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Computer-mediated Courtship:
Heterosexual Courtship Strategy in an Online Environment
1
Computer-mediated Courtship 2
Abstract
People increasingly turn to Internet personal ads to attract a mate. 
This study examines
heterosexual courtship theory when the behavior it seeks to explain 
occurs in a mediated
environment: Internet personals. Results show that advertisers behave 
in ways predicted by
heterosexual courtship theory; however, courtship behavior varied 
with ad service and with the
presence or absence of a photograph. Results suggest that ad services 
represent different social
units and the photograph may influence courtship strategy.
Computer-mediated Courtship 3
Computer-mediated Courtship:
Heterosexual Courtship Strategy in an Online Environment
It is safe to say that almost everyone is concerned with his or her 
romantic life and that
this is true whether one has a romantic relationship or not. For 
those who are not involved in a
romantic relationship, of course, their concern is how to obtain one 
and there are a variety of
methods available: people have used friends to "set them up" with a 
romantic partner; have
participated in blind dates; and have taken chances, asking a 
stranger out to a dinner and movie.
But increasingly, courtship behavior is taking place in mediated 
environments such as
newspaper, audio, video, and Internet romantic personal 
advertisements. In particular, the use of
Internet personal advertisements has grown in popularity. Through a 
simple search of the Web,
one can find many online dating services from which to choose. 
Numerous examples exist:
AdultFriendFinder.com, JailBabes.com, LavaLife.com, Match.com, Matchmaker.com,
ShotbyCupid.com, and Yahoo! personal ads. One person even used the 
personals to find a mate
for his dog ("Terrier finds," 2002).
The use of the personals as a medium through which individuals can 
interpersonally
interact has even prompted two scholars to suggest a fifth function 
of media. Where Lasswell
(1948) observed that media function to survey the environment, 
interpret the environment, and
socialize individuals to the environment, Wright (1986) added 
entertainment to that list. Merskin
and Huberlie (1996) argued that media serve as an "interpersonal 
intermediary" (emphasis in
original, p. 227). As more and more individuals are predicted to 
search, advertise in, and
respond to personal advertisements, scholarly investigation becomes 
warranted (Darden &
Koski, 1988).
Computer-mediated Courtship 4
Indeed, academics examining courtship behavior have examined the rapid rate of
diffusion of personal advertisements (Merskin & Huberlie, 1996); 
studied the content of personal
ads and responses to these ads, viewing the personals as a natural 
setting in which subjects are
unaware that they are being studied (e.g., Bailey, Kum, Hills, & 
Linsenmeier, 1997; Coupland,
2000; Hatala & Prehodka, 1996; Melton & Thomas, 1976; Yancey & 
Yancey, 1998); and noted
the importance of the social context in which the advertisement 
occurs (e.g., Hirschman, 1987;
Jagger, 1998) as well as the potential constraints and effects the 
structure of an advertisement has
on content (e.g., Bolig, Stein, & McKenry, 1984; Cameron & Collins, 
1998; Miller, Smith, &
Trembath, 2000).
Yet researchers have failed to conceptualize courtship behavior that 
takes place in
personal advertisements as a specific technological context within 
itself with its own
implications for the courtship process. Too often, they see the 
personals as an unmediated
behavioral system. Rather, as CMC research points out, the structure 
of a medium, as well as
how individuals manipulate that structure, influences online behavior 
(e.g., Daft & Lengel, 1987;
Danet, 1998; Jacobson, 1996; McLaughlin, Osborne, & Ellison, 1997; 
Postmes, Spears, & Lea,
2000). At the same time, however, the content of Internet 
communication is very much defined
by what conceptions people bring to the electronic environment (e.g., 
Baym, 1998; Gunkel &
Gunkel, 1997; Morahan-Martin, 1998). Therefore, it is important to 
ask how mediated
environments influence behavior that is grounded in non-mediated 
conceptions of reality.
Interpersonal theory designed to explain phenomenon in the physical, 
non-mediated environment
may or may not explain behavior that takes place in the non-physical, 
mediated environment.
This study examines how well one set of face-to-face (FtF) 
interpersonal theory – heterosexual
courtship theory – explains heterosexual courtship behavior when that 
behavior is mediated
Computer-mediated Courtship 5
through Internet personal advertisements. To arrive at hypotheses and 
research questions, a brief
review of courtship theory and CMC theory is in order.
Courtship Theory
Those that have studied courtship behavior in personal advertisements 
have used
evolutionary theory (e.g., Feingold, 1992; Pawlowski & Dunbar, 1998; 
Thiessen et al., 1993;
Wiederman, 1993), exchange theory (e.g., Cameron, Oskamp, & Sparks, 
1977; Child, Low,
McDonnell-McCormick, Cocciarella, 1996; Deaux & Hanna, 1984; Miller, 
Smith, & Trembath,
2000; Willis & Carlson, 1993), the matching hypothesis (e.g., Davis, 
1990; Harrison & Saeed,
1977), conflict theory and entitlement (Goode, 1996), theories about 
the formation of interracial
relationships (Yancey & Yancey, 1998), self-disclosure (Sitton & 
Rippee, 1986), perceptions of
attractiveness of body types (e.g., Lynn & Shurgott, 1984; Smith, 
Waldorf, & Trembath, 1990),
identity presentation and formation (e.g., Coupland, 2000; Peres & 
Meivar, 1986), and the
confluence of gender differences (e.g., Willis & Carlson, 1993).
