Content-Type: text/html Hypermasculinity, Aggression, and Television Violence: An Experiment By Erica Scharrer Assistant Professor Department of Communication 309 Machmer Hall University of Massachusetts Amherst Amherst, MA 01003 Phone: (413) 545-4765 Fax: (413) 545-6399 E-mail: [log in to unmask] Submitted to: Mass Communication & Society Division AEJMC April 1, 2003 This study was supported by a Faculty Research Grant from the University of Massachusetts Amherst. The author would like to thank Nina Huntemann for her assistance with the project. Hypermasculinity, Aggression, and Television Violence: An Experiment Abstract This experiment tests the role of hypermasculinity (HM) and trait aggression in predicting aggressive responses to violent television. 91 male college students were exposed to a violent and HM television program, a violence only program, or a control program. Results find that some dimensions of HM and pre-existing aggression interact with exposure to the treatment stimulus to predict aggressive responses, and that HM can also be treated as a dependent variable that is affected by television exposure. Hypermasculinity, Aggression, and Television Violence In the United States, young males are both the most frequent perpetrators and the most frequent victims of crimes (Maguire & Pastore, 1995; U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, 2001). Public debate surrounding the influence of media violence on antisocial behavior has reached a fevered pitch in recent years in the wake of a spate of school shootings involving young male perpetrators (cite). In social science research, the association between exposure to television violence and aggression has been consistently supported (see Comstock & Scharrer, 1999; Potter, 1999). However, calls for additional research have been issued to examine the conditions, including the individual differences that audience members bring to the viewing experience (Oliver, 2002), that are most likely to produce aggressive responses to violent media (Jo & Berkowitz, 1994; Potter, 1999). This research project examines a gender-related variable, hypermasculinity, and measures its role in young males' aggressive responses to violent television stimuli. It positions hypermasculinity not only as a pre-existing condition that qualifies as an individual difference that potentially shapes responses to television exposure, but it also investigates whether exposure to television programming that contains hypermasculine depictions can also contribute to self-reports of one's own hypermasculinity. It also examines the role of pre-existing aggressive tendencies in predicting aggressive responses to violent television. Finally, it examines the impact of two different types of violent portrayals—a somewhat realistic drama in which characters who use violence also meet the definition of hypermasculinity, and a fantasy-based drama in which violence occurs without accompanying hypermasculine gender portrayals. The objective, Hypermasculinity, Aggression, and Television Violence therefore, is to advance understanding in an area of the utmost significance: Is hypermasculinity a factor in one's psychological make-up that predicts an aggressive response to viewing a particular type of television violence? Can hypermasculinity itself vary in response with television messages that make it seem normative? The importance of the answers to those questions for a society with high frequencies of male-perpetrated violence is undeniable. Literature Review Hypermasculinity Hypermasculinity (HM) is a personality construct that occurs primarily in males, in which stereotypically "macho" traits are held up as an ideal. Hypermasculine males exhibit strong and exaggerated forms of masculinity, virility, and physicality, as well as a tendency toward disrespect for women and the trivializing of romantic and sexual relationships (Zaitchik & Mosher, 1993). HM is also characterized by high sensation seeking and pursuit of thrills associated with dangerous situations as well as disdain for emotions viewed as weak or feminine, such as compassion or the expression of sadness (Mosher & Sirkin, 1984). Mosher and Sirkin (1984) measure this concept using three components: (1) Callused Sex Attitudes, (2) Danger as Exciting, and (3) Violence as Manly. Later, Hall (1992) added an element known as Toughness as Self-Control. Thus, HM is seen in tendencies to view physical aggression as a typical and, indeed, inevitable, response for men and to exercise a sense of emotional callousness or stoicism. Mosher and Tompkins (1988) have suggested that young males and those from lower socioeconomic classes are most likely to adopt the macho personality constellation, Hypermasculinity, Aggression, and Television Violence and they point to cultural norms and socialization as contributing factors. Mosher and Sirkin (1984) suggest that HM begins in childhood, during which parents and other important individuals in some boys' lives negatively reinforce feelings of fear and distress using contempt and humiliation. As the child grows, other aspects of society reinforce the male ideal, including norms at school or, as is tested here, in the media. Therefore, though the concept is referred to as a "personality construct" which presupposes a certain degree of stability, there is some reason to believe that HM can be viewed as subject to change as well, in light of one's perception of norms and in association with other social factors. Although it has been suggested that socialization is primarily responsible for the development of HM (Broude, 1990; Collison, 1996; Mosher & Sirkin, 1984), no empirical study exists that has examined whether television—one of the primary socializing agents of contemporary times (Singer & Singer, 2001)—is a causal contributor to HM. This study adds to the body of literature by testing whether exposure to television programming can contribute to HM self-reports. Because HM males are rather prevalent in television programming, especially in police and detective dramas (XXXX, 2001b), and films (Sparks, 1996), television exposure may well contribute to the development of HM. Furthermore, Zaitchik and Mosher (1993) have determined that an individual is more likely to exhibit HM behaviors and attitudes when in the company of other HM men. It is possible that through identification with HM characters, male audience members may feel as if they are in the company of other HM men and may disinhibit HM attitudes and behavioral self-reports. Therefore, the study at hand Hypermasculinity, Aggression, and Television Violence examines not only the possibility that HM is a pre-existing condition that can shape responses to television exposure (XXXX, 2001a), but also that television exposure itself can contribute to HM attitudes and identity. Hypermasculinity and Media Exposure Previous research has found associations between HM and general aggression (Gold, Fultz, Burke, Prisco, & Willett, 1992) as well as sexual aggression, the latter including such variables as history of sexual aggression (Weir & Branscombe, 1990), self-reported likelihood of rape (Smeaton & Byrne, 1987), and acceptance of rape myths (Sullivan & Mosher, 1990). A smaller number of past studies have included a media element in the research design, not framing the research as pertaining to media effects, per se, but using a videotaped stimulus, nonetheless. For example, Beaver, Gold, and Prisco (1992) performed an experiment in which over 175 undergraduate males, divided according to low, moderate, and high HM, were exposed to a videotaped date rape scenario. High HM males rated the male perpetrator as less responsible, were less sympathetic to the victim, and perceived a lesser degree of force compared to those with lower levels of HM. Russell (1992) examined the responses of 110 college-aged males to a videotaped sports stimulus, either a violent boxing match (treatment) or