Content-Type: text/html This paper was presented at the Association for Education in Journalism and Mass Communication in San Antonio, Texas August 2005. If you have questions about this paper, please contact the author directly. If you have questions about the archives, email rakyat [ at ] eparker.org. For an explanation of the subject line, send email to [log in to unmask] with just the four words, "get help info aejmc," in the body (drop the ""). (Feb 2006) Thank you. Elliott Parker ==================================================================== A balancing act: Predicting support for requiring Internet filters in public libraries and schools Jennifer L. Lambe, Myriah S. Lipke & Elizabeth M. Perse University of Delaware Department of Communication For inquiries, please contact: Jennifer L. Lambe Dept. of Communication 250 Pearson Hall Newark, DE 19716 302-831-8028 [log in to unmask] AV Needs: Would require an overhead projector or an LCD projector for presentation Submitted to the Mass Communication & Society Division of AEJMC, April 2005 Abstract A balancing act: Predicting support for requiring Internet filters in public libraries and schools Although the First Amendment seems absolute, it is balanced with other important interests. Protecting children from Internet pornography has been a struggle for Congress. The Children's Internet Protection Act (CIPA) requires public libraries and schools to place filters on computers with Internet access to receive funding for new technologies. This study examines variables predicting public attitudes about such filters. News framing, internet pornography use and liberal-conservative self-ranking are among the statistically significant predictors. A balancing act: Predicting support for requiring Internet filters in public libraries and schools Although the First Amendment seems absolute in its protection of freedom of speech and press, it is in practice a right continually balanced with other social and individual interests. Every effort to limit expression is tied to perceptions of that expression's effects. Calls for regulation are especially strong when children are among those who will be affected. The question of how to protect children from sexual content on the Internet has been an ongoing struggle for members of Congress. First Amendment jurisprudence has clearly stated that while protecting children is a legitimate government interest, the government may not limit adult access to content in the process (Reno v. ACLU, 1997). Congressional efforts to find a way to balance these conflicting values – protecting children from the perceived harms of Internet pornography versus protecting freedom of expression – have been unsuccessful until the passage of the Children's Internet Protection Act (CIPA).[1] CIPA requires public libraries and K-12 public schools to place Internet filters on their computers that have access to the Internet in order to receive government funding to supplement the costs of the new technologies. In June 2003, the U.S. Supreme Court ruled CIPA is constitutional because adults can request that the filter be disabled (US v. American Library Association Inc., 2003). The overarching argument of those opposed to CIPA is that filters block access to legitimate web sites as well as those pornographic in nature. For example if a student were researching breast cancer, their search may be rejected because it includes the word "breast." Overfiltering is a characteristic of virtually every filter on the market (Willems, 1998, Wolinsky, 2001). The argument is that until filters are designed to be more selective, they should not be mandatory. Swartz (2003) discusses how librarians and civil liberties groups contend that filters are a form of censorship that block a vast amount of valuable information along with pornography. Another issue raised by CIPA critics is that even with Internet filters in place, a substantial portion of pornographic content still gets through to the user. Hunter (2000) tested the effectiveness of four popular filters and found that not only did the filters let through 25% of the objectionable material but they also over-blocked 21% of non-objectionable material. Supporters of CIPA, however, argue that these problems are minimal compared to the risks of allowing children unfettered access to the Internet. Another argument in support of filters is for the protection of libraries and librarians. The presence of filters is seen as a preventative action against potential lawsuits regarding children's access to inappropriate materials (Banks, 1998). CIPA advocates also point out that public libraries and schools can opt out of the requirement by foregoing public funding for technology updates. But opponents counter that it is precisely those libraries in areas of poverty that cannot provide access to technology unless they receive government support. It is these areas where fewer people have home Internet access and therefore rely on public libraries for access. It is these libraries that are not really given the choice of whether or not to implement filters on their computers (Haycock & Associates Inc., 2001). This is a particularly difficult issue, because the goals of both sides are in and of themselves noble. But when these goals come into