consists of a set of questions seeking to ascertain what sources of information people have found to be useful in making judgments about this risk issue. Questions are also asked concerning satisfaction with attention paid to this issue by local media, Ames Lab officials, government representatives and others. Finally, a few general demographic variables are included. The sampling unit is the non-rental household. Subjects are drawn from the northwest quadrant of Ames D the area defined by previous epidemiological studies and by stories in the Ames Daily Tribune .[21] The area is also defined by social and geographic boundaries: the city limits to the north and west, and a large park to the south and east. The current Polk's City Directory for Ames was consulted as a sampling frame. A random sample of 50% identified 223 households to participate in the survey. Either principal adult member of the household could complete the questionnaire. Mail survey procedures described by Dillman[22] were adhered to and the survey arrived in Ames on about September 23, 1994. The survey return period was closed on November 1, 1994. At that time, 130 questionnaires were received for a return rate of 58 percent. 6. DISCUSSION OF THE RESULTS The first task is to evaluate the psychometric model and determine if it can be used as an effective means of proceeding with the analysis. The 14 questions shown in Table I were entered into a factor analysis. The rotated factor matrix was virtually uninterpretable. The results presented one strong factor with a mix of knowledge and dread variables and several weak factors with one or two variables each. No clear pattern was discernible. The further evaluate the model, the communalities of the variables were examined to see if there were any very weakly associated variables that might be appropriately excluded from the analysis (overall, the KMO statistic was adequate at .75). All variables but one had strong communality: the dread variable FATAL describing the likelihood that any illness from the risk would be fatal. This single weak variable was ejected and the factor analysis was again executed. Table II presents the results. With the exclusion of the one weak variable the rotated matrix provides a satisfying solution that conforms well to the prediction of the model. One knowledge factor emerges made up of individual and scientific knowledge about the risk, how familiar the risk is to the individual, and how observable the consequences of the risk are to the individual. Dread appears to be made up of 2 components. Factor 2 might be called "pure dread" as it consists of elements that relate more clearly to fear: catastrophe, transgenerational effects, an increase in the risk, and being unable to calmly contemplate the risk. Factor 3 appears most closely related to the idea of personal efficacy. This factor involves the individual's ability to control exposure to the risk, ability to exercise choice in accepting the risk, and personal ability to reduce the risk. These all speak to the degree of individual agency with respe ct to the risk. A fourth uninterpretable factor emerged that has an equal measure of both knowledge and dread. Overall, the solution to the factor analysis supports the application of the psychometric model in this field situation, satisfying the first research question. This is a fairly important result in itself since the psychometric model has been most frequently applied to the evaluation of individual perception of a range of risks considered in the abstract. This analysis suggests, at least for the specific risk examined in this case, that individuals may indeed evaluate risks they face through processes that can be understood in terms of knowledge and dread. The four factor solution approaches but does not completely satisfy the proposition of a two-dimensional model of risk perception. Questions remain: how do the four factors relate to one another, are the two dread factors associated, and how should the fourth uninterpreted factor be treated? To resolve these questions, factor scores were treated in a second-order factor analysis. The resulting two factor solution grouped the dread factors together and grouped the knowledge factor with the fourth uninterpreted factor. With this result taken as evidence of association, variables for the dimensions of dread and knowledge are created by averaging the associated factor scores. Both variables are approximately normal with mean of 0 and are uncorrelated. The second research question asks if the psychometric model might be applied to the task of separating individuals into amplifiers and attenuators. The literature on the recent concept of social amplification does not suggest what characteristics might indicate the two groups. To define the groups, the variables dread and knowledge are plotted against each other and the scatter is divided at the mean created by the line with slope -1 running through the origin of the plane. A discriminant analysis was run to confirm that this method of group determination is in fact consistent with the nature of the original variables being used. The classification analysis used the full set of 13 variables to predict the polarization groups. The classification matrix shows strong agreement that the 13 variables can identify two groups divided along mean responses to dread and knowledge. The analysis correctly classifies 100% of the cases, identifying 54 amplifiers and 40 attenuators (some cases are lost due to incomplete responses). No significant differences were found between this group of 94 and the 36 other survey respondents. Research question three asks what differences might exist