a non-violent skiing event (control). Results revealed higher post-test aggression among those with high pre-existing HM who watched the boxing match compared to both those who watched the skiing event and those lower in HM. However, only one previous study (XXXX, 2001a) uses a media effects framework to examine the connection between HM and aggressive responses to violent Hypermasculinity, Aggression, and Television Violence television. XXXX performed an experiment with 60 college-aged males, exposing the treatment group to an episode of Miami Vice that contained violence and HM and exposing the control group to an episode of Home Improvement that contained HM but no violence. Subjects' HM was measured using 20 items from the HM index (Mosher & Sirkin, 1984) and aggression was measured using 28 items from the Buss-Durkee Hostility Inventory (Buss & Durkee, 1957). Results showed that those treatment-group subjects high in pre-existing HM had a larger increase in aggression between the pre- and post-test compared to those treatment-group subjects low in pre-existing HM. However, the study had a number of important flaws that will be rectified in the current research. First, the use of a sitcom as the control group condition may have decreased control subjects' aggression, so that the difference in post-test aggression between them and the treatment group was exaggerated. Second, in the previous study, HM was measured solely as an independent variable. The current study will examine the possibility that not only can one's HM (as an independent variable) influence how one responds to media violence, but exposure to media violence could also influence one's HM (as a dependent variable). Thus, the current study will measure HM at the pre- and post-test and will also seek to replicate the result that HM is associated with more aggressive responses to violent and HM television. Theoretical Foundations Berkowitz' (1984, 1990, 1993) neo-association theory suggests that exposure to a mediated portrayal of violence can serve to disinhibit viewers' aggression, through a series of cognitive links between their past, stored experiences and information presented Hypermasculinity, Aggression, and Television Violence in the portrayal. The central notion of the theory is that when an individual encounters new information, such as via exposure to a television portrayal, stored mental images that pertain to that new information are called forth through semantic links. Exposure to violence on television, then, conjures stored information about violence in one's mind, which can then color short-term emotions and behaviors. Furthermore, past research has determined that individuals with higher pre-existing aggression have more extensive experience and stored thoughts associated with aggression that are available to call forth after violent media exposure compared to individuals lower in pre-existing aggression (Bushman, 1995, 1996). Also according to the theory, not all television or media portrayals of violence are equally likely to produce an aggressive response. Rather, factors in the depiction of violence can result in either the inhibition or the disinhibition of an aggressive response by the viewer. One such factor is the degree of identification between the audience member and the character that uses violence, which is, in turn, often associated with a perceived similarity between viewer and character (Berkowitz & Rawlings, 1963; Turner & Berkowitz, 1972). Jo and Berkowitz (1994) have reasoned that a viewer who is strongly identifying with aggressive characters while viewing television will have more accessible aggressive thoughts in mind immediately after viewing because they have called them to the forefront while viewing. Another such factor is the degree of realism in the television depiction (Berkowitz & Alioto, 1973; Atkin, 1983). Jo and Berkowitz (1994) argue that identification and involvement are facilitated by realism. Furthermore, the theory would suggests that cognitive associations made between media information Hypermasculinity, Aggression, and Television Violence and one's own behavior in specific situations are stronger when the media information pertains to one's own situation, such as when it is reality- rather than fantasy-based. This study is also informed by an extension of neo-associationism, the theory that "mental models" play a significant role in individuals' responses to media (Roskos-Ewoldsen, Roskos-Ewoldsen, & Dillman Carpentier, 2002). The mental models theory suggests that media exposure can make certain attitudes accessible by bringing them to the fore, which, in turn, contributes to the use of a "mental model" to determine how to define a current situation. In other words, the media exposure is "the prime (that) influences how later information is interpreted by influencing the type of mental model that is constructed to understand the situation" (Roskos-Ewoldsen, Roskos-Ewoldsen, & Dillman Carpentier, 2002, p. 112). Factors that influence which type of mental model will be constructed include the similarity between the media prime and the situation, as well as the individual differences of the individual that lead to the accessibility of particular mental models. Exposure to violent media, therefore, would create a scenario in which, when presented with a new situation, treatment group subjects—especially those with individual differences that make them more prone to aggression—would have greater access to an aggressive mental model of the new situation compared to control group subjects. The study at hand suggests that, in addition to viewers high in trait aggressiveness (Bushman, 1995, 1996), viewers high in HM will also perceive a link between themselves and the HM characters they see in one of the treatment conditions who use violence in successful and rewarded ways. Thus, according to an application of mental Hypermasculinity, Aggression, and Television Violence models theory, those viewers will be more likely than lower HM viewers to respond aggressively to the television stimulus because they are more likely to have ready access to aggressive mental models to apply to new situations. It is argued that HM viewers are more likely to have a greater number of stored experiences with violence that they view positively and therefore will make stronger cognitive connections with a violent and HM stimulus than less HM viewers. Central to the hypotheses tested in this research, therefore, is the notion of identification and perceived similarity between audience member and television character that has been consistently linked with media effects in past research (Comstock & Scharrer, 1999). Hypotheses H1: Those with higher pre-existing aggressive tendencies will be more likely to experience an increase in aggression following exposure to media violence compared to those with lower pre-existing aggressive tendencies. Aggression has been determined to be a rather stable personality trait, manifested dynamically in response to changing factors in the social environment, but also somewhat unchanging as a predisposition (Huesmann, Eron, Lefkowitz, & Walder, 1984). Bushman (1996) has identified trait aggressiveness as a key factor in predicting aggressive responses to violent media stimuli. Therefore, the prior experiences with and tendencies toward aggression that a viewer brings to the screen as a personality trait are predicted to shape the amount of situational aggression in responses to the two violent television program stimuli (regardless of whether the stimulus contains HM or not). High aggressive individuals are more likely to apply aggressive mental models to new Hypermasculinity, Aggression, and Television Violence situations, especially if they perceive a link between themselves and the television content to which they are exposed (Berkowitz, 1984; Roskos-Ewoldsen, Roskos-Ewoldsen, & Dillman Carpentier, 2002). H2: