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The production of Latino as a social imaginary 1
The production of Latino as a social imaginary
Running head: The production of Latino as a social imaginary in La Raza (1972-1979)
The production of Latino as a social imaginary in La Raza (1972-1979)
Mirerza Gonz lez-Vlez
Ph.D. Candidate
School of Journalism and Mass Communication
W615 Seashore Hall
The University of Iowa, Iowa City 52242
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(319) 358-0610
Abstract
This paper presents the preliminary findings of a case study on La Raza newspaper (1973 -1979). Newspapers, as archives of meanings, serve for the mediation, diffusion and re-articulation of discourses that enable people to familiarize with a community unlike their own. This is possible through the emergence of a "social imaginary", a taken-for-granted truth that gives unity and order to people's lives and facilitates the continuity of a collective that in Latinos' case is fragmented.
The production of Latino as a social imaginary in La Raza Newspaper
Introduction
Latinos comprise one of the largest and fastest growing minority groups in the United States. The U.S. census reported that by 1990 about 17.3 million Spanish-speaking people were living in the United States. Projections from the 1999 census suggest that by the year 2000 that number will have increased to 31.3 million, or 10 percent of the total US population. By 2020, population projections put the Hispanic population at 52.6 million - 16 percent of the projected 322 million for the whole country.
In cities like Los Angeles, Miami, El Paso, Phoenix and New York, Latinos out number other minority groups. In Midwest cities, such as Chicago, that number has also begun to rise. In 1996 about 13.1 percent of the total population of Chicago were of Hispanic or Latino origin. Geoffrey Fox calls this the Latinization of the urban population. More than a demographic fact, I see this phenomenon as a social occurrence that impacts many other social processes. One of them, the socio-cultural and political articulation of Latino discourses in mainstream social institutions, including mass media.
Wilson & Gutirrez (1995), for example, argue that three forces influence the dynamics between the mass media and an increasingly racially diverse population: the growth of racial diversity in the US, the technological advances in communication media, and the targeting of audience segments by the media. Latinos in the United States are an integral part of and affected by these forces (Subervi-Vlez, 1999). Since the growth of Latino populations in the US, their desirability as a target demographic for media products has likewise grown. The problem, however, is that Latinos are not a simple demographic. They are highly segmented by country of origin or ancestry--each with its own culture, history, and political background. Consequently, how could Latinos, as such a diverse group, come together as one, homogeneous group either when considered as a segmented market (RodrĄguez, 1998), or as a socio-cultural imagined community (Fox, 1996)?
At the other hand, the scope of media studies in relation to Latino cultures seem to flow from audience and market models (Johnson, 2000; RodrĄguez, 1995; Subervi-Vlez, 1999) to those exploring the norms of cultural assimilation and the dynamics involved between immigrant groups and the host culture (Park, 1922; RĄos & Gaines, 1998; Jeffres 2000.). But, as suggested by Jeffres (2000), the relationship between communication and ethnic identity needs to be reexamined. In fact, little research has been done that critically addresses how "ethnic" media such as ethnic newspapers contribute to the construction of race and identity in the U.S., more specific the case of Latino populations and Latino media.
This paper will examine these ideas and some theoretical issues related to symbolic forms and news textuality before reporting the data gathered by the first phase of a case study focused on the articulation of one homogeneous Latino identity through the discourse of La Raza, a Midwestern newspaper published in Spanish since 1970 in Chicago. The data presented was collected through a textual analysis made to issues published by the newspaper between 1973-1979. Although this is part of an ongoing research, the discussion will examine relevant theory on mass communication and socio-cultural models of identity formation in order to explore the nuances involved in the production of a Latino discourse by a Latino newspaper, or what Amrica RodrĄguez calls "unitary ethno-racial labeling" (1999, p.7).
Literature Review
Symbolic forms, mass communication and mass media
Thompson's definition of mass communication as "an institutionalized production and generalized diffusion of symbolic goods via the transmission and storage of information (Thompson, 1991, p.219)" focuses in two particularly significant and interrelated aspects of mass communication and mass media. The first one relates to mass communication as an institutionalized system of meaning's production and diffusion. The second one relates to mass media as a political outlet through which meanings acquire symbolic value as they circulated within society.