Although these theories and approaches all offer alternative 
explanations, almost all of
the studies have obtained similar results. The dominant approaches 
are ecological (i.e.,
evolutionary theory) and social (e.g., exchange theory). Based on 
Darwinism, evolutionary
theory proposes that today's courtship patterns are based on 
reproductive pressure (Wiederman,
1993) and anatomical differences found in early humans (Bartholome, 
Tewksbury, & Bruzzone,
2000). As a result, courtship behavior differs in a gender-based way. 
Because women are much
more reproductively constrained – thus, having a greater investment 
in raising the child – they
should be more discriminating in seeking a mate (Wiederman, 1993). 
Men, on the other hand,
face fewer reproductive limitations and seek more partners 
(Wiederman, 1993). Accordingly,
Computer-mediated Courtship 6
evolutionary theory proposes that men are far more likely to pursue 
numerous sexual partners
while women are more likely to seek a lasting relationship (Goode, 1996).
Cues allow individuals the ability to seek optimal partners 
(Feindgold, 1992). The theory
proposes that men seek visual cues that signal the capacity to 
reproduce while women seek
resource acquisition cues that signal the male's ability to 
contribute to the survival of the
children (Feingold, 1992). An important cue to both men and women is 
age. Men tend to
associate young age with physical attractiveness and the ability to 
reproduce (Smith, Walforf, &
Trembath, 1990). On the other hand, women associate older age with 
resource acquisition skills
(Davis, 1998).
The dominant social courtship theory is exchange theory. Exchange 
theory states that the
values of the social unit in which courtship interaction occurs 
creates an interpersonal
marketplace that emphasizes certain qualities over others (e.g., 
Bolig et al., 1984). Therefore, an
individual's "value" may vary from one social unit to another, 
depending on qualities possessed
by the individual and how those qualities compare to competitors in a 
particular social unit
(Goode, 1996). For most social units, values are gender specific 
(e.g., Hirschman, 1987; Jagger,
1988).
Those who have examined courtship theories using the personal ad as 
their unit of
analysis have, for the most part, concluded similarly. They have 
found that older men advertise
their financial resources while they seek younger, attractive women 
(e.g., Cameron et al., 1977;
Child et al, 1996). Younger women, on the other hand, advertise their 
physical attractiveness
and seek older men who are financially viable (e.g., Deaux & Hanna, 
1984; Miller et al., 2000;
Willis & Carlson, 1993). Personal ad courtship behavior, then, is 
strategic. Men's goal is to
obtain an attractive woman. To achieve this goal they strategize: 
they advertise their resource
Computer-mediated Courtship 7
acquisition skills. Women's goal, on the other hand, is to obtain a 
man with resource acquisition
skills: their strategy is to advertise their attractiveness.
Because of similar findings, some have proposed a synergy of 
ecological and social
approaches, arguing that gendered courtship strategies initiated due 
to evolution have permeated
today's social units (e.g., Malamuth, 1996; Rajecki, Bledsoe, & 
Rasmussen, 1991). The
biological base is sensitive to variables in the social and 
ecological environment:
Environmental differences, both developmentally and contemporarily, 
provide different
input to the evolved mechanisms. These may manifest themselves very 
differently, even
though the underlying mechanisms are the same. For example, all 
humans have callusproducing
mechanisms, but, depending on the environment, they may or may not have
visible calluses. Other members of our species who provide a rich 
source of social
stimulation to evolved mechanisms specifically designed for such 
input also are
important environmental influences. Socialization is an integral part 
of the evolutionary
paradigm (Malamuth, 1996, p. 12).
If this convergence is correct, biological characteristics may remain 
relatively constant
and important in gender-specific ways, but because social unit values 
vary, then certain
characteristics may vary with the social unit. For example, physical 
attractiveness may always
constitute an important quality, but how that physical attractiveness 
is defined may vary with the
social unit. The theory also accounts for behavior. For example, in 
certain social units men may
still hold a reproductive advantage by having sex with multiple 
partners. However, in a social
unit that does not value male promiscuity or is threatened by 
sexually transmitted disease, it may
be more advantageous for a man to have sex with fewer partners, 
assuming that a long-term
relationship will result in children.
Those who have examined personal advertisements to investigate 
courtship theory have
discussed the limitations of their studies, and some have noted that 
they did not account for how
the medium's structure may have influenced the content of the 
advertisement. Gonzales and
Meyers (1993), for example, noted that advertisements let advertisers 
carefully construct and edit
Computer-mediated Courtship 8
the self. Deaux and Hanna (1984) suggested newspaper personal 
advertisements, due to their
limited space, may encourage frank statements of what qualities one 
possesses and seeks rather
than a gradual discovery of traits. Limited space of a per-word cost 
encourages the use of
abstractions (e.g., attractive, honest, intelligent) and may result 
in misinterpretation and courtship
problems (Bolig et al., 1984; Miller et al., 2000). Inter-media 
differences (e.g., newspaper v. the
Internet) may also influence the courtship process: what is 
advertised, what is sought, who
advertises certain qualities, who seeks certain qualities, and who 
participates.