Those with higher pre-existing hypermasculinity will be more likely to experience an increase in aggression following exposure to the stimulus that combines violent and hypermasculine portrayals compared to those with lower pre-existing hypermasculinity. In the author's previous study (XXXX, 2001a), it was determined that males with high per-existing HM had greater increases in self-reported aggression after watching a television stimulus with high levels of violence and HM compared to males with low pre-existing HM. However, by using a stimulus program that contained both violence and HM, that study neglected to determine whether HM subjects were responding to the violence in the stimulus or to the violence and the HM portrayals. The current study attempts to isolate the effects of violent portrayals from those of portrayals that contain both violence and HM by using two different treatment stimuli. An application of neo-associationism (Berkowitz, 1984) and the mental models theory (Roskos-Ewoldsen, Roskos-Ewoldsen, & Dillman Carpentier, 2002) suggests that HM may be an individual difference that results in greater accessibility of aggressive frames to use to apply to new situations. This link between HM and the readiness of aggressive mental models is made here due to the centrality of a physically aggressive orientation in the very definition of HM (Mosher & Sirkin, 1984). Furthermore, HM and aggression have been consistently linked in past studies (Beaver, Gold, & Prisco, 1992; Gold, et al., 1992; Russell, 1992; Hypermasculinity, Aggression, and Television Violence Smeaton & Byrne, 1987; Sullivan & Mosher, 1990; Weir & Branscombe, 1990). High HM viewers will also presumably identify and perceive greater similarity with characters that also display HM characteristics compared to less HM viewers (Berkowitz & Rawlings, 1963), which can contribute to stronger media effects. H3: Those exposed to the more realistic television violence stimulus will be more likely to experience as increase in aggression than those exposed to the less realistic, fantasy-based television violence stimulus. The third hypothesis predicts that, regardless of the subject's previously existing HM level, those exposed to a more realistic television stimulus will have a larger increase in aggression compared to those exposed to a fantasy-based television stimulus. Neo-associationism suggests that the degree of realism in the television depiction (Berkowitz & Alioto, 1973; Atkin, 1983) impacts the extent to which viewers will be influenced by television exposure, in part by encouraging identification and involvement (Jo & Berkowitz, 1994). Realistic television exposure would also presumably strengthen the cognitive associations made between media information and one's own decisions about behavior in specific situations. H4: Those exposed to either the violent and HM television stimulus or the violent television stimulus will be more likely to experience an increase in aggression compared to those in the control group. This hypothesis suggests that exposure to either stimulus containing violence will lead to an increase in aggression whereas exposure to the control television program stimulus that does not contain violence will not. It is based on the decades of research Hypermasculinity, Aggression, and Television Violence that support an association between violent television exposure and aggression (see Comstock & Scharrer, 1999 for summary). Therefore, when combined with H3, a progression from no increase (for the control group) to a small increase (for the fantasy-based violence only group), to a larger increase (for the realistic violence and HM group) from pre- to post-aggression measures is predicted. RQ: Will exposure to the stimulus containing violence and HM lead to increased HM levels? A review of the literature suggests that HM has rarely (if ever) been tested as a dependent measure. However, it has been argued that HM attitudes and tendencies, like other gender roles, are formed in large part by socializing factors, of which television is one (in addition to parents, peers, etc.) (Broude, 1990; Collison, 1996; Mosher & Sirkin, 1984; Singer & Singer, 2001). Indeed, studies have shown that HM characters have a considerable presence in television programming (Sparks, 1996, XXXX, 2001b), thereby providing multiple models for potential socialization. However, since this issue has not been adequately addressed in the previous literature, a research question rather than a hypothesis is posed here. In this study, then, HM is measured at both the pre- and post-test times in order to determine whether exposure to a television program that shows HM as normative will increase subjects' self-reports of HM tendencies. Methods Research Design and Procedure This experiment tests the impact of exposure to two types of television violence portrayals on subjects' aggression levels, and determines the role of subjects' HM as an Hypermasculinity, Aggression, and Television Violence antecedent personality variable as well as a potential dependent variable. The study employs a 3 (control vs. violent, fantasy-based, non-HM stimulus vs. violent, reality-based HM stimulus) X 2 (low HM, high HM) X 2 (low trait aggression, high trait aggression) repeated measures design. The pre-test questionnaire, measuring HM and aggression as well as demographics, was given to each group (control, and both treatment conditions) at Time 1. One week later, each group was exposed to a television program (either treatment or control) and then immediately completed the post-test questionnaire, measuring their HM and aggression again. A questionnaire numbering system was used to link the pre- and post-tests of specific individuals without using their names. Participants 93 subjects participated in the study and were randomly assigned to groups using a table of random numbers. Subjects were males enrolled in undergraduate or graduate study at a large, public university in New England. Male college students were chosen as appropriate subjects because hypermasculinity is typically viewed as a primarily male phenomenon and because young males are statistically the most frequent perpetrators of violence. The subjects were given $25 for their participation in the study and were recruited using an ad in the campus newspaper and flyers posted throughout the area. Materials The television program used for the violence and HM condition was determined by asking a panel of colleagues to list the television drama(s) that they felt contained the most violence and had the strongest depictions of HM, selecting from current programs Hypermasculinity, Aggression, and Television Violence available on broadcast or cable. The panel consisted of graduate students and faculty members studying communication, and the poll resulted in The Sopranos receiving the highest number of votes. A similar process was used to arrive upon the use of Seventh Heaven as a control condition. The panel was asked what one-hour television drama currently available through broadcast or cable contained the least amount of violence or the least HM male characters. Seventh Heaven, a drama that airs on the WB network about a family in which the father is a minister, received the highest number of votes. The use of an episode of Buffy the Vampire Slayer for the violence without HM condition was based on the researcher's own knowledge of the program and its depictions of violence and gender. It is a program in which the main character is a female who frequently uses physical violence in a classic good vs. evil theme. Not only is the character who uses violence female rather than male (a relatively rare television phenomenon), but most of the male characters in the program do not meet the criteria for HM. The main male characters, for the most part, are not callous about sex, do not seek danger for thrill, and do not see violence as a necessary