Following Thompson's definition it could be said that in modern societies mass media become a fundamental tool for the continuos re-articulation of social memory and its units of meaning - symbolic forms (Omi & Winant, 1992). As absolutist discourses that politically mediates between multiple, unfinished and many times contradictory relationships, symbolic forms are central to mass media continuous creation of reality. In other words, to understand the politics behind the articulation of a cultural identity, in this case a Latino identity, it is necessary to look into media products and its relation to social formations.
Thompson writes that in modern societies meaning and power interrelates because of the emergence of mass communication. He calls this phenomenon the "mediatization of modern culture". Thompson argues that the messages that are diffused by mass media are ideological because in particular circumstances, they serve to establish and sustain relations of power that are asymmetrical. They are needed in order to articulate certain social discourses that keep what Omi and Winant (1994) call "unstable equilibrium".
This concept implies a relatively stable instance of asymmetries in where fields of interactions and social structures differentiate themselves in terms of the distribution of, and access to, social resources (Thompson, 1990). Therefore, social discourses are hegemonic social forms that coerce and mediate the interests of dominant groups with those of other groups (Gramsci, 1971; Hall, 1993).
Rather than seeing mass media hegemonic discourses as cause and effect relations, Niklas Luhmann (1996) understands this process as a characteristic of mass media as a system of communication and differentiation. In mass media, hegemonic discourses structure contradictions that maintain the system's ability to generate further communication. As suggested by Luhmann, "they deconstruct themselves since they reproduce the constant contradiction of their constative and their performative textual components within their own operations (1996, p.39). In that sense, the production of newspaper narratives implies a selection of information for dissemination which intrinsic value is not ontological (true) but utilitarian (information). Differentiation comes in the form of knowledge production: self-refencence vs. other reference (1996, p.5).
Communication only comes about when someone watches, listen, reads and understands to the extend that further communication could follow on (Luhmann 1996, p.5). Social forms about Latinos in US shared by mass media and newspaper narratives made possible further communicative relations that permit differentiation between Spanish-speakers in US and other ethnic and national- origin groups.
Social forms and social imaginaries
The analysis of social forms and their role in social life is an integral part in the study of the nature of social structure and social reproduction (Thompson, 1990). This is particularly true in relation to the study of mass media and its role in the production of cultural identity. Scholars such as Hall (1993), Smith (1990), Valle and Torres (1995) and Fair (1996) have come to realize that media products construct, reproduce and reaffirm prejudiced discourses in relation to cultural identity on notions such as race, gender and ethnicity. Hall calls this process the "naturalization" of ideology through the model of "common sense" (Allan, 1999), while Allan interprets "common sense" as an articulation of a "taken-for-granted" discourse.
The analysis of media products in relation to "common sense" discourse should be traced to the understanding of society as a system of communicative relations. This is not a new idea. It was Emile Durkheim (1912/1995) who suggested that the natural condition of the subjects is society. Society enables individuals to come together, as a collective, because in nature everything is subjected to it (Durkheim, 1912/1995, p.444). Society operates a system of meanings that enables social subjects to recognize one and other as part of a same community.
The way society organizes human subjects is through systemic (conscious and unconscious) articulations. Those articulations constitute meanings that take form and are communicated in what Durkheim called "conscience collective". The concept has been explored in three very different ways by the works of Cornelio Castoriadis (1984), Michael Maffesoli (1993) and Charles Taylor (2000). All of these scholars' works rethink Durkheim's idea of "conscience collective" by suggesting that, as a social articulation, it emerges in the form of a "social imaginary", a kind of symbolic, cultural conditioning that generates a sense of identity and inclusiveness between the members of a community.
Castoriadis (1984) explores the "social imaginary" as a form of creativity and reason. His use of the term is a response and critique of Durkheim's notion of "conscience collective". Castoriadis argues that Durkheim's use of "conscience collective" defines a priori people practices, something that he sees as dangerous dispositions that limited subjects agency by a sense of deception. Castoriadis do agree with Durkheim in the idea that social subjects are "united" by a system of relations, but contrary to Durkheim, he call this system the social imaginary, through which social subjects could overcome the "conformity" to the discursive dispositions already made-up by the "concience collective". Castoriadis, therefore, sees the social imaginary as a tool of empowerment for social subjects.
