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Press release and world system: How the U.S. major newspapers use press
releases from different countries?


Paper Submitted to the Public Relations Division of AEJMC
Conference in Kansas, July 2003


Juyan Zhang, Ph. D
Missouri Journalism School
4A 1000 Hospital Drive
Columbia, MO, 65201
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Press release and world system: How the U.S. major newspapers use press
releases from different countries?
Abstract
        Using the agenda building theory and the three-tiered world system theory,
this research examined how the U.S. major newspapers used the press
releases from different countries. The research found that press releases
from the semi-periphery nations were more used than those from the core
nations and the periphery nations. Press releases from the core nations
were more used than those from the periphery nations. A majority of the
quoted press releases appeared at least in the New York Times. The news
contexts for the quoted press releases were in general positive, indicating
such international media agenda building efforts paid.












Press release and world system: How the U.S. major newspapers use press
releases from different countries?
Introduction
Since the 1990's, public relations to project national identity has run in
parallel with the process of globalization (Hill, 1999). The United States
has increasinlgy become a target of international public relations by
national governments after the country is left as the only world superpower
after the Cold War (Cutlip, 1994; Newsom, 1984). Combining the concept of
agenda building and three-tiered world system theory, this research
examined how the U.S. major newspapers used the press releases from
different countries. This research adds to the literature of agenda
building and international information flow.
Literature review
Information subsidies and agenda building
Media relations is one of the traditional and more visible functions of
public relations (Cameron, Sallot, and Curtin, 1997; Grunig, 1992). Public
relations practitioners are regarded as buffers and boundary spanners for
and between their organizations and the news media (Sallot, Steinfatt, &
Salwen, 1998; Wilcox, Ault, & Agee, 1995). The information subsidies that
public relations practitioners provided to reporters form part of the
source competitive market, in which sources and news department enjoy a
directly reciprocal relationship (Curtin, 1999).
Cameron et al (1997) argued that public relations often sets the agenda for
news media, simply because the source in source-reporter interaction is
often either a public relations practitioner or a practitioner's client. A
Fortune magazine article in 1949 wrote that "[T]he daily tonnage output of
propaganda and publicity... has become an important force in American life.
Nearly half of the contents of the best newspapers is derived from
publicity releases; nearly all the contents of lesser papers... is directly
or indirectly the product of PR departments" (Sharon, 1997). It was
estimated that the media receives more than 2.4 million press releases in a
week, and 10% of the releases received are actually used (Schluese, 1988).
Researchers have estimated that 25% to 50% of news content in the United
States is influenced by public relations, with some estimate as high as 80%
(Glen T. Cameron, et al, 1997; Cutlip, Center, & Broom, 1994).
Gandy (1982) observed that information subsidies, attempting to influence
the media's agenda, were often channeled through the media and directly
subsidized their news gathering activity. In this sense, the role of
information subsidies in the mass media is termed as "agenda building." The
term has since represented the relationship between a newsroom and its
sources (Berkowitz, 1992; Curtin, 1999). The agenda building approach
argues that the media content is not shaped within the newsroom as much as
it is shaped by the sources that provide information to the newsroom
(Salwen, 1995). To the extent that the public relations information
subsidies are placed in news media, they have the potential to influence
the media agenda. If they can influence public agenda, then they may
influence the public opinion and the public agenda (Park, 1966).  Although
it appears that the sources provide subsidies to the media in order to gain
time or space (Berkowitz, 1990), their ultimate goal of agenda building is
not just to influence the mass media, but to create a favorable public
opinion and public agenda (Turk, 1985).
The agenda building process is also termed as "mirror approach" by Gans,
who argued that news is shaped by the sources on which a newsroom relies,
and the source do the leading (Gans, 1979; Gans, 1982). Weaver and Elliott
(1985) observed that a prominent news source could have a major influence
on the subsequent media agenda. At the same time, selective processes and
news judgments of journalists also play a significant part in shaping this
agenda. Thus the media both mirror and filter.
Curtin (1999) suggests that if reporters view public practitioners as
cohorts in news production rather than obstructionists, the chances
increase that public relations practitioners may contribute to the media
agenda, thus ultimately shaping the public agenda. She found that although
news representatives reported low use rates for public relations materials,
her research suggest that actual use rates are much higher. Such subsidies
may be used to spark story ideas, appear in signed columns, special section
copy, or verbatim use in a feature section of the paper (p. 64).
Newsroom enjoys a steady flow of information from their sources on a
regular and timely basis (Reese, 1991). Use of information subsidies by
news media has become so routine that many journalists take it for granted
that newscasts should be created by sifting through the day's subsidies
(Brown, 1987). Gandy (1982) argues that those who control the information
sources control whether information is consumed. The news media have become
increasingly dependent on public relations, and the members of the press
are too close to their "addiction" to public relations to realize there is
anything wrong (Aronoff & Baskin, 1983; Black & Bryant, 1992; Edwards,
1970; Jeff & Blyskal, 1985; Newsom, Scott, & Turk, 1989; Turow, 1989).
It is observed that journalists and sources on beats cooperated and
collaborated in the creation of news (Gieber, & Johnson, 1961), and there
is extensive use of beats as a process for finding potentially newsworthy
evens and ideas (Brooks, Kennedy, Moen & Ranly, 1980; Agee, Ault, & Emery,
1983). Such information from beats can alter the pictures of reality that
readers get from press (Molotch, & Lester, 1974). Sigal (1973) found that
in the Post and Times, about two-thirds came through "routine channels", or
public relations sources (p. 121). He concluded that news is not
necessarily what happens, but what a news source says has happened (p. 37).
Kaniss (1991) found that local news comes to look the way it does through a