extension of their gender. Finally, the program was also chosen because it is fantasy-based and therefore is an appropriate test of the fantasy versus reality hypothesis. Thus, each of the television programs used in the study was a one-hour drama. The episode was shown to subjects in its entirety, including commercial breaks, in order to approximate the manner in which viewers would encounter the program in a natural viewing environment. Subjects watched the programs in groups rather than individually, in an attempt to make them feel less scrutinized, and also to approximate natural viewing. Hypermasculinity, Aggression, and Television Violence After subjects had completed the post-test questionnaire, a manipulation check was utilized to determine whether the choice of television programs to use in the study was appropriate in terms of participants' views of the degree of violence and HM contained in each. Results of the manipulation check show that participants did, indeed, find that the control television program (Seventh Heaven) contained minimal amounts of HM and violence (rated M = 1.09 on a scale of 1 to 5 for violence, and M = 2.18 on a scale of 1 to 5 for "macho portrayals"). Participants also gave the Buffy the Vampire Slayer episode fairly high marks for the presence of violence (M = 3.33) but low marks for HM (M = 2.50). Finally, participants viewed The Sopranos episode that they had seen as violent (M = 3.64) and as containing high levels of HM (M = 4.06). Therefore, the researcher's and the panel's view of the programs' depictions of violence and HM—that led to the decision to use the programs in the study— corresponded well to participants' views of the programs as reported in the manipulation check. Measures Demographic data was gathered in the pre-test questionnaire, including the age, year in school, and race of the subject, as well as the subject's family income, and the education level of his father and mother. The pre-test questionnaire also measured television exposure, asking subjects to estimate the number of hours that they watch television on a typical weekday and a typical weekend day, as well as the average number of days per week that they watch. Subjects were also asked to list their three favorite current television programs that they watch most frequently. The ratings for each program listed by the subjects were consulted in TV Guide to determine whether they Hypermasculinity, Aggression, and Television Violence typically contain violence. Three consecutive issues of TV Guide were consulted. If the program was rated a V (for violence) more than once in the three issues, it was given a score of 2 for amount of violence. If it was rated a V just once, it was given a 1, and if it was never rated a V, it was given a 0. If a program listed by a subject was not included in the TV Guide, the official website of the program was consulted to determine if violence appeared to be a major or minor theme. The overall television exposure and amount of violence in favorite programs variables were then used as controls in data analysis. HM was measured using 15 of the 30 forced-choice self-report scale items developed by Mosher and Sirkin (1984), an index that had been tested for validity and reliability in past research. In the forced-choice items, subjects are asked to choose one of two opposing statements that comes closest to describing themselves. Equal numbers of items from the HM index were chosen from each of the three components, callous sex attitudes, being drawn to danger for thrill, and perceiving violence as "manly" (see Appendix). Numerous false purpose forced-choice items were included in this section of the questionnaire as well, interspersed with the HM items, in order to reduce sensitivity to the research design. The HM items, as well as the false purpose forced-choice items, were present in both the pre- and post-test questionnaires so that possible changes in HM levels reported after viewing the television stimulus could be determined. Trait aggression was measured using selected items from the Buss and Perry (1992) aggression / hostility (AH) scale, which also had been tested for validity and reliability in the past. Equal numbers of items were selected from the components of aggression and hostility identified by the authors, physical aggression, verbal aggression, Hypermasculinity, Aggression, and Television Violence anger, and hostility (see Appendix). False purpose items that also asked subjects to describe their attitudes and behavioral tendencies were interspersed with the AH items in the questionnaire. For both the AH and the false purpose items in this section, students were presented with a statement about an attitude or a behavioral tendency and were asked to rate it from 1 (that is not typical of me at all) to 5 (that is very typical of me). Situational or state aggression was measured by asking subjects to select from a variety of possible behavioral responses after reading a series of constructed, hypothetical scenario descriptions written by the researcher and a research assistant. All of the scenarios raised frustrating situations that could realistically happen in a young man's life. They included being insulted by a professor, being stuck behind a slow-moving car when running late for an appointment, being "cut" in line resulting in a concert being sold out before obtaining tickets, coming across friends who are vandalizing a car that bears a rival sports team's bumper sticker, and encountering an overly aggressive opponent in a pick-up football game. For each of the five scenarios, respondents were asked what they would be most likely to do in the situation, and then were asked "if there were no consequences and you knew you would get away with anything, what would you like to do" in the same situation. For both the "what would you do" and "what would you like to do" questions, question-specific response options were given that varied in nature from strongly aggressive, to moderately aggressive, to non-aggressive options. Examples of strongly aggressive responses include writing on an evaluation that the professor should be fired, starting a fight with the line cutters or the football aggressor, joining in on the vandalizing of the car, and honking repeatedly and swearing at the slow driver. The Hypermasculinity, Aggression, and Television Violence scenarios and related response items were posed to subjects at both the pre-test and post-test, so that possible changes in situational aggressiveness after viewing the television stimulus could be determined. Asking subjects to state how they would respond to hypothetical situations is a measure that has been used in past research (Cahoon & Edmonds, 1984, 1985). It is also an appropriate test of the neo-associationism-based mental models theory (Roskos-Ewoldsen, Roskos-Ewoldsen, & Dillman Carpentier, 2002) that suggests that when confronting a new situation, some individuals may employ aggressive mental models to define that situation, whereas others may not. The measures were designed to test the extent to which subjects define the new situation presented in the scenario with an aggressive mental model that they have called to mind while watching the treatment television stimuli. Finally, additional attempts were made to mask the purpose of the study. In the post-test questionnaire, an entire section of false purpose items was presented. These questions asked about subjects' opinions of the program they had viewed, how positively or negatively the program presented men and women, and their beliefs about the overall degree of realism in television content. Although it was possible that the treatment group subjects figured that the study was about television and aggression, they most likely would not have been aware of the HM element of the study and would not have known about the differences in the different viewing conditions. Hypermasculinity, Aggression, and