At the other hand, Maffesoli (1996) sees in the imaginary one of the dimensions of the "conscience collective". Following Durkheim's idea that society is not only constituted by material things (such as the territory occupied by individuals, the objects they use, or the actions they perform,) but by the ideas it forms of itself, Maffesoli suggests that the efficacy of the imaginary is explained by the sense of solidarity that it gives to social subjects. This condition empowers subjects to "create" links between the fragmented surroundings of today conditions of social existence.
In Taylor (2000), the social imaginary is a kind of common understanding, which enables people in society to carry out the collective practices, that make-up their social life. Taylor's work is influenced by Benedict Anderson's (1983) idea of imagined communities. Following Anderson's idea that nationalism originated in Western communities through the imagination of a sense of "communion" between all members, Taylor sees the articulation of the social imaginary as discursive. For Taylor, the social imaginary incorporates some sense of how we all fit together in carrying out a common practice. Taylor's work, as Maffesoli's, suggests that the social imaginary is not a set of "ideas"; rather it is the structure, which enables, through making sense of, the common practices of a society.
The arguments of Castoriadis, Maffesoli and Taylor, do agree in the idea that in modernity the collective is not a coherent, natural and localized object, but a social construction, and invention that normalize subjects' experience. All three scholars seem to explain the operation of the "social imaginary" in terms of discourse and symbolic formation. The "fairy tales" that, as a taken-for-granted truth, give unity and order to social subject's lives, facilitates the continuity of a collective that is fragmented.
As a kind of cultural conditioning, the social imaginary offers ways of "decoding" social experience. It also facilitates the developing of cultural competence, which permits social subjects to generate a sense of identity and inclusiveness as members of any given community. Being an imagined unity, the social imaginary permits society to operate as a conscious and coherent organization. This operation is also political. Power does plays and important role in the way the social imaginary expresses itself in society, since its functional role of mediation. The social imaginary makes possible the framing of social forms, impacting subject's understanding of themselves and their practices in society.
News and the textuality of reality
News, as a mass media product, provides the cultural ground for attachment to the social imaginary, which is a taken-for-granted socio-cultural discourse that operates as a "frame of reference" for social subjects to operate in "the public realm of civil society (Alexander & Jacobs, 1999)." Allan (1999) and other critical scholars also suggest that news accounts encourage people to accept as natural, obvious or commonsensical certain preferred ways of classifying reality.
Allan argues that in democratic societies, news operates as a way social groups achieve a distinctive discourse, giving them the ability to participate in the constitution of public opinion. As a result, it is necessary to identify the means by which a newspaper adopts a preferred discourse to represent "the world out there". How is that process conformed is a need to be opened up for analysis (Allan, 1999, p.87).
In seeking a conceptual framework to account for the interconnection of these dynamics, traditional and non- traditional media scholarship has focused on the social construction of the news products and the role played by news workers in this process (Berkowitz, 1997; Bourdieu, 1999; Zelizer, 1993). These relations have been particularly significant in explaining why and how news media operate in modern societies (Allan, 1999) and how journalist's roles are reconstructed in these operations (Zelizer, 1993).
In conceptual terms, "stories" become "news" when they correspond to certain values and routines that are operationalized by newsworkers and by news organizations. Allan (1990) suggests that news values are codes that define an occurrence "newsworthiness". They were usually related to concepts such as conflict, timeliness, reference to elite persons and elite nations, cultural specificity, and negativity. Allan also explains that daily routines in the production of news serve to the naturalization of the social world through certain hegemonic principles and frames.
At the other hand, to decide if something is newsworthy implies a sense of reflexivity. Is here in where the process of "selection" becomes a political task. News producers have been validated by public consent to determine what information is valid and therefore, communicated. In this process, meanings become truth. Such is the case of what Amrica RodrĄguez calls "unitary ethno-racial labeling" (1999, p.7) through which Spanish-speaking groups in the U.S have been defined as Latinos/Hispanics[1] both by mainstream and Spanish-speaking media.
As Flores (2000) warns, this increasingly dominant labeling has a homogenizing impact that may prevent mass communication scholarship and that makes for pernicious politics. "Latino", Flores maintains, tends to simplify and reduce the complicated fact that the various groups of people who would constitute such a group occupy markedly different positions in US hierarchies of power, and therefore in media discourse [2].