between the two polarization groups. Table III provides the significant results, which can be organized in blocks: demographics, risk perception and behavior, satisfaction with institutional response to the issue, and the reported usefulness of various information channels. Two of the demographic variables show a significant difference between attenuators and amplifiers. Both gender and education are significantly related to polarization. While amplifiers are slightly more likely to be female, attenuators are very much more likely to be male (overall, respondents are 47 percent female). Attenuators also have typically completed more education, with over half having completed a graduate degree (recall that Ames is a college town). As these results suggest, further crosstabulation confirms that gender and education are significantly related with males having more education. The respondent's age is independent of group status. Two other demographic variables approach significance and are worth discussion. It was suspected that the presence of cancer in the respondent's family might tend to be related to amplification. The data show this association, but only at a weak level of significance (p = .11). Length of residence in the area is also of interest since the reactor was removed in 1981. The data again provide weak evidence for this association (p = .098). Amplifiers tend to be newer to the area, with a mean length of residence of 15 years as opposed to 20 years for attenuators. It may very well be a coincidence that the reactor was removed 14 years ago. Nonetheless, amplification may be intertwined with a fear of the unknown, as some of these individuals have never actually seen the former facility. It is also likely that generational differences may exist between the two groups with respect to environmental values and trust in government, for example Risk perception and behavior variables provide a number of significant differences between the two groups. Taken together, these items might be roughly conceptualized as worry. Most of these differences would be expected by virtue of the method of differentiating the groups. As such, they also provide additional support for the validity of the two groups. Amplifiers think about and talk about the cancer cluster issue more frequently than attenuators and also feel that both they and others are at greater risk. These differences are quite pronounced. On the other hand, there were no significant differences found when asking how long an individual had been aware of the issue or when asking what actions an individual might have taken because of concern over the issue. Further, attenuators are no different from amplifiers when it comes to knowing other individuals in the area who have cancer. The set of four satisfaction variables were all predictably different. Attenuators are uniformly more satisfied with attention paid to the issue by Ames Lab, by elected officials, and by the news media. They are also more satisfied with the results of the existing epidemiology. The channel usefulness variables provide rather dramatic results in terms of non-significance. Of the 10 sources of information evaluated as having been useful in making a judgment about personal risk, only neighbors reveal a significant difference between the two groups. Usefulness of family members differs between the groups, but only weakly (p = .076). Amplifiers rated both neighbors and family members as being more useful sources of information. The 8 information sources that showed no difference between the groups were the newspaper, television, friends, physician, elected officials, Ames Lab officials, public meetings, and the library's information repository. Ranking of the usefulness of information channels is different for the two groups. An examination of the means of the 10 source usefulness variables shows that both groups rated the newspaper as the most useful source of information. After that, the rankings diverge. Amplifiers' top five are newspaper, neighbors, television, friends, and family. Attenuators' top 5 are newspaper, television, friends, neighbors and Ames Lab officials. Spearman's rho between the two rankings of 10 items is only .11 (not significant). This lack of association in the two groups provides evidence that the two groups are utilizing information sources differently. For the next step in the analysis, all of the variables found to be significant (at p < .1) in detecting group differences were entered into a discriminant analysis. Table IV presents the results. The discriminant function produced by the 13 variables performed well, significantly accounting for about 40 percent of variance. Correlations between the individual discriminating variables and the discriminant function can be interpreted as an indication of the relative strength of the variable's contribution to discriminating the groups. Further, grouping variables by the sign of the correlation can be useful (note that all variables are analyzed simultaneously and contribute to case assignment to both groups). Variables are sorted by sign and listed by size of the correlation. It can be seen that evaluation of personal risk, risk to others, frequency of thinking and talking about the issue, and the usefulness of neighbors and family are grouped together. Conversely the grouping of positive correlations include education, gender, years of residence, and what might be taken as a set of variables indicating satisfaction with the institutional response to the issue. The sign of the correlation can sometimes be interpreted as indicating which group it is more closely associated with. In this case, amplifiers were assigned