Television Violence Results Descriptive Statistics The mean age of the college males participating in the study was 20.47 (SD= 2.67), and age ranged from 18 to 39. One-third of the sample (33%) was enrolled in the senior year of college, about one-fourth were freshmen (24.2%), about one-fourth sophomores (26.4%), nearly 10% juniors, and 6.6% graduate students. In an open-ended question asking about race and ethnicity, just under three-fourths of the sample (72.5%) defined themselves as white or Caucasian. Eleven percent described themselves as Asian or Asian American, 4.4% as Italian American, 3.3% as Black or African American, 2.2% as multiracial, and 2.2% did not answer. Other ethnic descriptions were used by one subject each, including Dominican-Italian, Cambodian, Indian, and Irish Cuban. The subjects reported a wide distribution of annual family incomes, with 18.7% falling in the category $75,001-90,000 and 16.5% each in $50,001-75,000 and $90,001-105,000. Fifteen percent of the sample reported a family income of $35,001-50,000, 14.3% more than $105,000, 21.1% $20,001-35,000, and 4.4% less than $20,000. Education levels achieved by the subjects' parents were also widely distributed, with the most common responses for one's father bachelor's degree (38.5%) and master's degree (23.1%), and the most common responses for one's mother the same (bachelor's degree 29.7%, master's degree 24.2%). The average number of hours on weekdays the sample viewed television was 4.77 (SD = 5.52), and on weekends was 4.40 (SD = 2.97). The sample watched television an average of 4.4 days per week (SD = 2.18). Finally, although equal numbers of subjects were originally assigned to each condition, some failed to Hypermasculinity, Aggression, and Television Violence appear for the second stage of the study. Ultimately, 38.5% (N = 35) of the sample provided valid data (pre- and post-questionnaires completed) for the control group, 35.2% for the reality-based violence and HM group (N = 32), and 26.4% for the fantasy-based violence without HM group (N = 24). Factor Structure and Data Reduction Because the HM and the AH items had previously identified dimensions, confirmatory factor analysis was run on the items comprising each of the dimensions of HM and AH to test whether in the present data they would, indeed, form only one factor. A principal component analysis, requesting eigenvalues over 1, was run for each of the dimensions of HM and AH, at both the pre- and post-test. Results were largely supportive of the factor structure as defined by previous authors (for HM, Mosher & Sirkin, 1984, for AH, Buss & Perry, 1992). For HM, at both times, the four items chosen to represent the danger as thrilling dimension (response to dangerous experience, pre-test = .49, post-test = .44; rather gamble or play it safe, pre-test = .66, post-test = .81; type of party preferred, pre-test = .73, post-test = .78; drive safely or fast, pre-test = .66, post-test = .36) did, indeed, form one factor that explained 40.94% of the variance at the pre-test and 39.53% at the post-test. Only three of the four items chosen to represent the violence as manly dimension formed one factor; therefore, the fourth item was eliminated from subsequent analyses. The factor loadings for the dimension were response to being called a name, pre-test = .71, post-test = .63; response to remembering past fights, pre-test = .63, post-test = .72; natural for men to fight, pre-test = .68, post-test = .72. The items explained 45.39% of the Hypermasculinity, Aggression, and Television Violence variance at the pre-test and 47.52% at the post-test. Finally, four of the five items chosen to represent the callous about sex dimension loaded cleanly onto one component in the data; therefore, the fifth item was eliminated from subsequent analyses. The factor loadings for the dimension were alcohol/drugs tactics to have sex, pre-test = .58, post-test = .86; men need to have sex, pre-test = .56, post-test = .36, consent necessary to have sex, pre-test = .71, post-test = .83; and women good for one thing, pre-test = .77, post-test = .61. The items explained 43.49% of the variance at the pre-test and 48.2% at the post-test. All of the HM items were also examined together to determine whether an additive HM scale comprised of all 15 items would be reliable. Cronbach's alpha was a sufficiently reliable .72 for the HM items at the pre-test. Therefore, an additive scale of responses to the HM items was formed. In the subsequent analyses used to test the hypotheses, the overall HM scale is used in order to simplify and reduce the data. However, to address the research question, the individual dimensions of HM are used in order to provide a more detailed description. Confirmatory factor analysis showed that the items selected to represent each of the four dimensions of AH loaded cleanly onto one component in the data from both the pre-test and post-test. The factor loadings for the physical aggression items were resort to violence, pre-test = .72, post-test = .68; won't hit back, pre-test = .81, post-test = .70; will not hit back, pre-test = .79, post-test = .78; and come to blows, pre-test = .73, post-test = .81. The items explained 57.95% of the variance in the pre-test and 55.33% in the post-test. The factor loadings for the verbal aggression items were when people annoy me, pre-test = .75, post-test = .70; friends say I'm argumentative, pre-test = .77, post-test Hypermasculinity, Aggression, and Television Violence = .71; and I keep it to myself, pre-test = .67, post-test = .77. The items explained 53.14% of the variance at the pre-test and 52.80% at the post-test. The factor loadings for the anger items were trouble controlling temper, pre-test = .72, post-test = .87; friends think I'm a hothead, pre-test = .84, post-test = .76; I fly off the handle, pre-test = .73; post-test = .75; and I'm an even-tempered person, pre-test = .81, post-test = .75. The items explained 60.29% of the variance at the pre-test and 60.84% at the post-test. Finally, factor loadings for the items measuring hostility were people laugh behind my back, pre-test = .65, post-test = .76; wonder what nice people want, pre-test = .46; post-test = .65; others always get the breaks, pre-test = .85, post-test = .82; and I've gotten a raw deal, pre-test = .86, post-test = .82. The items explained 52.07% of the variance in the pre-test data and 59.49% in the post-test data. Thus, additive scales were formed for each of the dimensions of AH, and these newly formed scales were used in subsequent analyses. Furthermore, subjects' responses to the scenarios were also compiled into additive scales. Reliability tests revealed that responses to the five scenarios in which subjects were asked what would you do in that situation were reliably related in the pre-test data (Cronbach's alpha = .75) as well as in the post-test data (Cronbach's alpha = .80). Interestingly, responses were even more consistent when the same scenarios were used to ask subjects what you would like to do in the situation if they knew there would be no consequences involved (Cronbach's alpha = .90 in pre-test, .89 in the post-test). Thus, additive scales were formed for all of these scenario-related variables ("what would you do," pre- and post-test and "what would you like to do," pre- and post-test). Hypermasculinity, Aggression, and Television Violence Hypothesis Tests The first hypothesis predicted that pre-existing, trait aggression would lead to more aggression in responses to the constructed scenarios following exposure to violent media stimuli. First, subjects' scores on each of the four dimensions of AH—anger, physical aggression, verbal aggression, and hostility—were categorized into high and low, using a median split. After selecting only those that were exposed to the two violent television program stimuli (N = 56), repeated measures ANOVA was run. Results find