conflict, it is challenging to strike an acceptable balance. The purpose of this study is to identify variables that influence a person's decision about the appropriateness of a government requirement to install Internet filters in public libraries and schools. Three different categories of variables that might influence people's attitudes about this issue were examined: variables internal to an individual (such as age and gender), media use, and news framing. Understanding public opinion on topics such as this has practical implications. It can assist educational programs designed to inform parents and their children about the perceived harms of objectionable content. It can assist these programs by identifying characteristics of parents who do not take precautions to protect their children from objectionable content. The programs can then target these parents specifically. It can also provide insight for individuals and organizations attempting to protect First Amendment rights by creating a profile of the type of individual likely to support restrictions on the freedom of speech. Both sides can use this information to create informational campaigns countering the opposing view. Finally, and possibly most important, gaining knowledge concerning public attitudes about freedom of speech and new technologies is an integral part of establishing the boundaries of the law to apply to our technologically changing society. Literature Review Age Although there is conflicting evidence about the relationship between age and one's willingness to restrict certain forms of expression (Lambe, 2002), when the issue under examination involves pornography, evidence points strongly toward older people as being more likely to support restrictions. For example, Thompson, Chaffee, and Oshagan (1990) found that older people tend to be proponents of regulating pornography. Another study found a similar correlation significantly linking older people and likeliness to support censorship of pornography (Rojas et al., 1996). Lambe (2002; 2004) also found support for this trend. Although their study examined sexual and sexually violent media rather than pornography, Fisher, Cook, and Shirkey (1994) found evidence that older people are more willing to support restrictions than younger people when sexual content is involved. Like the last set of studies mentioned, the current study involved sexual content, specifically pornographic Internet content. Based on the strong support in previous research for older people to be more likely proponents of pornography restrictions than younger people, the following hypothesis was proposed: H1: Older people are more likely than younger people to endorse Internet filters in libraries. Gender The differences between men and women when it comes to willingness to censor are also dependent upon the context. Although many studies (Andsager & Miller, McLeod et al., 1997; 1998; Rucinski & Salmon, 1990; Suedfeld et al., 1994) have not found a significant difference between genders when it comes to censorship the majority of studies that do find a difference point to men as being more tolerant of First Amendment freedoms. Despite this, Keum et al. (2003) found evidence supporting that in general, females have a higher tolerance for extremist groups than men. Research supports a slight tendency for women to support censorship more than men. Using a scale to measure overall willingness to censor, Lambe (2002) found that women hold stronger censorship attitudes than men. Along these same lines Stouffer (1955) and Nunn et al. (1978) found that men are more willing than women to protect civil liberties for controversial groups. Evidence supports that gender has a similar influence when it come to tolerance of free expression (Immerwahr et al., 1982; Wilson, 1975). White (1986) found that women are more likely to support the removal of library books by controversial authors than men. This trend of men being more tolerant is consistent with research regarding sexual content. Lambe (2002; 2004) found that women are more likely than men to support censorship of pornography. Cowan (1992) sampled recipients of the National Organization of Women Newsletter and found that gender was related to people's attitude toward control of pornography with men less in favor of control. Fisher et al. (1994), Gunther, (1995), Herrman and Bordner (1983), and Thompson et al. (1990) have all found consistent results showing men have more tolerance for pornography than women. Because the issue of Internet filters involves censoring pornography, we propose: H2: Women are more likely than men to support requiring Internet filters in libraries. Education A person's level of education is another variable that has provided insight into categorizing people's opinions of civil liberties issues. Although some studies have found no relationship (Hense & Wright, 1992; Rojas et al. 1996; Suedfeld et al., 1994), overall, studies suggest that those who are less educated tend to be less tolerant of extending civil liberties to all. For example, in an analysis of several studies Erskine (1970) found that those with a higher level of education tend to support freedom of speech more than those with a lower education level. Wilson (1975) also examined education and its