the lower value so the set of negative correlations are associated with amplification. Such interpretation must be approached cautiously. Here, it appears that a lack of the qualities indicated by the negatively correlated variables indicate amplification and a lack of the qualities indicated by the positively correlated values indicate attenuation. The more important results of this analysis are the manner in which the variables group and their ability to predict group membership. Overall, the variables found to significantly differentiate between the groups were in good agreement with the creation of the groups based on the psychometric model, with a classification rate from the discriminant analysis of 85%. Finally, it is important to recognize that attenuators and amplifiers do not represent two homogeneous groups. There is a distribution of risk perception within each group. To recognize this while still pressing to examine for differences between the two groups, a continuous measure of risk perception was created by averaging the dread and knowledge factors. This scale is then used as the dependent variable in hierarchical regressions utilizing the 13 variables which show significant differences between the groups. Variables are analyzed in blocks representing demographics, interpersonal sources, satisfaction with institutions, and worry. Results are presented in Table V. For the analysis of the full sample, each block increments R2 significantly (demographics only at p = .06). The full model achieves an adjusted R2 of .52 with 5 variables displaying significant partial coefficients: education, usefulness of neighbors, satisfaction with Ames Lab, and evaluation of both personal risk and other's risk. The more interesting results come from a comparison of the two polar groups. For the attenuators, only the block representing satisfaction with institutions significantly changed R2. The primary variable in this column is satisfaction with Ames Lab. It appears possible that an interaction between gender and education prevents the demographic block from achieving significance. Inclusion of an interaction term did not alter either the change in R2 or the adjusted R2 for any of the blocks. For amplifiers, the only significant block was the one involving the worry variables, although the years of residence variable in the demographic block is itself significant. For the worry block, evaluation of personal risk is the one strong element. Stepwise regressions both focus and confirm the significant predictors of risk perception in the three groups, providing the following models (alpha = .05, showing standardized betas): Full Sample: Risk = -2.5 + .48 (Personal Risk) + .27 (Other's Risk) - .16 (Education). Adj R2 = .54 p < .001 Attenuators: Risk = - 0.5 - .57 (Satisfaction Ames Lab) + .36 (Education). Adj. R2 = .33 p < .001 Amplifiers: Risk = -0.1 + .62 (Personal Risk) + .25 (Years Residence). Adj. R2 = .43 p < .001 7. CONCLUSION The analysis presented in this paper is a preliminary investigation in what will eventually be a larger case study. The primary mission of this preliminary investigation is three-fold: to gather initial general information about the population and the controversy, to test the usefulness of the psychometric model, and to evaluate the viability of the polarization supposition made by the social amplification model. The results of the analysis to this point suggest that each of these goals have been met. The secondary mission of this preliminary investigation conforms to the overarching goal of the larger case study: to understand the role of communication in risk controversies and to add to the understanding of effective risk communication. Framing these goals in terms of risk polarization is not far from stating the problem as one of audience analysis. Much of the work done to date in risk communication has treated receivers as a somewhat homogeneous mass D evaluating, for example, the effectiveness of various forms of message construction without regard to important differences that might exist in the target audience. It is likely that risk communication could benefit greatly by shifting some attention from message construction to audience analysis. With respect to the idea of audience analysis, an important lesson is demonstrated by the hierarchical regression models and their stepwise counterparts: looking at a community's aggregate response to a risk controversy may be misleading. Different components in the community, at least in this case, have significantly different orientations toward the risk. These differing orientations may be most clearly seen if conceptualized and measured as polar opposites. Utilizing such a light to examine the Ames case, it appears that two dominant forces are in play against one another: an evaluation of personal risk versus satisfaction with the institution managing the risk. Conceptually, these forces may approximate the notions of trust and outrage that have recently come to the risk perception literature.