support for the role of some of the dimensions of AH in predicting reports of responses to the scenarios (see Table 1). The hypotheses are tested in terms of whether the dimensions of AH interacted with time of response to predict the what would you do and the what would you like to do reports. ________________________________________________________________________Table 1 about here ________________________________________________________________________ Of the four AH dimensions, anger is the only one that interacted with time of response to predict change in subjects' reports to what would you do, F (1, 54) = 6.36, p < .05. None of the other dimensions of AH interacted with time of response significantly to predict what would you do reports—physical aggression (F [1, 54] = .18, ns), verbal aggression (F [1, 54] = .22, ns), or hostility (F [1, 54] = 1.32, ns). Two of the four AH dimensions interacted with time of response to predict within-subjects change for those exposed to the two violent stimuli in reports of what would you like to do in the scenarios. Physical aggression interacted with time of response to predict change in reports of what Hypermasculinity, Aggression, and Television Violence would you like to do, F (1, 54) = 3.83, p = .05, as did anger, F (1, 54) = 4.45, p < .05. No such interaction occurred for time of response and verbal aggression (F [1, 54 = .68, ns) or time of response and hostility (F [1, 54] = .18, ns). Thus, H1 received partial support. The second hypothesis predicted that high levels of pre-existing HM would lead to more aggression in responses to the constructed scenarios following exposure to the violent and HM stimulus compared to low levels of pre-existing HM. Selecting only that treatment group (N = 32), therefore, repeated measures ANOVA was run with the change in responses to the scenarios from the pre-test to the post-test as the factor (see Table 2). Results find support for the role of HM interacting with time of response to predict an increase in aggression in responses to what subjects would do in the scenarios, but not in responses to what subjects would like to do if there were no consequences. ________________________________________________________________________ Table 2 about here ________________________________________________________________________ HM, categorized by median split into high and low, had a main-effect on the responses to what would you do as a between-subjects factor, F (1, 30) = 4.79, p < .05. The time at which subjects responded to the what would you do scenarios had a significant within-subjects main effect, F (1, 30) = 20.20, p < .001. Most importantly for the hypothesis, time of response and degree of HM also interacted significantly to predict within-subjects responses to the what would you do scenarios, F (1, 30) = 5.22, p < .05. Those low in pre-existing HM increased from a mean of 8.94 (SD = 6.51) to a mean of Hypermasculinity, Aggression, and Television Violence 10.67 (SD = 2.91). Those high in pre-existing HM experienced a larger increase, from a mean of 10.00 (SD = 2.39) to 15.29 (SD = 3.31) on the what would you do additive scale. Dichotomized HM also had a main-effect on responses to what would you like to do as a between-subjects factor, F (1, 30) = 4.96, p < .05. The time at which subjects responded to the what would you like to do scenarios had a main effect as a within-subjects factor, F (1, 30) = 87.03, p < .001. However, in this case, time of response and HM did not interact significantly to predict within-subjects responses to the what would you like to do scenarios, F (1, 30) = 1.63, ns. Those low in pre-existing HM increased from a mean of 11.00 (SD = 2.43) to a mean of 13.28 (SD = 2.97). Those high in pre-existing HM increased from a mean of 12.64 (SD = 2.59) to a mean of 15.64 (SD = 2.53) on the what would you like to do additive scale. The difference in size of the increase according to degree of HM was not large enough to achieve statistical significance. Thus, overall, there is partial evidence for H2, supported in the case of the what would you do reports but not in the case of the what would you like to do (if no consequences) reports. The third hypothesis predicted that the increase in state aggression experienced by subjects would be higher if they were exposed to the realistic television stimulus compared to the fantasy-based television stimulus. The fourth hypothesis predicted that both of these groups—those exposed to the realistic stimulus and to the fantasy-based stimulus, both of which contained violence—would be more likely to experience an increase in state aggression compared to the control group. Both hypotheses were tested with repeated measures ANCOVA, controlling for overall television exposure and amount of violence in favorite programs (see Table 3). The control variables are used Hypermasculinity, Aggression, and Television Violence here, but not used in the preceding tests, because the entire sample is employed to test H3 and H4, whereas H1 and H2 were relevant only to a portion of the sample. Concern regarding whether the sample size would allow for sufficient power made this necessary. ________________________________________________________________________ Table 3 about here ________________________________________________________________________ For the what would you do additive scale, group/condition was not a significant main-effect, between-subjects factor, F (2, 86) = 2.02, p = .14. The time at which subjects responded to the what would you do scenarios had a significant main effect as a within-subjects factor, F (1, 86) = 10.23, p < .01. Most importantly, in support of H3 and H4, time of response and group/condition interacted significantly to predict within-subjects change in responses to the what would you do scenarios, F (2, 86) = 5.26, p < .01. Those exposed to the control television program (Seventh Heaven) experienced a slight increase on the what would you do scale, from M = 8.91 (SD = 3.09) to M = 9.40 (SD = 4.15). Those exposed to the fantasy-based, violence without HM television program (Buffy the Vampire Slayer) experienced a larger increase, from M = 8.58 (SD = 3.20) to M = 10.75 (SD = 4.34). Finally, those exposed to the realistic, violence with HM television program (The Sopranos) experienced a still larger increase, from M = 9.41 (SD = 5.09) to M = 12.69 (SD = 3.83). Therefore, H3 is supported because The Sopranos exposure resulted in a larger increase in state aggression than Buffy the Vampire Slayer exposure. Yet, H4 is not supported in this case because members of the control group experienced a slight Hypermasculinity, Aggression, and Television Violence increase in aggression in responses to the what would you do scenarios, and the hypothesis predicted that they would not. For the what would you like to do additive scale, group/condition was not a significant main-effect, between-subjects factor, F (2, 86) = .06, ns. On the other hand, the time at which subjects responded to the what would you like to do scenarios approached significance as a main effect, within-subjects factor, F (1, 86) = 3.39, p = .07. Most importantly, time of response and group/condition interacted significantly to predict within-subjects change in responses to the what would you like to do scenarios, F (2, 86) = 10.11, p < .001. Those exposed to the control television program (Seventh Heaven) experienced a slight decrease on the what would you like to do scale, from M = 14.09 (SD = 6.48) to M = 13.00 (SD = 5.33). Those exposed to the fantasy-based, violence without HM television program (Buffy the Vampire Slayer) experienced a small increase, from M = 12.67 (SD = 6.28) to M = 13.75 (SD = 6.27). Finally, those exposed to the realistic, violence with HM television program (The Sopranos) experienced a larger increase, from M = 11.72 (SD = 2.59) to M = 14.31 (SD = 2.99). Thus, due to the significant interaction between time