relation to belief in freedom of speech and press. He found that those who were higher educated were more likely to have a high belief in freedom of speech and press. Consistent results were found for willingness to support the removal of books by controversial authors from public libraries. Those with less education were more willing to ban the books (White, 1986). Studies examining political tolerance have had similar findings. Nunn et al. (1978) found that the higher a person's education the more politically tolerant they are. Sullivan et al. (1982) also found that education is positively correlated with political tolerance. Stouffer's (1955) research also supports this claim. This connection between level of education and tolerance holds true for pornography as well. Gunther's (1995) research shows a negative correlation between education and support for regulation of pornography. Similarly, Herrman and Bordner (1983) found that individuals with a higher level of education tended to be more accepting of erotica. Thompson et al. (1990) found similar results. Although for the most part those with less education tend to support censorship of pornography more than those with more education, Lambe (2002; 2004) has found some deviance from this trend. She found that individuals with some college or vocational training were actually the least likely to censor pornography. Despite this finding, Lambe's research still supports that those with a high school diploma or less are the most willing to censor pornographic content. Only a few studies show no significant relationship between education and tolerance for pornographic content (Hense and Wright, 1992; Rojas et al., 1996). H3: Individuals with less education will be more likely than those with more education to support requiring Internet filters in libraries. Liberal-Conservative self-ranking Studies using a liberal/conservative self-ranking scale have found that when differences exist in censorship attitudes, it is generally the more conservative respondents who endorse censorship (Lambe, 2002; Keum et al., 2003; McLeod et al., 1997; 1998; Rojas et al., 1996; Suedfeld et al., 1994; Wilson, 1975). Some studies, though, have found no relationship between how a people rank themselves in terms of their political ideology and their acceptance of civil liberties (Hansen & Moore, 1992; Sullivan et al., 1982; Thompson et al., 1990; Thompson, 1995). H4: People who categorize themselves as conservative will be more likely to support requiring Internet filters than people who say they are liberal. Religiosity Generally speaking, religiosity has been positively correlated with a willingness to restrict civil liberties, including freedom of speech and press. This has held true across a variety of expressive contexts, including general attitudes about freedom of expression (Anderson & Reinhardt, 1987; Paulson, 1999; Rojas et al., 1996; Thompson, 1995), and sexually explicit media content (Fisher et al., 1994; Herrman & Bordner, 1983; Rojas, et al., 1996; Thompson et al., 1990). A few studies, though, have found no significant relationship between religiosity and censorship attitudes. For example, Rojas et al. (1996) found that religiosity did not predict attitudes toward censorship of television violence. Most relevant for this study, Cowan (1992) found that religiosity did not help predict whether a subject would endorse legislative control of pornography. RQ1: What is the relationship between religiosity and support for requiring Internet filters? Commitment to General Democratic Principles Studies have supported that the strength of an individual's commitment to general democratic principles is related to how willing they are to censor free expression. Lambe (2004) found that when a person had a high commitment to democratic principles they were more tolerant of hate speech and pornography. They have also been found to be more politically tolerant in general (Marcus et al., 1995; Sullivan et al. 1981; Sullivan et al., 1982; Thompson, 1995). This study tested to see if this commitment to general democratic principles carries over to the issue of Internet filters with the following hypothesis: H5: An individual with a higher commitment to civil liberties will be less likely to support requiring Internet filters in libraries than an individual with a lower commitment to civil liberties. Media Use The amount an individual uses certain types of media has been linked to their censorship attitudes in several studies, although, the findings have been inconsistent. Some studies have found that those who have more exposure to the media (particularly newspapers) tend to have more lenient attitudes about censorship (Lambe, 2002; McLeod et al., 1998; Salwen & Driscoll, 1997; Wilson, 1975). Despite newspaper reading having a negative correlation with willingness to censor, television use has not been found to be a significant predictor of general attitudes toward censorship (Lambe, 2002; Salwen & Driscoll, 1997) but has been found to be positively correlated with willingness to censor political speech and pornography (Lambe, 2002). Rojas et al. (1996) and Salwen (1998) found no support for the linkage between media use and support for general willingness to censor. The Internet has been under recent examination