combination of the constraints and incentives set by newspapers management
and the internalized professional and personal values of local reporters
(p. 71).
In his market-driven journalism model, McManus' (1994) reasoned that one of
the four markets in which media firms compete and exchange is market for
sources, where media firms trade for newsworthy information (p. 5). Sources
not only want to reach as many as possible audiences, but also want to
reach those people with certain qualities who can help achieve their goals,
including such people as political constituents, potential supporters,
customers, investors and so on (Jamieson, 1992). As to the content,
positive coverage helps beat unfavorable coverage.(McManus, 1994, p. 29).
Thus public relations sources are crucial for news production, and the
relationship is by nature based on exchange.
Three-tiered world and U.S. journalism
        The news media are instrumental in creating, perpetuating, and modifying
images of foreign nations and international leaders for the public
(Merrill, 1991). A person's exposure to or use of certain types of print
media news correlates positively with the person's knowledge of world
affair issues or countries (International Press Institute, 1953; Perry &
McNelly, 1988; Perry, 1990; Rielly, 1979; Robinson, 1967). News media use
can relate to one's international news knowledge, ethnocentricity, and
attitude toward foreign nations (Korzenny, Del Toro, & Gaudino, 1987).
There is a significant correlation between international news exposure and
respondents' perception of the countries' success and their overall liking
for the countries (McNelly & Izcaray, 1986). Most people in the United
States learn about world events through the mass media. Thus the foreign
news coverage of the major newspapers can have a great influence upon
international relations (Markham, 1961).
        For example, distorted and negative treatment of the developing world in
the Western media has been one of most common complaints by the third-world
countries (Stevenson & Cole, 1984). It is argued that the Western media
present the developing world in an unfavorable light by stressing crisis,
strikes, street demonstrations, putsches, etc (Bush, 1960; Gonzenbach,
Aran, & Stevenson, 1992; Norris, 1995; Sreberny-Mohammadi, 1985; Wanta &
Hu, 1993). Such unfavorable coverage may lead to negative attributed by
news consumers to a country through the media's agenda-setting effects
(McCombs at el, 2000).
        The U.S. news media coverage of the international news was found to be
geographically imbalanced (Gerbner & Marvanyi, 1977; Stevenson & Cole 1984;
Larson, 1984). A project by the International Association for Mass
Communication Research (IAMCR) indicated a tendency among the media of all
countries to emphasize news from within their respective regions. The
research found that news from the First World countries of North America
and Western Europe was placed to second place, while Eastern Europe and the
rest of the developing world were outside of the media's immediate area
(Sreberny-Mohammadi, 1984). Industrialized Western Countries, culturally
similar countries, neighboring countries and trade partners receive
disproportionately high coverage, while Africa, most parts of Latin America
and the pacific region (except for Japan) are obviously underrepresented in
their reports (Kim & Barnett, 1996; Meyer, 1996).
        Wallerstein (1979) stated that countries fall into one of three groups,
which are related to each other in a three-tiered hierarchical formation.
The rich, industrialized, and militarily stronger countries constitute the
core of the capitalist world system. The poorest, often agrarian, countries
belong to the periphery, the weakest tier in the hierarchy. The semi-
periphery is characterized by an economic base that combines core
industrialization and peripheral agriculture. Based on Walerstein's theory
of world system, Chang (1998) developed a model of international
information flow. The model suggests that the core nations in the world
system dominate world markets and world media outlets and are deemed more
newsworthy in international news than the rest of the world. News from the
periphery countries is less likely to pass through the gatekeepers of the
core nations news media, while close connections with the core nations
would increase a nation's standing within the international news world.
Wanta and Golan (2001) suggested that events from non-core nations
occasionally receive news coverage implicated that other factors play roles
in the news selection process. They found that elite nations were more
likely to receive media coverage than other nations. The Western
industrialized nations or members of the U.N. Security Council were deemed
more newsworthy. Non-core nations, however, need additional factors before
they could pass through the news gates, which may include strong trade
relations and cultural link with the United States. Hurrat (1988) suggested
that environmental, institutional, cultural, and ideological factors that
jointly or separately influence the daily output of the media. He found
that circulation size, number of news services for a newspaper, the
involvement of the United States in a foreign event were predictors of
foreign events coverage by the newspapers. While population size, GNP size
and economic affinities appeared to be insignificant in explaining the
variance of foreign events coverage. Horvit (1999) analyzed 10 U.S.
newspapers' coverage of international news and found that the developed
world got more attention than the developing countries from all the news
organizations studied. Some other studies suggest that the U.S. media
coverage of foreign news were affected by such factors as trade level,
population of the country, importance of the country in world politics as
well as crises (Charles, Shore, & Todd, 1979; Lent, 1977; Peterson, 1981).
International Public Relations by national governments
Most countries in the world conduct international public relations programs
and it has become increasingly difficult to neglect the public dimension of
foreign policy (Seaver, 1998; Serajnik-Sraka, 1999). Research indicates
that diplomacy has been shifting from traditional diplomacy to public
diplomacy, through which both government and private individuals and groups
influence directly or indirectly the public opinions that bear directly or
indirectly on another government's foreign policy formation (Delaney, 1968;
Signitzer & Coombs, 1992; Taylor, 1997). Since the 1990's, an increased
governmental concern with image and public relations in an attempt to
project a sense of identity or to discover the appropriate identity for
image-making has run in parallel with the process of globalization (Hill,
1999). National image or identity has become a central and vital part of a
country's foreign policy and one of its key tools for dealing with the rest
of the world (Leonard, 1999). Thus, states are now more than ever
preoccupied by images, and that the idea that state may have an image and
the image deserves care and managing is something very new in history