While these criticisms are technological and deterministic, 
researchers have also noted
social flaws in their work. Specifically, some noted that the study 
of a single publication – and
its specific audience – may have contributed to over-generalizations 
so that courtship behavior
may not be entirely understood (e.g., Bolig et al., 1984; Davis, 
1990; Deaux & Hanna, 1984;
Goode, 1996; Jagger, 1988). Indeed, the examination of intra-media 
differences (e.g., a
mainstream publication v. an underground publication) may reveal 
differences in courtship
behavior between groups. The examination of behavior occurring in 
different publications of the
same medium may reveal conceptions about physical reality that 
different people and social units
bring to the Internet. A review of computer-mediated communication 
(CMC) research is
relevant because CMC theory accounts for both how a medium's 
structure contributes to
behavior and how people bring physical conceptions to the Internet.
CMC Theory and Research
CMC theory that is technological and deterministic has been dubbed 
the cues-filtered-out
(CFO) perspective (Culnan & Markus, 1987). These include social 
presence (Short, Williams, &
Christie, 1976), media richness (Daft & Lengel, 1984; Trevino, 
Lengel, & Daft, 1987), and
social context cues (Kiesler, Siegel, & McGuire, 1984; Sproull & 
Kiesler, 1986). The CFO
Computer-mediated Courtship 9
perspective holds that media have the inherent ability to delimit 
social context cues that aid the
interpretive process of communication. Certain media can transmit 
more cues and individuals
choose media based on one's communicative needs (Rice, 1993) so that 
when an individual
needs to convey many nonverbal cues that individual may choose FtF 
communication whereas if
one had only a simple, routine message, electronic mail may be more 
appropriate.
Communication problems may occur when the medium used does not 
appropriately convey
context cues. The CFO perspective views CMC as non-relational and 
therefore inappropriate
conveyors of otherwise relational interactions.
The lack of cues inherent in CMC may not only affect its use or 
interpretation, but the
content and behavior of users as well. Sproull and Kiesler (1986) 
stated that without visual
components, text-based CMC results in the absence of static and 
dynamic cues. Static cues
include, for example, "a clock, a private office, a big desk, and a 
personal secretary" (p. 1495)
that relay information to the receiver about the sender. "Dynamic 
cues emanate from peoples'
nonverbal behavior which changes over the course of an interaction – 
for instance, nodding
approval or frowning with displeasure" (p. 1495). The effect is that 
"when social context cues
are strong, behavior tends to be relatively other-focused, 
differentiated, and controlled. When
social context cues are weak, people's feeling of anonymity tend to 
produce relatively selfcentered
and unregulated behavior" (p. 1495). Kiesler et al. (1984) noted that 
text-based CMC
may have positive, democratic behavioral effects because it creates 
visually anonymous
participants. For example, text-based CMC group interaction may 
become more participatory by
all group members rather than dominated by a few as it is in FtF 
communication. A breakdown
of social barriers may also occur. Men, for example, may feel freer 
to include emotional content
Computer-mediated Courtship 10
whereas women can become more assertive (see Morahan-Martin, 1998, 
for a discussion of
gendered language).
Other CMC perspectives have noted users' ability to bring physical 
conceptions of reality
to the CMC application as well as their ability to create relational 
communication. Ramirez,
Walther, Burgoon, and Sunnafrank (2002), for example, outlined 
strategies CMC users employ
to gather cues about other users. Jacobson (1996) noted that users 
encode cues with emoticons,
embedded texts, and nicks (see also, Rintel & Pittman, 1997; Mills, 
1998); and Walther (1992)
stated that cues can occur in the form of paralanguage. Schmitz 
(1997) and Mills (1998)
suggested that writing ability may act as a cue to intelligence. 
Walther's (1992) social
information processing theory states that communication becomes 
relational with time. CMC
characteristics may not prevent relational communication; they may 
only retard it (Walther,
1994). Asynchronous CMC may result in different communicative content 
than synchronous
CMC, affecting presence, cue display, and relational communication 
due to those cues (Walther,
1993; Walther & Burgoon, 1992). Participants' expectation for future 
interaction will also affect
the relational content of CMC, making their behavior consistent with 
group norms (Walther,
1994).
The social identity and deindividuation effects (SIDE) model (Spears 
& Lea, 1992)
accounts for CMC effects via the interaction of the technology's 
structure with perceived group
or individual identity salience. Communication effects occur not only 
because the computer is
designed as a tool for use in physical isolation; because of the 
structure of the medium; and
because of the lack of social context cues, making any available cues 
more important and part of
an over-attribution process (Hancock & Dunham, 2001; Lea & Spears, 
1995; Walther, 1996); but
effects are also dependent on group or individual identity salience. 
The interaction of these
Computer-mediated Courtship 11
variables results in different communicative content (Postmes, 
Spears, & Lea, 2000). Text-based
CMC users who subscribed to group norms were perceived as more 
physically attractive than
members individuated from the group and members showed greater affect 
for individuals whose
behavior was consistent with group norms (Walther, 1997). Postmes, 
Spears, and Lea (1998)
examined the behavior of group members who were both physically 
anonymous and, with a
photograph, non-anonymous. Users with a photograph were less likely 
to comply with group
norms. However, Scott (1999) found that discursively and physically 
anonymous group
members identified less with the group. Men are more likely to create 
a non-anonymous CMC
environment while women seek to maintain Internet anonymity 
(Flanigan, Tiyaamornwong,
O'Connor, & Seibold, 2002).