to see if it has any predictive power when it comes to censorship attitudes. Lambe (2002) found that those who use the Internet less are more willing to censor abortion speech and pornography. Because of mixed findings about media use and the lack of research defining the influence of Internet use on attitudes of civil liberties, the following research questions were examined: RQ2: Does an individual's media use (including newspapers, television news and the Internet) predict their support for requiring Internet filters in libraries? RQ3: Does an individual's amount of Internet use in libraries predict their support for requiring Internet filters in libraries? Pornography Use Pornography use is another variable that has been found to correlate with attitudes toward censorship. Cowan (1992) found that those who had less exposure to pornography were more likely to have a "procontrol" attitude towards pornographic material. Thompson et al. (1990) found that those who had more exposure to sexual movies and magazines had less conservative attitudes toward regulating pornography. Another study conducted by Fisher et al. (1994) found that those who were more sexually conservative expressed a greater support for censorship. Based upon these previous studies it was predicted that pornography use would be correlated with lower support for the use of Internet filters in libraries: H6: People who do not use pornography will tend to support requiring Internet filters in libraries more than people who use pornography. News Framing as a Variable One of the reasons why it is difficult to determine public opinion of civil liberties issues is due the multitude of influences a person has when formulating their opinion. Previous research suggests that because of these influences people often have trouble deciding which side they agree with when it comes to rights (Chong, 1993). Framing can reveal some of these underlying uncertainties individuals have. Framing is the process by which media define and construct a political issue or public controversy (Nelson, Clawson, & Oxley, 1997). An individual almost always obtains information from outside sources to assist in constructing a point of view on a given issue. Depending upon how that outside source frames the issue, individuals may form very different perspectives. The issue of framing is examined by Nelson et al. (1997) who focus on how the media influences people's perceptions of civil liberties issues through the framing of a news story. By publicly stating the underlying causes and consequences of social and political issues, framing affects public opinion by shaping individuals' view points. Nelson et al. (1997) conducted an experiment using two news stories about a Ku Klux Klan rally. The first story framed the issue as a free speech story while the other framed the rally as a disruption of public order. Although both news stories were covering the same event, each provoked different views from the participants who watched them. Subjects who read the "free speech" news story reported a higher level of tolerance for Ku Klux Klan speeches than subjects who read the "disruption of public order" frame. Other research has been conducted that support this claim. In particular, Nelson and Oxley (1999) also conducted a study using news articles with manipulated content in order to examine framing issues. The study manipulated a newspaper story concerning the building of a new hotel and convention complex in Florida's marsh lands. One article emphasized the economic benefits including thousands of new jobs while the other article emphasized the environmental impact including the consequence of endangering animal species. Participants in the economic framing condition were found to have significantly more favorable opinions toward the proposed construction than participants in the environmental framing condition. Keum et al. (2003) attempted to discover what influences people's reactions to news about civil liberties issues. Their findings suggest that people are influenced by both the media and their own views. The way in which a story is framed by the media is important in how an individual will interpret the story. People's ideological beliefs and individual dispositions work in conjunction with media framing to influence people's reactions to news about civil liberties issues. This study tested whether or not media framing played a role in people's perceptions of first amendment rights, specifically examining their support for requiring Internet filters. Two news articles were fabricated, one that was framed to emphasize the importance of protecting children and the other stressing possible consequences on free expression. We predict: H7: Participants who read the fabricated newspaper article that emphasizes the importance of protecting children will be more likely to support requiring Internet filters in libraries than the participants who read the fabricated newspaper article that portrays the possible consequences of Internet filters on free expression. Method Participants Due to resource limitations, a purposive sample was used for this study. A general random sample was not financially feasible, but it was important to achieve variance on some of the key independent measures, including