of response and group/condition, H3 and H4 are supported in this case. In order to address the research question and discover whether exposure to the stimulus that contained violence and HM (The Sopranos) would be associated with an increase in self-reports of HM, paired t-tests were run for those assigned to this condition (N = 32). Pre-test and post-test reports on each of the three dimensions of HM were entered as paired variables. Results show that after exposure, subjects had higher self-reports for two of the three dimensions of HM, danger as thrilling (pre-test, M = 5.19, Hypermasculinity, Aggression, and Television Violence SD = 1.31; post-test, M = 6.28, SD = 1.97; t = -4.35, p < .001) and violence as manly (pre-test, M = 4.09, SD = 0.78; post-test, M = 5.25, SD = 0.98; t = -7.40, p < .001). For the remaining dimension, callous attitudes toward sex, subjects reported no such increase (pre-test, M = 4.50, SD = 0.80; post-test, M = 4.47, SD = 0.76; t = .44, ns). Discussion Conclusions The results point first to the complexity of the concepts of aggression/hostility and hypermasculinity, in that the dimensions of both often operated differently from one another in relationships with other factors. In general, however, the study did find evidence that the pre-existing aggression and hypermasculinity of male television viewers has the potential to predict the degree of aggressiveness in responses to violent television. In the case of pre-existing aggression and hostility, the dimensions of anger and physical aggression predicted changes in the state aggressiveness of subjects' answers to the question "what would you like to do" in response to the constructed scenarios. The AH dimension of anger predicted such changes in answers to the "what would you do" question. One explanation for the addition of physical aggression in the "what would you like to do" case, is that, in these questions, subjects were asked to report their preferred response to the frustrating scenarios if they knew there would be no consequences. Perhaps subjects needed to be assured that there would be no negative repercussions in order for their physical aggression tendencies—arguably a less socially acceptable response than anger— to surface as a predictor of their responses. Nonetheless, results of Hypermasculinity, Aggression, and Television Violence the study support the past finding that pre-existing aggression is an important predictor of aggressive responses to violent media (Bushman, 1995, 1996; Huesmann et al., 1984). Pre-existing hypermasculinity, conversely, predicted change in responses to "what would you do", but not to "what would you like to do" in relation to the frustrating scenarios. One possible explanation for this result is that males high in HM may have been bold enough to report little difference between their responses to what they would do and what they would like to do if reassured of no negative repercussions. In other words, perhaps the tough, macho orientation described in the personality constellation (Mosher & Sirkin, 1984) contributes to the notion that these individuals may say that they will do what they please and are unconcerned about potential consequences. Overall, the study at hand reinforces past research that has linked HM with aggression (Gold et al., 1992), as well as those past studies that have determined that HM predicts aggressive responses to media (XXXX, 2001a; Beaver, Gold, & Prisco, 1992; Russell, 1992). The results also point fairly clearly to the conclusion that responses to violent television stimuli will differ depending upon the nature of the violent depiction (Atkin, 1983; Berkowitz & Alioto, 1973; Jo & Berkowitz, 1994). The more realistic television stimulus—that also combined HM and violent portrayals—resulted in larger increases in aggressive responses to the constructed scenarios compared to the less realistic television stimulus that contained violence but no evidence of HM. Indeed, those subjects who watched The Sopranos experienced the largest increases between pre- and post-test aggressiveness in both the "what would you do" and the "what would you like to do" questions compared to those who watched the other two programs. Results were Hypermasculinity, Aggression, and Television Violence relatively linear, as predicted, with The Sopranos outscoring Buffy the Vampire Slayer, which, in turn, outscored Seventh Heaven in predicting increases in state aggression, with one exception. Members of the control group (Seventh Heaven) actually experienced an unpredicted increase in aggressiveness in their "what would you do" responses to the constructed scenarios. This could be due to the sentiment expressed by some of the group members as they left the experiment, that they had disliked the program, finding it preachy and contrived. The final major conclusion, and perhaps the most unique contribution of the study, is that there is some evidence to suggest that television exposure can contribute to hypermasculinity. Those who were exposed to a television stimulus that contained HM male characters (The Sopranos) reported higher estimates in their self-reports of their own HM tendencies after exposure compared to before. Two of the three dimensions of HM, danger as thrilling and violence as manly, increased from the pre- to post-test among these subjects, whereas callousness toward sex remained the same. The failure of self-reports on the latter dimension to increase is curious because the television stimulus modeled this dimension. The episode featured main character Tony Soprano becoming very angry at his mistress, threatening her, and then nearly strangling her. Perhaps subjects were actually sensitized to the issue of violence against women from watching the fairly realistic and potentially disturbing scene, and therefore, their self-reports of callousness toward sex did not increase. In any case, the study represents the first known attempt to determine whether television exposure is a causal contributor to HM, and results suggests tentative support for two of the three dimensions of HM. Hypermasculinity, Aggression, and Television Violence Theoretical Implications The study at hand examines two individual differences in television audience members—their hypermasculinity and their aggression—and measures the extent to which each determines the likelihood and the magnitude of an aggressive response to television violence. It is argued here that neo-associationism (Berkowitz, 1984) and the mental models theory (Roskos-Ewoldsen, Roskos-Ewoldsen, & Dillman Carpentier, 2002) suggest that those inclined toward HM and aggression may have greater accessibility to aggressive frames to use to define and respond to new situations. In this study, such new situations were constructed for subjects in the form of a series of scenarios detailing frustrating circumstances that many young men may encounter, similar to past measures used by Cahoon and Edmunds (1984). The study at hand tests the idea that those subjects with prior high levels of HM and aggression already have a vast framework of past experiences and attitudes about aggression to use to make sense of provoking and frustrating new situations, compared to those lower in HM and aggression. Furthermore, neo-association theory suggests that a violent television stimulus is the prime that evokes those stored ideas and brings them front and center in one's mind after viewing (Jo & Berkowitz, 1994). Thus, as is shown in the data gathered in this study, one's pre-existing personality tendencies and past experiences interact with exposure to a violent television stimulus to shape how one responds to a new situation. Furthermore, the theoretical framework used in this study suggests that high aggressive and high HM individuals are more likely to apply aggressive mental models to Hypermasculinity, Aggression, and Television Violence new situations if they perceive a link