Though CMC researchers recognize the importance of the structure in 
contributing to
online behavior, Soukup (2000) criticized CMC theory for 
over-emphasizing the textual
limitations of a medium while failing to recognize the increasingly 
"multi-media, multi-sensory,
three-dimensional communication" that takes place in Internet 
interaction (p. 408). With the
introduction of Internet photography, audio, and video, CMC is 
decreasingly text-dominated.
Therefore, behavioral possibilities are diversifying, becoming more 
reflective of or even
transcending FtF behavior. That is, at CMC structures continue to 
develop and become more
sophisticated, we do not know and cannot imagine the ways in which 
CMC structure may limit,
replicate, or transcend FtF communication as application structures 
evolve. Nor are we aware of
the ways in which individuals may manipulate future structures. As 
Parks and Floyd (1996)
pointed out, theories of CMC must be able to adapt to technological 
innovations of the medium
in order to avoid becoming "theoretic antique" (p. 93). As structures 
evolve, theories based on
old structures may no longer apply.
Computer-mediated Courtship 12
This study accounts for non-text CMC structures by introducing 
personal ad photographs,
and their contents, as a key variable.
Hypotheses and Research Questions
Following heterosexual courtship theory and CMC theory, this study examines
heterosexual courtship behavior found in Internet personal 
advertisements and how CMC
structures may contribute to or alter that behavior. This will help 
us understand whether and to
what extent interpersonal theory formulated to describe, explain, and 
predict courtship behavior
in a non-mediated context is applicable to mediated courtship 
behavior. Using the propositions
of courtship theory as a guide, this study codes behavior categories 
that are consistent with
courtship theory. The study also examines the extent to which 
different social units engage in
varied courtship behavior. The structures of the medium may also 
contribute to or alter
behavior. Internet personal advertisements, unlike newspaper personal 
ads, allow users to
include photographs of the self. Ad content may vary with the 
inclusion or exclusion of the
photograph. With or without the photograph and its cues, advertisers 
may alter their courtship
behavior. For these reasons, the following hypotheses and research 
questions were developed:
H1: Men are more likely than women to advertise resource acquisition 
skills and seek
visual cues.
H2: Women are more likely than men to advertise visual cues and seek resource
acquisition skills.
H3: Men will advertise resource acquisition skills and seek women who 
possess visual
cues that suggest reproductive capability.
H4: Women will advertise visual cues that suggest reproductive 
capability and seek men
who possess resource acquisition skills.
Computer-mediated Courtship 13
H5: Yahoo! advertisers and Lavalife.com advertisers advertise and 
seek different
qualities.
RQ1: How is the inclusion/exclusion of the photograph associated with 
ad content?
Method
A content analysis of Yahoo! personals (personals.yahoo.com) and 
Lavalife.com was
conducted to test the hypotheses' null and answer the research 
question. These services were
chosen because they have similar structures, a key variable for this 
study; because they are large,
popular Internet ad services; and because two different services 
allows one to examine courtship
variations due to social unit (the different ad service). 
Advertisements include a "nick," closeended
categories (e.g., age, gender, body type, personality 
characteristics); an open-ended
description in which the advertiser may describe oneself and the 
characteristics of one's desired
partner in a limitless space; a dominant photograph; and 
occasionally, supplemental ones as well.
Yahoo! and Lavalife.com differ in one key structural way. 
Lavalife.com users can specify
whether they seek others interested in "dating," "committed 
relationships," or "intimate
encounters." Yahoo! does not offer its users sub-categories. Because 
courtship theory is biased
toward explaining strategies people use to form serious 
relationships, advertisements in
Lavalife.com's "committed relationships" sub-category were sampled.
Units of analysis included 500 (250 from each service) personal 
advertisements found in
Yahoo! and Lavalife.com personals. Using each service's "quick 
search," the sampling frame
was limited to heterosexual advertisements, age ranged from 18 to 99, 
and geographic area was
confined to the United States. This process was followed for both 
genders in both services.
Each ad within each service was numbered and from each service, 125 
male and 125 female ads
Computer-mediated Courtship 14
were randomly sampled using a random numbers table. Recording units 
consisted of the "nick,"
the dominant photograph, and the open-ended description.
The "nick" and open-ended description were measured using a number of 
dichotomous,
nominal variables that measured courtship behavior. The dominant 
photograph was measured
for its presence or absence.
Courtship variables were drawn and modified from previous studies 
(Davis, 1990; Deaux
& Hanna, 1984; Harrison & Saeed, 1977):
Advertises/seeks attractiveness: Advertisers claimed to be 
good-looking or sought a
good-looking partner. Examples of words or phrases that indicate this 
include attractive,
cute, handsome, pretty, good-looking, and beautiful.
Advertises/seeks financial security: Advertiser stated his or her 
occupation, income, or
wealth. Advertiser sought those with a certain income, occupation, or 
wealth. Examples
of words or phrases that indicate this include affluent, employed, 
rich, good job,
financially secure/independent, hard working, good income, 
prosperous, and specific job
titles or functions.