[23] Subordinate to these forces are the demographically based variables of education and years of residence in the community. Interpreting the stepwise regression equations for these two subordinate forces further demonstrates how aggregate characteristics may not be representative. While attenuators tend to have more education, within their group greater education is associated with a greater perception of risk. And while amplifiers tend to have been residents of the area for fewer years, within their group those who have lived in the area longer perceive a greater level of risk. The instrument used in this investigation provides only a rough look at the communication behaviors of this population. The main purpose of this set of questions is to point the way for the construction of a new instrument to be applied in the near future. There are, however, two interesting results with respect to communication from the analysis so far. First, there is apparently a dynamic involving mediated communication. Some background on the news coverage is in order. Very little attention was paid to this issue by the television stations covering central Iowa. Two of the three stations are located in Des Moines, some 40 miles away. These stations pay only cursory attention to Ames. The third network affiliate is located in Ames but has what is widely considered to be the weakest news operation. Attention from the nearest metro daily newspaper, The Des Moines Register, has been non-existent. The only significant coverage has been in the local newspaper, The Ames Daily Tribune. It is not overly surprising that respondents would rank the local newspaper as the most useful source of information on the issue. What is interesting, however, is that while attenuators and amplifiers alike rated the newspaper as the most useful source of information they differed significantly in their satisfaction with the attention paid to the issue by the news media overall. This result may suggest that the two groups are processing news information differently. More refined measures of media use are needed to support this proposition, but if respondents are basing their satisfaction in part on how the local newspaper has covered the issue (as opposed to how the other media outlets have not covered the issue) then amplifiers have rated the newspaper as most useful but were less satisfied while attenuators have rated the newspaper as most useful but have been more satisfied. This suggests the possibility that the same information from the same source had different consequences for different audience segments. This conclusion is a stretch for these data but not an insupportable proposition. The other interesting result from the communication variables is that the two groups did not differ in their evaluation of the usefulness of any of the information channels except for neighbors and to a lesser degree family members. Since amplification is associated with finding neighbors and family members more useful as sources of information, it is a fair conclusion to state that concern over risk in this case is driven by interpersonal communication to a greater degree than by mediated communication. This finding is in agreement with much of the research previously cited. Finally, it is important to return to the notion of polarization, drawn from the social amplification model, that underlies this analysis. Further investigation of the phenomenon of polarization might proceed along two lines, utilizing principles of social identification and models of information processing. Social psychology has long recognized a process of group polarization.[24] In the most general terms, this is the process through which a group can come to hold and express attitudes that are more extreme than those held individually by its members. There are two dominant theories, social comparison and persuasive arguments. In social comparison, individuals compare their own views to the perceived average view held by the group and then tend to shift their attitudes to the more extreme side of the perceived group consensus. The final outcome of a group decision therefore tends to be polarized. In the persuasive arguments theory, individuals construct mental lists of arguments for and against a choice. When individuals discuss these lists in a group that tends to hold a polarized position, the arguments that are more universally held by group members tend to be those that are more extreme in the polarized direction. These more extreme arguments then tend to dominate both individual and group attitudes. It is likely that some process of this nature has been in play in the Ames case. The Ames Lab, and its strong association with the University, creates an in-group/out-group situation that may have served to provide a polarization identity for some individuals. Further, the public forums and coverage by the newspaper have likely provided a set of polarized arguments around which the groups could have formed and strengthened. Individual polarization has also been related to cognitive consistency. Chaiken and Yates found support for the hypothesis that "thought-induced attitude polarization requires the presence of a well-developed knowledge structure."[25] They found in an experiment that individuals with a high degree of consistency tended to polarize on an issue more readily than their low-consistency counterparts. This point of view dovetails into an information processing perspective offered by Eagly and Chaiken, in which individuals are hypothesized to process information in either a systematic or heuristic manner.[26] Griffin and Dunwoody utilize this perspective to build a model of information processing specifically for risk information.