age, education, political ideology and religiosity. Subjects included students enrolled in an introductory communication research methods course at the University of XXXXX, adults with children recruited by students in another communication course at the same University, parents of students at a music school in Montgomery County, PA, and parents of children at a daycare in Bucks County, PA. The total was N=314. The sample was 57% female, and the mean age was 37. Measures The dependent variable this study examined was support for Internet filters in public libraries. Respondents were asked to indicate their agreement (1 = strongly agree to 6 = strongly disagree) with seven items focusing on the implications of Internet filters in libraries. These items were developed specifically for this study. A pre-test of the measurement device was conducted during April, 2004 using 10 students enrolled in an undergraduate communication class. The pretest indicated that the scale was reliable (a = .81) so all seven items were used in the study. The items, their range, means, and standard deviations from this study's data are presented in Table 1. Table 1 Support for Internet Filters Scale Item Range M SD Internet filters are beneficial tools for libraries. 1 – 5 3.45 1.29 Internet filters should be required in public places with Internet access. 1 – 5 3.4 1.33 The benefits of Internet filters in libraries outweigh the costs. 1 – 5 3.23 1.29 I support requiring Internet filters in libraries. 1 – 5 3.26 1.36 Requiring Internet filters in libraries is against our first amendment rights as Americans.* 1 – 5 3.93 1.47 Internet filters in libraries do not interfere with anyone's first amendment rights. 1 – 5 2.88 1.35 A government regulation requiring Internet filters in libraries and other public places would have a negative effect on society.* 1 – 5 3.97 1.43 * reversed items In this study, the first item of the scale was eliminated for further analysis in order to improve reliability. Also, the items were recoded so that a higher score would equal more support for Internet filters. Support for Internet filters ranged from 1-5 (M = 3.4, SD = 1.14, a = .91). Both age and gender were simple self-report measures. Participants were also asked to indicate their highest level of education from these choices: a high school education or less, some college or vocational school, graduate of a 4-year college, or graduate/professional school. Liberal-conservative self-ranking was assessed on a scale from 1=extremely liberal to 7=extremely conservative. Similarly, level of religiosity was measured by a self-report item ranging from 1=not religious at all to 4=deeply religious. The 7-item democratic principles scale is derived from Marcus, et al. (1995). In their book, With Malice Toward Some: How People Make Civil Liberties Judgments, Marcus et al. (1995) demonstrate that a person's standing decision regarding democratic principles has both a direct and an indirect influence on political tolerance judgments in a specific situation. They define a standing decision as a "default decision rule" (p. 59). In other words, in a particular situation each individual has a "default" level of commitment to democratic principles, and this level of commitment is an important element of their decision-making when faced with concrete civil liberties issues. Some of the items on this scale are "No matter what a person's political beliefs are, he is entitled to the same legal rights and protections as anyone else," and "Society shouldn't have to put up with those who have political ideas that are extremely different from the views of the majority" (this item is reverse-coded). The alpha for this scale is .71. Media use was measured by asking participants to report how often they read newspapers, watch television news, and use the Internet. Choices ranged from 1 (almost never) to 4 (every day). Respondents were also asked to indicate how often they use the Internet in a public library, how often they view pornography, and how often they view pornography on the Internet. Possible responses included never, rarely, several times a year, about once a month, and about once a week. Frame To test the effects of news framing on support for requiring Internet filters, two news stories were created (see Appendix A). One news story framed Internet filters as restricting First Amendment rights (anti-filter version) while the other news story framed Internet filters as a means to protect children from objectionable material (pro-filter version). A control group received no frame. 