Advertises/seeks sexuality: Advertiser makes explicit sexual 
references, seeking or
referring to erotic fantasies, sexual behavior, or sexual physical 
characteristics. Examples
of words or phrases that indicate this include sexy, sensuous, 
lustful, passionate, and
erotic.
Advertises/seeks education/intelligence: Advertiser refers to one's 
own educational or
intellectual level or requests that potential respondents have a 
certain level of education
or intelligence. Examples of words or phrases that indicate this 
include well educated,
well read, college graduate, smart, and intelligent.
Computer-mediated Courtship 15
Advertises/seeks personality: Advertiser makes a reference to or 
seeks any cognitive or
personality disposition. Examples of words or phrases that indicate 
this include spiritual,
loving, caring, sense of humor, mature, sincere, easy to get along 
with, and loves to have
fun.
Advertises/seeks hobbies/interests: Advertiser makes a reference to 
or seeks specific
examples of activities a person does, prefers, or enjoys. Examples of 
words or phrases
that indicate this include cooking, likes art, exercise, music, dancing.
Advertises/seeks age: Advertiser makes a reference to his or her own 
age or seeks a
particular age in a partner. Examples include a specific age (e.g., 
45), a range of ages
(e.g., 20-30; late 30s), or a general category of age group (e.g., 
older or younger).
Advertises/seeks physique: Advertiser refers to one's own body type 
or a body type that
one is seeking. Examples of words and phrases that indicate physique 
include muscular,
petite, trim, fit, athletic, and general descriptions of height, 
weight, or color of hair or
eyes.
 From the courtship categories outlined above, four ratio-level 
scales were devised. The
first two, total advertised and total sought, were calculated by 
adding the number of attributes
advertised and by adding the number of attributes sought. Because 
eight attributes are
operationalized, both scales range from 0 to 8.
The next two scales, male strategy-goal scale and female 
strategy-goal scale, were
calculated by combining four of the above courtship variables. Based 
on heterosexual courtship
theory, personal ads represent the strategies advertisers use to 
obtain a particular goal. Courtship
theory holds that the strategy-goal behavior inversely occurs for men 
and women. Men advertise
resource acquisition skills and seek visual cues that suggest 
reproductive capability. Women
Computer-mediated Courtship 16
advertise visual cues that suggest reproductive capability and seek 
resource acquisition skills. To
create the male strategy-goal scale, four variables were combined: 
advertises financial security,
advertises education/intelligence, seeks attractiveness, and seeks 
sexuality. To create the female
strategy-goal scale, the inverse of the above variables were 
combined: advertises attractiveness,
advertises sexuality, seeks financial security, and seeks 
education/intelligence.
Two trained coders conducted a formal pilot study and intercoder agreement was
assessed. Once formal intercoder agreement was reached, 10% (N = 50) 
of the ads from the
research sample were randomly chosen to serve as the reliability 
sample. Coders independently
analyzed the content of the reliability sample and disagreements were 
resolved through
discussion. Coders equally divided the remainder (N = 450) of the ads 
so that each
independently analyzed 225 personal advertisements. Each coder used a 
code sheet upon which
they tallied the results of analysis and, if they had any questions, 
consulted a code book.
Intercoder agreement was calculated using Perreault and Leigh's 
(1989) reliability index:
Ir = {[(Fo/N) – (1/k)][k/k-1]}0.5 where Fo is the observed frequency 
of agreement between coders,
N is the total number of judgments, and k is the number of 
categories. This index accounts for
chance agreement, the number of categories used, and is sensitive to 
coding weaknesses.
Reliability scores range from 0 to 1 where higher scores indicate 
greater coder agreement.
Reliability scores ranged from .85 to 1.00.
The first and second hypotheses dealt with the association between 
gender and qualities
advertised and sought. Chi-Square cross tabulations were performed to 
assess the association
between these variables and independent samples t-tests were used to 
assess the extent to which
men and women differed in respect to their strategy-goal behavior. 
The third hypothesis
predicted that men would include content that was more consistent 
with the male strategy-goal
Computer-mediated Courtship 17
scale than the female strategy-goal scale. The fourth hypothesis 
predicted that women would
include content that was more consistent with the female 
strategy-goal scale than the male
strategy-goal scale. One sample t-tests were used to measure this 
difference. The fifth
hypothesis predicted that advertisers that use different services 
include different content. Chi-
Square and independent samples t-tests measured associations and 
differences. The research
question was concerned with the extent to which the presence or 
absence of a photograph was
associated with varying courtship behavior. Chi-Square and 
independent samples t-tests
measured associations and differences.
Results
Data revealed that heterosexual Internet personal advertisers 
advertise and seek genderspecific
qualities that are consistent with heterosexual courtship theory. A 
number of significant
relationships between gender and qualities advertised were revealed. 
Men (30%) were more
likely than women (20%) to advertise financial security by stating 
their occupation, amount of
income, and other cues to resource acquisition (_2 = 7.2, df = 1, p < 
.05). Though women were
not more likely to advertise their physical attractiveness in the 
text, women (9%) were more
likely than men (3%) to advertise their sexuality (_2 = 7.7, df = 1, 
p < .05). Female advertisers
(76%) were also more likely than men (66%) to advertise their 
personality characteristics (_2 =
6.1, df = 1, p < .05).