(Girard, 1999).
Since the representation by Ivy Lee and Carl Byoir's of the Nazi Germany to
moderate the hostility in the United States, similar practices have
mushroomed in the past decades. Foreign countries have sought to use media
coverage to reach interested U.S. publics and to provide an informal
communication channel to the U.S. policymakers (Davison, 1974; Bennett and
Paletz, 1994; Nacos, 1994; Sigal, 1973;). The business section of the
public relations industry in the United States has steadily increased in
the past decades. In 2002, there were 2,135 persons or firms registered
under the Foreign Agents Registration Act with the Department of Justice
(Cutlip, 1994b). These individuals and firms primarily involve two areas of
activities: media relations and lobbying activities in behalf of foreign
nations.
This research investigates the first domain of the international public
relations activities: the international media relations on behalf of
foreign nations by the U.S. public relations industry. The international
media relations is important because in such activities, the media, public,
and foreign policy are very closely related, where some significant foreign
policies are taken directly to the public, particularly to the mass media
(Eban, 1998; Grunig, 1993; Fortner, 1994; Hindell, 1995; Pearce, 1995). The
specialists who handle pubic relations matters for foreign governments play
an important role in America's foreign affairs through providing
information to the news media and lobbying in Congress (Cutlip, 1984).
Although such media relations are unlikely to translate immediately into
political advantage or policy gain with the United States arena, it is
believed that, over time, the creation and manipulation of information
settings can exert a positive influence on public opinion and political
outcomes (Albritton & Manheim, 1985). While the classic democracy theory
posits that journalists investigate and report the events of foreign
affairs, and the public is supposed to take information from the media and
use it to form opinions on foreign issues, and those who govern are
expected to anticipate public opinions as they make policy, adjusting their
efforts to respond the public's will. Thus, examining media relations may
contribute to our understanding of the interaction between media, public
and the government in the U.S. democratic process in which its foreign
relations are closely concerned.
The international media relations is important also because it plays a role
in the relations between countries. It helps shape images of nations and
affects the public's perceptions of the countries, which may eventually
crank into foreign policy formation. It even influences decision-making at
war times. For example, on behalf of the Kuwaiti government, the media
"spin" by Hill & Knowlton, a world famous public relations company,
successfully helped mobilize the U.S. public support for the Bush
administration's war decision against Iraq by arranging a 15-year-old
Kuwaiti young girl to testify in the U.S. Congress on the Iraqi soldiers'
cruelties in a hospital incubator (New York Times, January 12, 1992;
MaCarthur, 1992; Stauber & Rampton, 1995, 170). Likewise, media relations
by the U.S. public relations companies reportedly played a role during the
Kosovo war in 1999 (Swift, 1999).
Based on the literature review, following hypotheses and research questions
were developed:
        H1: Country status is not significantly correlated to use of their press
releases by major U.S. newspapers.
        H2: There are no significant differences among the three county blocks
with regard to use of their press releases.
        H2 is further developed into three sub-hypotheses:
H2a: Press releases from periphery countries are significantly less likely
used than those from core countries.
H2b: Press releases from periphery countries are significantly less likely
used than those from semi-periphery nations.
H2c: Press releases from semi-periphery nations are significantly less
likely used than that of core nations.
        In an earlier study (Zhang and Cameron, 2003), it is found press releases
are more likely used in news stories with conflict theme, because
journalists need to keep the journalistic fairness in their reporting. One
hypothesis is developed.
H3: Use of press release is not significantly correlated to theme of conflict.
In addition, following research questions were developed:
RQ1: Among all of the used press releases, how much was used by the NYT?
RQ2: How much of the press releases was used in stories in front page stories?
RQ3: How much of the press releases was quoted in the lead paragraph of the
stories?
RQ4: What are the overall news contexts for the quoted press releases?
Methodology
  Data source
According to the Foreign Agent Registration Act (FARA) enacted by the U.S.
Congress in 1938, the public relations firms working for international
clients are required to file their informational materials to the FARA unit
of the Justice of Department for public examination. Thus the FARA office
becomes the ideal source of press releases of the countries that conduct
media relations in the United States. The FARA website included listings of
countries, public relations firms, activities, finances, and contact
information of the firms. All of the countries in the listing of the first
half of 2002 were examined to see whether they hired public relations firms
to conductmedia relations. The media relations were labeled differently in
the FARA reports, such as "disseminating materials to promote trade,
tourism and the culture of the client," "providing media relations
assistances," "disseminating informational materials to newspapers,"
"distributing magazines, pamphlets, and press releases," and "disseminating
press releases and articles through print and electronic media."
Fifty-five countries were found to have engaged in media relations. The
official websites of the embassies of these countries in Washington were
examined to see whether they have archives of press releases in 2002. Only
embassies that kept the past records of press releases were selected.
Thirty-six Embassies have mounted past press releases to their official
websites. The press releases were used as valid data because they are
supposed to be drafted by the U.S. public relations consultants following
embassy guidelines. Thus the data is valid for testing marketing driven
journalism (Zaharna and Villalobos, 2000). These countries were then
divided into three groups: the core nations, the semi-periphery nations,
and the periphery nations, according to the classification of the World
Bank (2002). Five countries were randomly sampled from each of the three
categories (See Appendix II).
Sampling of press releases
Thirty press releases of 2002 were sampled with stratified sampling method
from each country each group. In total 450 press releases were sampled (N =
450).
The press releases were tracked in the Lexis-Nexis and coded according to
the following categories (See coding sheet in Appendix III).
Sampling of press releases