106 respondents received the pro-filter frame; 105 received the anti-filter frame; 103 were in the control group. The democratic principles scale was included before the frame in every condition. In addition, to control for order effects and variance due to sensitization, three different orders of the questions that followed the framing manipulation were created. To include the three framing conditions and the three orders of questions, nine questionnaire versions were created. Findings Hypothesis 1 H1 predicted that age would be positively linked to support for Internet filters in libraries. This hypothesis was supported; age was positively correlated with the support for Internet filters variable: r = .17, p < .001. Hypothesis 2 The second hypothesis predicted that females would be more likely than males to support Internet filters in libraries. A t-test found no support for the hypothesis. Females (M = 3.48) were no more likely to support filters than males: (M = 3.28): t(310) = 1.48, p = .14. Hypothesis 3 The third hypothesis predicted that education would be negatively linked to support for Internet filters. A Pearson correlation found no support for this prediction: r = .07, p = .10. Hypothesis 4 H4 predicted that conservatism would be positively correlated with support for filters. A one-tailed correlation supported this hypothesis: r = .25, p < .001. Hypothesis 5 The fifth hypothesis predicted that commitment to democratic principles would be negatively related to support for requiring Internet filters in libraries. A one-tailed Pearson correlation found support for this hypothesis: r = -.14, p < .01. Hypothesis 6 The sixth hypothesis predicted that pornography use would be related to support for requiring Internet filters in libraries. This hypothesis was supported. Both Internet pornography use (r = .11, p < .05) and general pornography use (r = .16, p < .01) were linked to less support for Internet filters in libraries. Hypothesis 7 A univariate ANOVA was used to test H7, which predicted that participants who read the fabricated news article that emphasized the importance of protecting children would be more likely to support requiring Internet filters in libraries than participants who read the fabricated news article portraying the possible consequences of Internet filters on free expression. The frame made a significant difference in an individual's likeliness to support requiring Internet filters in libraries: F(2, 310)=12.06, p<.001. Post-hoc t-tests were conducted to identify the specific frame effects. Compared to the pro-filters condition (M=3.55), respondents who were exposed to the anti-filters frame (M=2.98) showed significantly less support for Internet filters in libraries: t(209)=3.69, p<.001 The anti-filter group also supported filters significantly less than the control group (M=3.68): t(205)=4.63, p<.001. There was no difference between the pro-filters condition and the control group: t(206)=.84, p=.40. A final test was conducted for H7 to determine if any covariates were responsible for the framing effect. The framing effect remained significant when age, self-ranked liberalism-conservatism, general commitment to democratic principles, pornography use, and library Internet use were used as covariates. Research Question 1 The first research question asked about the relationship between religiosity and support for requiring Internet filters in libraries. Higher levels of religiosity are associated with greater support for requiring Internet filters (r=.15, p<.01). Research Question 2: This question asked about the relationship between media use and support for requiring Internet filters in libraries. While both television news use (r=-.22, p<.001) and newspaper use (r=-.18, p<.01) are negatively related to the dependent variable, Internet use (r=-.04, p=.54) is unrelated. Research Question 3: The third research question asked about the relationship between Internet use in libraries and support for requiring Internet filters. A negative relationship was observed (r=-.12, p<.05). A final analysis was conducted to examine the robustness of these zero-order relationships. Regression analysis provides an indication of what variables remain significant predictors of support for requiring Internet filters in libraries when the other independent variables are also taken into account. Only variables that had a significant zero-order relationship were included in the regression (Table 2). Table 2 Regression Analysis for Predictors of Support For Requiring Internet Filters in Libraries Variable R2 _ t p= Age -.01 -.13 .90 Liberalism/conservatism** .16 2.6 .01 Democratic principles -.09 -.13 .13 Religiosity .01 -.16 .90 Pornography use** .28 2.54 .01 Internet pornography use -.20 -1.84 .07 Television news use* -.14 -2.23 .03 Newspaper use -.05 -.64 .52 Library Internet use .07 1.27 .21 Frame*** .22 4.10 .00 Total R2*** .17 .00 p<.05, ** p<.01, ***p<.001 Overall, the variables included explained 17% of the variance in support for requiring Internet filters: F(10, 289) = 5.99, p<.001 The analysis revealed that several variables remain significant predictors of support for Internet filters in libraries, even when the other independent variables are taken into account (Table 2). Conservatism was a positive predictor of support for filters. General pornography use is also a positive predictor, which is surprising given that the zero-order relationship was negative. Internet pornography use remained a negative predictor, as was television news use. The manipulation of the news story frame was also a significant predictor. Discussion The primary purpose of this study was to identify variables that predict support for requiring Internet filters in public libraries and public schools. This requires a balancing act between two competing social goals – protecting freedom of speech, and protecting children from potential harm. Identifying the variables that predict support for filters can provide valuable information about the factors