Gender differences were also found when advertisers sought qualities 
in potential
partners. Men (20%) were almost twice as likely as women (11%) to 
seek physical
attractiveness by describing their ideal mate as someone who is 
good-looking (_2 = 8.1, df = 1, p
< .05). Women (9%) were more likely than men (2%) to seek financial 
security (_2 = 10.6, df =
1, p < .05) in a mate.
Computer-mediated Courtship 18
Using independent samples t-tests, the data revealed that men were 
more likely than
women to include content that was consistent with the male 
strategy-goal scale (t = 2.41, df =
498, p < .05). Women were more likely than men to include content 
that fit the female strategygoal
scale (t = -2.56, df = 498, p < .05). Results supported the first and 
second hypotheses.
Results showed that men were more likely to fit male strategy-goal 
behavior than to fit
female strategy-goal behavior (t = 7.45, df = 249, p < .05). However, 
women were not
significantly more likely to include content that was consistent with 
the female strategy-goal
scale (t = 1.58, df = 249, p = .12). In fact, women scored higher on 
the male strategy-goal scale
(M = .56) than they did on the female strategy-goal scale (M = .48). 
Results supported the third
hypothesis, but the fourth is rejected.
The fifth hypothesis predicted that courtship behavior would vary 
with the ad service.
Within the Yahoo! ads, gender differences were found when advertisers 
described their own
qualities. Men (37%) were more likely than women (22%) to advertise 
financial security (_2 =
6.1, df = 1, p < .05). Women (10%) were more likely than men (3%) to 
advertise their sexuality
(_2 = 5.1, df = 1, p < .05).
Men and women advertisers in Yahoo! also sought different qualities. 
Men (26%) were
more likely than women (11%) to seek attractiveness (_2 = 9.5, df = 
1, p < .05). Women (14%)
were more likely than men (4%) to seek financial security (_2 = 7.2, 
df = 1, p < .05).
Within Lavalife.com ads, only one significant difference was found. 
Women (77%) were
more likely than men (55%) to advertise their personality 
characteristics (_2= 13.0, df = 1, p <
.05).
Independent samples t-tests revealed that those that included 
personal ads in Yahoo! and
Lavalife.com included different content. Yahoo! women advertisers 
included content that fit the
Computer-mediated Courtship 19
female strategy-goal scale more closely than Lavalife.com women 
advertisers (t = 2.56, df = 248,
p < .05). Yahoo! men advertisers included content that fit the male 
strategy-goal scale more
closely than Lavalife.com men advertisers (t = 2.36, df = 248, p < 
.05). Results supported the
fifth hypothesis.
The research question was concerned with how the inclusion/exclusion 
of a dominant
photograph was associated with ad content. Results revealed that the 
presence or absence of a
photograph was associated with variation with ad content in general. 
Results show that men
(65%) were more likely than women (52%) to include a photograph (_2
= 7.9, df = 1, p < .05).
When advertisers included a photograph, they advertised different 
qualities in the openended
description. Ads that contained a photograph (72%) were more likely 
than ads without a
photograph (58%) to advertise hobbies and interests (_2 = 11.2, df = 
1, p < .05). The inclusion of
a photograph was also associated with qualities sought. Those who 
included a photograph (18%)
were more likely than those who did not include a photograph (12%) to 
seek attractiveness (_2=
3.9, df = 1, p < .05). Those who included a photograph (72%) were 
more likely than those who
did not (63%) to seek personality characteristics (_2 = 4.6, df = 1, 
p < .05). Those who included
a photograph (19%) were also more likely to seek education or 
intelligence than those who did
not (11%) (_2= 6.2, df = 1, p < .05).
There were also key differences between male and female ad content 
when a photograph
was included or absent. Men who included a photograph (74%) were more 
likely than those who
did not include a photograph (55%) to advertise their hobbies and 
interests (_2= 9.9, df = 1, p <
.05). Men did not seek different qualities based on the inclusion or 
exclusion of the photograph.
The association between the inclusion/exclusion of the photograph 
with ad content was
more pronounced for women. Women advertised differently when they did 
not include a
Computer-mediated Courtship 20
photograph. Women who did not include a photograph (25%) were more 
likely than women
who included a photograph (15%) to advertise their age (_2 = 4.5, df 
= 1, p < .05). When women
included a photograph they also sought more characteristics in a 
partner. Those who included a
photograph (78%) were more likely than those who did not (63%) to 
seek personality
characteristics (_2
= 6.6, df = 1, p < .05). Women who included a photograph (18%) were more
likely than those who did not (8%) to seek physique (_2
= 5.2, df = 1, p < .05). Women who
included a photograph (22.1%) were also more likely than those who 
did not (8%) to seek
education or intelligence in a potential mate (_2 = 8.9, df = 1, p < .05).
Independent samples t-tests revealed content differences when 
advertisers included or
excluded a photograph. As a whole, advertisers who included a 
photograph were more likely
than those that did not include a photograph to encode content that 
was consistent with the male
strategy-goal scale (t = -2.15, df = 498, p < .05). Men who included 
a photograph did not score
significantly higher or lower on either strategy-goal scale than men 
who did not include a
photograph. Women who included a photograph did not significantly 
score higher or lower on
either strategy-goal scale than women who did not include a 
photograph. However, women who
included a photograph sought more qualities than women who did not 
include a photograph (t =
-2.23, df = 248, p < .05).