Year
Country groups
Core nations
Semi-periphery nations
Periphery nations
2002
5 _ 30
5 _ 30
5 _ 30
Total
150
150
150

Coding
        Countries are coded according to the categorization of the World Bank
(2002), which categorized countries into high-income economies,
upper-middle-income economies, lower-middle income economies, and
low-income economies. In this research, high-income economies were coded as
the core nations. Upper-middle-income economies were coded as the
semi-periphery countries. Lower-middle-income and low-income economies were
coded as periphery countries.
Use is coded as dummy variable. If a press release is quoted, it is coded
as 1. If not, it is coded as 0. Five major newspapers (defined by the
Lexis-Nexis), the Boston Globe, the Christian Science Monitor, the New York
Times, the USA Today, and the Washington Post were searched in the
Lexis-Nexis database. All stories about each country within three days
after the issuance of the press release were searched with the country's
name and keywords in the press release. The stories were then read to see
whether they quoted the press release. If a press release was used by more
than one newspaper, story in the NYT was coded first, then the WPOST, USA
Today, Boston Globe, and Christian Science Monitor, in a row.
NYT examines whether the press releases was quoted by the NYT.
Front page examines whether the press release is used in front-page stories
Location examines where in the story is the press release quoted
Theme is coded as conflict or without conflict. Conflict is defined as
directly confrontation, potential risk of confrontation, dispute, crisis,
and failure to cooperate.
Topics refers to the topic of the press release, include politics, economy,
foreign affairs, culture, defense, and society, and law/crimes/disaster.
Scott's pie for intercoder-reliability is 96 percent. See the coding sheet
in Appendix II.
Results
        Descriptive statistics showed that the mean of use for different country
groups was different. On average, press releases from the semi-periphery
countries were more used (.49) than those of the core nations (.27) and the
periphery nations (. 19). Among the 450 press releases, 142 (31.6 percent)
were used, and 113 (25.1 percent) were used at least by the NYT. More than
half (51.1 percent) of the quoted press releases were quoted in the lead
paragraphs of news stories. However, only 24 (5.3 percent) were used in
front-page stories.