that enter in to such decision-making. The hypotheses and research questions examined zero-order relationships between support for requiring Internet filters in libraries and a series of independent variables that have been important in previous studies about censorship attitudes. For the most part, these hypotheses were supported. Age, liberal-conservative self-ranking, a general commitment to democratic principles, pornography use and internet pornography use, and the framing manipulation were significantly related in the expected direction. The only exceptions were gender and education, which were not significantly related in either direction. The research questions showed additional significant relationships with religiosity (positive), television news use (negative), newspaper use (negative), and use of the Internet at the library (positive). General library use was not a significant predictor. The regression analysis showed that several of the variables remained significant predictors when the other independent variables were included. Perhaps most surprising is the strength of the frame manipulation. This highlights the importance of media coverage of such issues in terms of public opinion formation. The zero-order relationships showed that the control group and the pro-filter frame were not significantly different; this may suggest that the media framed this issue as one of protecting children rather than as a free speech issue. A content analysis of media coverage compared with public opinion of the issue would provide further insight. Limitations and Directions for future research The purposive nature of this study limits the generalizability of its results. The sample was chosen to provide variance on several key independent variables – including age, education, political ideology, and religiosity – so the relationship between these variables and support for requiring Internet filters in libraries should not be discounted. However, further research should be done using a randomized national sample. A national sample would provide variance on other important individual variables, including race and geographic location. 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Library Journal, 111, 31-38. Wolinsky, A. (2001). Mandating the Wrong Filters. Teacher Librarian, 29, 1, 26. Appendix A: News story frames FILTERS PROTECT Susan Millbury, a Delaware Valley librarian, said she received 3 complaints already this month from library patrons who were with their children and unexpectedly saw another library user viewing pornography on the Internet. "It's a difficult situation," Millbury said, "we've tried posting rules. We've even tried educating parents and children." One of Millbury's largest concerns is for the protection of children. She explains it is her job as a librarian to make the library a safe place for kids. "It is easy to see the absurdity of uncontrolled Internet access for children and other patrons," Millbury said. Several other libraries in the area have turned to Internet filters to sort through the vast amount of information on the Internet. Internet filters are a pro-active way in which librarians and others in charge of public Internet access can prevent pornography from making its way into public venues. Internet filters are computer software programs that assist these professionals in restricting pornographic content. Millbury said she and other librarians she works with are planning to implement Internet filters in their library as soon as the board of trustees passes their request. Millbury said Internet filters will be significantly more effective than other methods they have tried. She adds, "My staff and I won't be content until we know that we've done our job as best we can." FILTERS ARE FLAWED Susan Millbury, a Delaware Valley librarian, said she received 3 complaints already this month from library patrons who were unable to access information on the World Wide Web due to Internet filters. "I've had it," Millbury said, "we've tried lowering the filter settings but they still seem to block legitimate websites." One of Millbury's largest concerns is full access to information. She explains that it is her job as a librarian to make sure people are able to have access to a variety of information. "You never know which websites are going to be blocked by a filter." Several other libraries in the area have removed the Internet filters from their computers. Internet filters are seen as a poor substitute for librarians who otherwise select content in a pro-active manner. Millbury explains, it is these librarians and other professionals who should be choosing content, not computer software. Millbury said she and other librarians she works with are planning to remove the Internet filters in their library as soon as the board of trustees passes their request. "Internet filters are only harming our library," Millbury said, "finally our patrons won't have to feel like they're only able to access part of the information that's available to them." [1] The previous pieces of legislation on this issue (the Communications Decency Act and the Child's Online Protection Act) were found unconstitutional because they violated the First Amendment rights of adults in order to serve the goal of protecting children.