Discussion
The purpose of this study was to reassess one set of interpersonal 
theory – heterosexual
courtship theory – when the behavior it sought to explain took place 
in a mediated environment
rather than an unmediated environment. Based on the evolutionary 
component of courtship
theory, men and women should advertise and seek different qualities. 
Men should seek cues that
signal the capacity to reproduce while women should seek resource 
acquisition cues that signal
Computer-mediated Courtship 21
the ability to contribute to the survival of offspring. However, 
according to the social component
of the convergence of courtship theory, those qualities may fluctuate 
based on the values of the
social unit in which courtship occurs. Variations in courtship 
strategy may also result from
possibilities delimited by CMC structures.
Results generally find that evolutionary theory, its social 
component, and the possibilities
determined by CMC structures are all useful predictors of different 
mediated courtship strategies
used by men and women. Like most studies of newspaper personal 
advertisements (e.g., Deaux
& Hanna, 1984; Miller et al., 2000; Willis & Carlson, 1993), the 
findings of this study indicate
that men and women advertise and seek qualities in Internet personal 
ads in ways consistent with
courtship theory. Taking the sample as a whole, men were more likely 
than women to advertise
their financial security (i.e., resource acquisition ability) and 
sought attractive (i.e., reproductive
ability) women. Women, on the other hand, were more likely to 
advertise their sexuality (i.e.,
reproductive ability) and seek financial security.
Courtship theory predicts that women are more likely than men to 
advertise their
attractiveness, but this did not occur. In the context of the 
Internet advertisement, it may be that
terms such as "attractive" and "good-looking" are highly interpretive 
terms so women, when
online, may indicate their reproductive capability through the less 
ambiguous means of
advertising their sexual desires, contemplating that this will help 
attract potential mates. Because
each reader of an ad may interpret an "attractive" quality 
differently, when potential partners
meet FtF, disappointment may occur. On the other hand, a respondent 
is much more likely to
understand what the advertiser means when she says, "I love to kiss" 
rather than "I am good
looking."
Computer-mediated Courtship 22
Among the men, advertisers were more likely to include content that 
more closely fit the
male-strategy goal scale than the female strategy-goal scale. Among 
the women, however,
advertisers did not include content that more closely fit the female 
strategy-goal scale. Though
not statistically significant, in fact, women included content that 
more closely fit the male
strategy-goal scale. The results show that men were more likely to 
"stick to" a specific courtship
strategy. Though women were more likely than men to include content 
specific to courtship
behavior predicted by courtship theory, among themselves they were 
actually more likely to
behave in ways that courtship theory predicts men would behave. It is 
possible that women who
use Internet personal ads constitute a higher income and 
higher-than-average educated group.
However, as discussed below, the structure of the ads may account for 
this as well.
Unlike previous research in newspaper personal advertisements, this 
study showed that
men and women were equally as likely to advertise their 
attractiveness in the open-ended
description. But if one interprets the inclusion of a photograph as 
an advertisement of
attractiveness, then men, because they were significantly more likely 
to include a photograph,
were also more likely to advertise their attractiveness. One should 
take caution with this
interpretation, however. Willingness to include a photograph may be 
attributable to a number of
factors unrelated the desire to advertise attractiveness. Men's 
expertise with a computer may be
greater, more men may be online, and more men may be willing to take 
risk by uploading a
photograph of the self for anyone to see.
The social component of the convergence of courtship theory suggests 
that qualities
valued by men and women vary with the social unit in which courtship 
occurs. Results support
this. Within each ad carrier, the differences between men and women 
were much more
pronounced in Yahoo! ads than in Lavalife.com ads. Yahoo! men were 
more likely to advertise
Computer-mediated Courtship 23
financial security and seek attractiveness. Yahoo! women were more 
likely to advertise their
sexuality and seek financial security. Lavalife.com men and women did 
not differ in ways
consistent with the evolutionary component of courtship theory. 
Clearly, Yahoo! advertisers
included content that fit gendered strategy-goal behavior and 
Lavalife.com advertisers did not.
According to the convergence of courtship theory's social component, courtship
differences are due to differences inherent in social units. 
Individuals who value particular
qualities may choose particular personal ad carriers whose previously 
existing advertisers most
closely resemble their own values. In other words, individuals may 
study the emphasis different
advertisers, in the context of an ad carrier, place on different 
qualities and then decide which ad
carrier holds the best possibility for finding and attracting a mate. 
There is evidence that
supports this claim. Darden and Koski (1988) found that most 
advertisers read for some time
before advertising themselves. In this study, at least one advertiser 
lurked before placing an ad:
"I've been looking through the ads for some time now and I finally 
decided to place my own ad."
There also may have been some structural differences that account for 
this. The Yahoo!
structure specifically marked two organizing headlines in the 
open-ended description: what one
has and what one wants. Lavalife.com did not include the headlines. 
It is possible that the
headlines located in the Yahoo! service prompted advertisers to 
include both kinds of content. It
is interesting to note that advertisers include what they want in a 
partner at all. Because
advertisers can actively seek others by perusing the ads themselves, 
one might expect them to not
stress what they want in a partner. Because the advertiser can 
actively seek those who possess
qualities the advertiser desires, the presence, in the open-ended 
description, of qualities one seeks
in a partner suggests the importance advertisers place on those qualities.