[27] Griffin and Dunwoody consider the heuristic-systematic processing model and hypothesize on characteristics that might lead individuals to process risk information in one way or the other. They propose a framework of variables that they organize in categories of demographics, characteristics of the hazard, individual worry, how individuals feel that their information needs are being satisfied, and how confident individuals feel that they are able to gather needed information. If there is a relationship among heuristic-systematic processing, cognitive consistency, and polarization D then it is also likely that the model that Griffin and Dunwoody propose could be profitably related to polarization. For the case of the risk controversy in Ames, it might be hypothesized that amplification is associated with (for example) systematic information processing of news information intertwined with interpersonal influence. Conversely, attenuation might be associated with more rapid "gut level" heuristic information processing of news information that is intertwined with pre-existing attitude structures related to trust in the institutions involved. Further research may approach these questions. Table I. Questions used for risk perception model with codewords. Dread or knowledge questions indicated with (D) and (K). For the following questions please give your own personal opinion about possible risks to yourself from the former reactor. Circle the number you think best locates your position on the 1 to 7 point scale. (low values are for judgments of low risk) Catastrophe (D) Do you think this kind of risk - that caused by small nuclear reactors - has the potential to cause catastrophic death and destruction? Generations (D) Do you feel that any risk that may be posed from the former reactor extends to future generations? Dread (D) Is this the kind of risk you can learn to live with and calmly deliberate about, or one that you constantly dread and worry about? Changing Risk (D) Do you feel that your risk from the former reactor in Ames is increasing, decreasing, or staying the same? Personal Control (D) How much control do you think you personally have over avoiding possible risks to yourself from the former reactor? Personally Reduce Risk (D) How easy or difficult would it be for you to reduce any risk you might face from the reactor? Fairness of Risk (D) Do you think the people who may have been exposed to some risk from the reactor are the same people who may have benefited from its operation? Fatality of Risk (D) If you were to become ill from this risk, how likely is it that the illness would be fatal? Personal Choice (D) Do you think you have much choice over accepting any possible risks from the former reactor? Harm Delay (K) Is it more likely that any possible harm to you from the reactor would have occurred immediately after exposure, or that it would be delayed over time? Science Knows (K) How knowledgeable do you think scientists are about any possible risks from the former reactor? You Know (K) How knowledgeable do you think you are about any possible risks from the former reactor? Familiarity of Risk (K) Is this a new, novel kind of risk for you, or one that's old and familiar to you? Observability of Exposure(K) If you were exposed to a risk from the reactor, how aware do you think you would be of your risk from that exposure? Table II. Factor Analysis of Psychometric Variables Factor 1 Factor 2 Factor 3 Factor 4 Variable Mean SD Knowledge Pure Personal Indeterminate Dread Efficacy You Know (K) 4.6 2.0 .80 Science Knows (K) 3.4 2.0 .77 Observability of Exposure (K) 4.8 2.1 .56 Familiarity of Risk (K) 4.6 2.3 .51 Catastrophe (D) 2.7 1.8 .80 Generations (D) 4.4 1.9 .69 Changing Risk (D) 2.9 1.4 .61 Dread (D) 2.6 1.8 .59 Personal Control (D) 5.2 2.1 .79 Personal Choice(D) 5.1 2.0 .78 Personally Reduce Risk (D) 4.7 2.1 .62 Harm Delay (K) 5.9 1.6 .75 Fairness of Risk (D) 4.2 2.1 .73 Percentage total variance 32.9 12.1 9.9 8.3 Eigenvalues 4.3 1.6 1.3 1.1 Factors were determined with an eigenvalue cutoff of 1.0, principle components analysis with varimax rotation. Loadings under .5 are blanked. Four factors explain 63.2 percent of total variance. KMO statistic = .75. Table III. Comparison of Amplifiers and Attenuators. Item Attenuators Amplifiers mean mean p Frequency talking about issue (1 never to 6 daily) 1.9 2.3 .004 Frequency thinking about issue (1 never to 6 daily) 2.1 2.9 .002 Risk to others (1 no risk to 7 high) 2.1 4.2 < .001 Risk to self (1 no risk to 7 high) 2.1 4.3 < .001 Usefulness of neighbors in making judgment (0 low to 7 high) 1.1 2.5 .003 Usefulness of family members in making judgment (0 low to 7 high) 0.6 1.3 .076 Satisfaction with epidemiology (1 not to 7 very) 4.5 3.1 .001 Satisfaction with attention from Ames Lab (1 not to 7 very) 4.6 3.1 .001 Satisfaction with attention from elected officials (1 not to 7 very) 3.9 2.4 <.001 Satisfaction with attention from news media (1 not to 7 very) 4.5 3.5 .018 Years as resident of northwest Ames 19.5 14.8 .098 Item Attenuators Amplifiers col % col % c2 p Respondent's gender 4.5 .03 female 34.2 56.6 male 65.8 43.4 Highest level of education completed 18.5 <.001 high school 16.2 22.6 bachelor's 13.5 50.9 graduate 70.3 26.4 Have any members of immediate family had cancer? 2.6 .11 no 87.5 74.1 yes 12.5 25.9 Table IV. Evaluation of significant differences between groups. Saturated discriminant model using variables showing differences between groups Function 1: Canonical Correlation = .64 Wilks' Lambda = .59 c2 = 37.8 p < .001 Pooled within-groups correlations between discriminating variables and discriminant function: .62 Personal risk .61 Other's risk .37 Frequency thinking .35 Frequency talking .31 Usefulness of neighbors .22 Usefulness of family -.45 Education -.42 Satisfaction with representatives -.39 Satisfaction with news coverage -.36 Satisfaction with Ames Lab -.33 Satisfaction with epidemiology -.22 Gender -.18 Years as resident of NW Ames Risk Perception in Community Context NO. OF PREDICTED GROUPS ACTUAL GROUP CASES 1 2 ---------------------- ------------ ----------------------------- GROUP 1 44 37 7 AMPLIFY 84.1% 15.9% GROUP 2 34 5 29 ATTENUATE 14.7% 85.3% PERCENT OF CASES CORRECTLY CLASSIFIED: 84.6% Table V. 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