between themselves and the television stimulus (Berkowitz, 1984; Roskos-Ewoldsen, Roskos-Ewoldsen, & Dillman Carpentier, 2002). A viewer who is strongly identifying with aggressive characters while viewing television will have more accessible aggressive thoughts in mind immediately after viewing (Jo & Berkowitz, 1994). Priming of aggressive responses and/or the use of aggressive mental models to respond to a new situation is, therefore, more likely if there is a high degree of realism in the television depiction (Atkin, 1983; Berkowitz & Alioto, 1973) because identification and involvement are facilitated by realism (Jo & Berkowitz, 1994). The results of this study support the central role of perceived similarity with characters and realism of the portrayal in predicting aggressive responses to violent media in that the realistic stimulus (The Sopranos) triggered higher aggressive responses than the fantasy-based stimulus (Buffy the Vampire Slayer). Limitations and Future Research There are certainly limitations to the study that should be kept in mind when interpreting its results. First, the possibility exists that although there were false purpose items in the pre- and post-test questionnaires, subjects in the treatment conditions may have determined that, in essence, the study was about violent television and aggression, which may have impacted their responses. Second, as with nearly experiment, the study is constrained by artificiality in that viewing occurred in a room with the author present. Indeed, since the author is female, it is possible that subjects' responses to the callousness about sex or women hypermasculinity questions were affected by her presence. Strategies that were undertaken to minimize this possibility were the assurance of anonymity and Hypermasculinity, Aggression, and Television Violence strong encouragement for subjects to be honest and candid. Finally, using The Sopranos to represent a somewhat realistic television program with HM and violence and Buffy the Vampire Slayer to represent a fantasy-based program with violence and little to no HM was an appropriate means of investigating the factors associated with the depiction of violence. However, in future research, multiple programs can be used in order to eliminate the conflation of the reality/fantasy factor and the violence only/violence and HM factor that occurred in this study. Overall, this study attempts to advance knowledge in a number of areas—the individual differences that predict aggressive responses to violent television, the factors in the depictions of the violent television itself that predict aggressive responses, and the potential for television exposure to also serve as a cause of HM in young males. It is the author's view that in media effects research, variables should no longer necessarily be viewed as only causes (independent variables) or effects (dependent variables). That somewhat narrow perspective can be replaced with a more sophisticated and complex view of human behavior that acknowledges that some psychosocial forces can be at once causes and effects. Thus, future research should continue to examine the relatively novel concept of hypermasculinity as not only a pre-existing condition that may shape responses to media, but also as a dynamic concept that may be triggered by media exposure as well. Such a development in the study of television violence is necessary to extend and further understand this well-researched, yet always socially significant, topic. Hypermasculinity, Aggression, and Television Violence References XXXX, 2001a XXXX, 2001b Atkin, C. (1983). Effects of realistic TV violence vs. fictional violence on aggression. Journalism Quarterly, 60, 615-621. 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Responding to comedy: The sense and nonsense in humor. In J. Bryant & D. Zillmann (Eds.), Responding to the screen (pp. 261-279). Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum. Table 1. Repeated measures ANOVA, with pre-existing trait aggression and exposure to violent television stimulus as independent variables, and change in state-based aggression dependent variables, N = 56. State aggression Time 1 Time 2 DV Exposure M (SD) M (SD) M (SD) M (SD) _______________________________________________________________________What would you do? Low physical agg. 8.69 (5.05) 11.31 (3.94) High physical agg. 9.67 (2.92) 12.76 (4.38) Change over time, F (1, 54) = 27.29, p < .001 Between subjects differences, F (1, 54) = 1.38, ns Change over time X Phys. Agg., F (1, 54) = .18, ns Low verbal agg. 9.38 (5.43) 11.92 (4.13) High verbal agg. 8.77 (3.24) 11.80 (4.37) Change over time, F (1, 54) = 27.36, p < .001 Between subjects differences, F (1, 54) = .13, ns Change over time X Verbal agg., F (1, 54) = .22, ns Low anger 9.06 (5.08) 10.86 (3.98) High anger 9.33 (2.73) 13.52 (3.72) Change over time, F (1, 54) = 39.94, p < .001 Between subjects differences, F (1, 54) = 2.02, p = .12 Change over time X Anger, F (1, 54) = 6.36, p = .01 Low hostility 9.46 (5.43) 11.62 (4.04) High hostility 8.70 (3.22) 12.07 (4.27) Change over time, F (1, 54) = 27.41, p < .001 Between subjects differences, F (1, 54) = .03, ns Change over time X Hostility, F (1, 54) = 1.32, ns What would you like to do? Low physical agg. 11.31 (2.41) 12.60 (2.82) High physical agg. 13.48 (6.59) 15.95 (6.15) Change over time, F (1, 54) = 38.28, p < .001 Between subjects differences, F (1, 54) = 5.49, p <.05 Change over time X Phys. Agg., F (1, 54) = 3.83, p < .05 Low verbal agg. 11.50 (2.66) 13.50 (2.96) High verbal agg. 12.67 (5.67) 14.17 (5.72) Change over time, F (1, 54) = 33.20, p < .001 Between subjects differences, F (1, 54) = .59, ns Change over time X Verbal agg., F (1, 54) = .68, ns Low anger 11.51 (2.62) 12.94 (3.08) High anger 13.14 (6.56) 15.95 (6.10) Change over time, F (1, 54) = 41.90, p < .001 Between subjects differences, F (1, 54) = 3.79, p = .05 Change over time X Anger, F (1, 54) = 4.45, p < .05 Low hostility 12.84 (6.20) 14.46 (6.03) High hostility 11.50 (2.21) 13.33 (2.93) Change over time, F (1, 54) = 31.91, p < .001 Between subjects differences, F (1, 54) = 1.09, ns Change over time X Hostility, F (1, 54) = .13, ns Table 2. Repeated measures ANOVA with categorized hypermasculinity as the independent variable and changes in state aggression as the dependent variables, N = 32. State aggression Time 1 Time 2 DV Exposure M (SD) M (SD) M (SD) M (SD) _______________________________________________________________________What would you do? Low HM 8.94 (6.51) 10.67 (2.91) High HM 10.00 (2.39) 15.29 (3.31) Change over time, F (1, 30) = 20.20, p < .001 Between subjects differences, F (1, 30) = 4.79, p < .05 Change over time X HM, F (1, 30) = 5.22, p < .05 What would you like to do? Low HM 11.00 (2.43) 13.28 (2.97) High HM 12.64 (2.59) 15.64 (2.53) Change over time, F (1, 30) = 87.03, p < .001 Between subjects differences, F (1, 30) = 4.96, p <.05 Change over time X HM, F (1, 30) = 1.63, ns Table 3. Repeated measures ANCOVA with treatment condition as the independent variable and changes in state aggression as the dependent variables, controlling for overall television exposure and amount of violence in favorite programs, N = 91. State aggression Time 1 Time 2 DV Exposure M (SD) M (SD) M (SD) M (SD) ______________________________________________________________________ What would you do? Seventh Heaven 8.91 (3.09) 9.40 (4.15) Buffy the Vampire Slayer 8.58 (3.20) 10.75 (4.34) The Sopranos 9.04 (5.09) 12.69 (3.91) Change over time, F (1, 86) = 10.23, p < .01 Between subjects differences, F (2, 86) = 2.02, ns Change over time X group, F (2, 86) = 5.26, p < .01 What would you like to do? Seventh Heaven 14.09 (6.48) 13.00 (5.33) Buffy the Vampire Slayer 12.67 (6.28) 13.75 (6.28) The Sopranos 11.72 (2.59) 14.31 (2.99) Change over time, F (1, 86) = 3.39, p = .06 Between subjects differences, F (2, 86) = .06, ns Change over time X group, F (2, 86) = 10.11, p < .001