Computer-mediated Courtship 24
Finally, this study examined the extent to which variation in ad 
content was associated
with the inclusion or exclusion of the photograph. Results show that 
ad content variation was
associated with whether or not advertisers included a photograph. 
Male advertisements that
included a photograph focused more on hobbies and interests in the 
open-ended description than
those in which a photograph was absent. Ad content variation was 
greater for women when the
photograph was present or absent. When women did not include a 
photograph, they were more
likely to advertise their age. When women included a photograph, they 
were more likely to seek
personality characteristics, physique, and education or intelligence.
For men, the inclusion of the photograph, with its visual cues, freed 
discussion in the text
to what they enjoy doing or prefer rather than focusing on other 
qualities. It is possible that
advertisements not only reflect traditional courtship strategies, but 
gender roles as well. That is,
male advertisements seem to reflect a socially active role versus a 
passive role for women.
Indeed, results showed that women were more likely to advertise their 
personality than were
men. This suggests that men advertise what they do while women 
advertise who they are.
Women who included a photograph were much more demanding in what they 
sought in a
partner. Women were more likely to seek all qualities in general, but 
specifically they were
more likely to seek personality characteristics, physique (i.e., cues 
to reproductive capability),
and education or intelligence (i.e., resource acquisition skills). 
That is, women who included a
photograph were more likely to seek a partner with the "whole 
package." For women, the
photograph, whether present or absent, was an important part of their 
courtship strategy.
Courtship theory suggests that the visual cues such as level of 
attractiveness and age are
important determinants for men when they seek a woman. When women 
included a photograph,
they sought more qualities in a man. The act of placing a photograph 
increased their self-
Computer-mediated Courtship 25
perceived market value. Women who were more confident in how their 
attractiveness is
evaluated by potential partners may have been more likely to include 
a photograph. As exchange
theory suggests, women who are more attractive can demand more from 
potential partners.
When women did not include a photograph, they were more likely to 
state their age in the
open-ended description. Without visual cues provided by the 
photograph, women stressed their
visual cues in the open-ended description.
The photograph, working as a non-text CMC structure that an 
advertiser could choose to
use, functioned in a way that replicated offline courtship strategy. 
Considering whether or to
what extent new non-text CMC structures limit, reflect, or transcend 
FtF communication, these
findings suggest that the photograph reinforced non-mediated 
courtship strategy.
Limitations
Results revealed that the inclusion or exclusion of a photograph 
varied with ad content,
particularly for women. However, in this study only the dominant 
photograph was taken into
consideration. This limits the study because advertisers included 
supplemental photographs and
included photographs in a pay-only "backstage." Because of the way 
the photograph was
measured, the study failed to account for all photographs in the sample.
Quality seeking measurement should improve also. This study measured 
seeking as
statements in the ad that sought certain qualities in a potential 
mate. This method of seeking is
passive. Its purpose is to inform potential respondents whether or 
not they meet certain criteria.
If they do, they are welcome to respond to an ad. If they do not, it 
is a waste of their time. This
minimizes unwanted responses. On the other hand, active seeking 
refers to combing through ads
to determine the extent to which an advertiser fits one's wants and 
whether one's characteristics
Computer-mediated Courtship 26
are valuable to the advertiser. Future studies should differentiate 
between passive and active
seeking methods.
The use of nominal data may have also limited this study's insight. 
Measuring qualities
advertised and sought as present or absent does not reveal the extent 
to which advertisers stress
particular qualities. It is possible that men and women are equally 
likely to include a demand for
a quality, but that men or women stress that quality more within each 
advertisement. Measuring
qualities on a scale, rather than nominally, may prove beneficial.
Finally, Internet personal ads are designed so that advertisers can 
eventually meet FtF.
Internet courtship that is designed for a mediated environment only 
may not be explained by
courtship theory. However, CMC may serve to only reinforce courtship 
behavior even when no
expectation of physical meeting exists. For example, Clark's (1998) 
study of Internet teen dating
showed that girls that were unpopular in non-mediated environments 
made inflated claims about
their attractiveness in order to electronically date boys.
Future Research
Researchers could expand their understanding of Internet courtship behavior by
examining the development the development, sustenance, and 
consequences of Internet courtship
behavior, both offline and online. As new technologies emerge (e.g., 
avatar chat rooms, virtual
reality, audio and video), researchers may examine the ways in which 
interpersonal behavior in a
non-mediated environment translates to behavior in mediated contexts. 
Doing so, researchers
can begin to understand how CMC variables contribute to behavior.
Changing technologies that mediate behavior provide several research 
directions. As
technologies continue to change, researchers need to adjust their 
models in order to explain
behavior. Scholars need to test interpersonal theory that explains 
non-mediated behavior and
Computer-mediated Courtship 27
determine the extent to which it changes in a mediated environment. 
Reevaluating interpersonal
theory in a mediated environment will help us build theory about 
mediated interpersonal
interactions. The present study suggests that online courtship 
strategies are consistent with
courtship behavior that takes place offline. CMC structures only 
further reinforced offline
courtship strategy. Further investigation of mediated behavior in 
general, and mediated
courtship behavior in particular, will expand our knowledge about how 
interpersonal media
influence behavior.
Computer-mediated Courtship 28
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Computer-mediated Courtship 36