Average use of press releases for different country groups

Countries
Mean
Std. Deviation
First world
.27
.444
Second world
.49
.502
Third world
.19
.391

The descriptive statistics indicated that press releases from the
second-world countries were more used. The data was thus recoded and
countries in the second world were coded as 1, and first-world countries
were coded as 2. It was found that use of press releases was negatively
correlated to country status (Spearman rho = -. 269**, p< .000). H1 was
rejected.
Chi-square test indicated that there is significant difference among the
three blocks of countries with regard to use of their press releases by
major U.S. newspapers (_2 = 61.236, p < .000). H2 was rejected.
Residual analysis indicated that use of press release from core nations
were not significantly different from the expected value. Press releases
from periphery countries were significantly less used than expected (_2 =
58.907, p<. 000). H2a was rejected. Press releases from semi-periphery
countries were significantly more used than expected (_2 = 32.667, p <
.000). H2c was rejected. Thus H2b was not rejected.
Statistic results also showed that use of press releases was significantly
correlated with conflict theme (Spearman rho = .645**, p < .000). H3 was
rejected.
        More than half (52.5 percent) of the quoted press releases appeared in
positive news context. Respectively 21.3 percent and 18.4 percent of the
quoted press releases appeared in neutral and balanced story valences. Only
6.4 percent of the quoted press releases appeared in negative news context.
        The topics of the quoted press releases in ranking include foreign affairs
(38.1 percent), military/defense (19.5 percent), politics (16.1 percent),
and economy (12.1 percent).
Discussion
        This Chapter examined how the U.S. major press used the press releases
from different countries. Statistic results indicated that a country's
status in the world is significantly correlated to the use of its press
releases by the U.S. major press. Press releases from the semi-periphery
countries are more likely used than those from the core nations and the
periphery countries, and press releases from periphery countries were less
likely used than those from the core nations. Such findings are partially
contrary to the research hypotheses, but are consistent with the findings
in Chapter three that the public relations firms engaged in media relations
hired by semi-periphery countries have increased, compared to the core
nations and periphery nations.
The possible reasons behind this is perhaps the core nations have their own
news outlets in the United States, or the major press have their outlets in
these countries, or they did not find necessity to cultivate their images
in the United States. While the semi-periphery nations, Mexico and Saudi
Arabia, for example, have strong need to maintain sound relationships with
the United States, might be aggressive in developing media relations with
the United States. Besides, these countries, such as South Korea and
Singapore, have the financial capability to conduct the public relations
activities. While the periphery countries in general may find it is more
useful hiring lobbying firms than media relations firms.
Use of press releases is also positively correlated to the theme of press
releases. If the press releases had to do with a conflict, it is more
likely used. This reflects one of the major features of the U.S. journalism
in covering international events that the news media tend to cover events
with conflict theme. The implication for media relations is that it is
possible to build the client's agenda in a conflict, because the news media
have to keep journalistic fairness in their reporting. After all, nearly
half of the quoted stories appeared in positive news context. The portion
that appeared in negative news context was very small.
The NYT was again shown to be the "acid test" for the effectiveness of
international media relations, since about one third of all of the press
releases appeared at least in the newspaper. This indicates that the media
relations practitioners are aware of the newspapers agenda setting power
for the opinion leaders and other news media. It also shows that the
newspaper's strong capability to report international events.
Conclusion
        Combining marketing-driven journalism and agenda building approaches, this
content analysis examined how a country's status in the world system
affects the effectiveness of its media relations in the United States and
how the U.S. major newspapers used their press releases. Statistic results
showed that press releases from the semi-periphery countries were more used
than press releases from the core nations and the periphery nations. More
press releases from core nations were used than those from periphery
nations. Use of press releases was also positively correlated to the theme
of event. Press releases regarding conflicts were more likely used by the
major newspapers. Then NYT was corroborated as the acid test of the
effectiveness of international media relations. A majority of the quoted
press releases appeared at least in the newspaper. Finally, the news
contexts for the quoted press releases were in general positive, or at
least neural and balanced, indicating such international media agenda
building efforts paid.
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Appendix I. Coding Sheet

Use
        Used=1
Not used=0
Countries
        Advanced economy =1
        Economies in transition=2
        Developing economy=3
NYT
        NYT=1
        Non-NYT=2
Used by others
        Yes=1
        No=0
Front page
        Front page=1
        None front page=0
Theme
        With conflict theme=1
        Without conflict theme or not used =0
Location
        Lead/bridge paragraph=1
        Body=2
        End=3
Topics
        Politics=1
        Economy=2
        Foreign affairs=3
        Culture=4
        Defense/war=5
        Society=6
        Law/crime/disaster=7
Heading valence
        Positive=1
Negative=2
Neutral=3
Balanced=4
Story valence
Positive=1
Negative=2
Neutral=3
Balanced=4


Appendix II: Counties sampled and the Internet source of press release

Periphery countries
Romania/Ukraine
Ethiopia (Conflict)
India
Angola (conflict)
Jordan
Semi-periphery countries
Mexico
Saudi Arabia
Korea
Singapore
Turkey
Core nations
Sweden
Germany
Japan
Canada
Ireland

Ireland http://www.irelandemb.org/press/index.html
Sweden http://www.swedish-embassy.org/news_press_index.html
Japan http://www.us.emb-japan.go.jp/pressreleases/index.htm
India http://www.indianembassy.org/archive/archive.htm
Jordan http://<www.jordanembassyus.org/new/newsarchive.shtml
Mexico (2002)
Turkey http://www.turkishembassy.org/pressreleases/index.htm
Korea
http://www.koreaembassy.org/newspress/index_list_pressrel.cfm?startnum=183
Romania http://www.roembus.org/english/news/
Saudi Arabia
Singapore http://www.mfa.gov.sg/washington/
Ukraine http://ukraineinfo.us/embassy/press-releases-02.htm
Canada
http://webapps.dfait-maeci.gc.ca/minpub/ListPublications.asp?PubTypeID=100001&ID=&Year=2001&Language=E
Germany http://www.germany-info.org/relaunch/info/press/releases.html

Appendix III. Statistics
        Correlations of use and country status



COUNT1
USE
COUNT1
Pearson Correlation
1
-.269(**)

Sig. (2-tailed)
.
.000

N
450
450
USE
Pearson Correlation
-.269(**)
1

Sig. (2-tailed)
.000
.

N
450
450
**  Correlation is significant at the 0.01 level (2-tailed).

        Chi-square of use difference among country blocks


USE
COUNTRY
Chi-Square(a,b)
61.236
.000
df
1
2
Asymp. Sig.
.000
1.000
a  0 cells (.0%) have expected frequencies less than 5. The minimum
expected cell frequency is 225.0.
b  0 cells (.0%) have expected frequencies less than 5. The minimum
expected cell frequency is 150.0.

        Test Statistics

COUNT1

USE
1
Chi-Square(a)
.027

df
1

Asymp. Sig.
.870
2
Chi-Square(a)
32.667

df
1

Asymp. Sig.
.000
3
Chi-Square(a)
58.907

df
1

Asymp. Sig.
.000
a  0 cells (.0%) have expected frequencies less than 5. The minimum
expected cell frequency is 75.0.

        Correlations of use to conflict theme



USE
CONFLICT
USE
Pearson Correlation
1
.645(**)

Sig. (2-tailed)
.
.000

N
450
448
CONFLICT
Pearson Correlation
.645(**)
1

Sig. (2-tailed)
.000
.

N
448
448
**  Correlation is significant at the 0.01 level (2-tailed).