Research Design
This study presents some preliminary findings of an ongoing case study that looks into a Midwestern Latino newspaper and how it articulates a narrative about Latinos as one homogeneous community. The case study is a model of research that privileges the consideration of explicative interpretation and comparative generalizations in order to optimize the understanding of a single case (Morrow, 1994; Stake, 1998). A case study is not a methodological choice, but a choice of object to be studied (Stake, 1998). Morrow (1994) writes that a case study is one of the tools used by intensive research designs since it considers a small number of cases in terms of a great number of individual properties. Consequently, a case study could be used in the interpretation of the genesis of a particular system of meaning, but not in a way that makes any claim to be strictly causal explanation (Morrow, 1994, p.249).
The case study follows Thompson (1990) model of depth hermeneutics. Thompson suggests that deep hermeneutics provides an account of how symbolic forms, articulated through mass media, maintains "coherence" in the performance of social agents. That's because for him society is a discursive space. Therefore a researcher could understand social agents and social institutions through the interpretation of their narratives. For Thompson, there is not a single model of analysis, but different types that "can play legitimate and mutually supportive roles (Thompson, 1990 p.21)".
The case study design articulates the research process in three phases of interpretation. This paper presents the preliminary findings of the first phase of the research that comprises a textual analysis of all the newspapers' holdings available at the archives of the Chicago Historical Society. The time frame selected was from 1972 to 1979 in order to get closer to the newspaper's birth, in 1970. The issues from 1970-1971 were not found in the archives of the Chicago Historical Society. However, the 1972-1979 time frame does represent one of the three newspaper's ownership periods. These are 1970-1971, 1972-1982, 1983-to present.
Following Smith (1990), Thompson (1991), Fair (1996), and Fursich and Lester (1996), this research relies on the use of textual analysis as a method of inquiry. Interpretation of the chosen newspaper's issues has been done in the context of a holistic reading of the newspaper, which includes literal text and other aspects of the publication, such as images, pictures and ads. This paper concentrates on a critical reading of the textual contents. The leading question in this analysis was: What discourse about Latinos is created through the issues published from 1972 to 1979 in La Raza? How and by what means does the newspaper articulate an unitary ethno-racial labeling discourse about Latinos?
Analysis
In 1970 La Raza began as an eight-page tabloid with a weekly circulation of 5,000 issues, distributed in two areas of the city identified as Mexican and Puerto Rican Barrios[3]. At the present time, the newspaper is not only the oldest of all Latino weekly newspapers published in the Chicago area, but also the first newspaper to publish in Spanish.
Thirty-two issues of the newspaper published between 1972 and 1979 were used for the textual analysis. The interval of issues available at the Chicago Historical Society was one issue from February 9, 1972; one from June 9, 1976 and one from January 5, 1977. From 1978, 27 issues were available ranging from January to November, and two issues from 1979 were found; one from January 7 and March 14[4].
The textual analysis of the 32 issues showed that it is possible to differentiate five kinds of content in La Raza: news stories, editorials, letters to the editor, columns and poems. The news coverage of the newspaper from 1972-1978 relies on stories that do not follow on American model of journalistic reporting. There is a recurrent presentation of what is known as "soft-stories", features, commentaries and human interest articles related to Spanish-speaking groups, community activities, and success "stories" about Spanish-speaking community members.
Interestingly, the newspaper constrained its reports to issues related to three Spanish-speaking national origin communities: Puertoricans, Mexicans and Cubans. Allusions to those groups occupied a preferred space in the newspaper content. The groups were visible by directly naming them when reporting on community activities and cultural festivals. This is the case of headings including the names of community organizations such as "C mara de Comercio Cubana, Comite Organizador Parada Puertorrique¤a, and Centro Aztl n ".
The newspaper contents present various themes related to bilingual education, community leadership and political representation, community associations and activities, sports and issues related to the newspaper as a validated object of journalistic practice within the Spanish speaking groups in Chicago. During the timeframe 1972-1979 the newspaper did not report on stories related to crime or gang violence.
As suggested, the textuality of the stories published in La Raza during this period is characterized by the use of an editorialized writing style and the presentation of human -interest stories. One good example of this narrative style is found in one issue published in 1972. In the cover of the newspaper a big photo of a man in a hospital bed relates to the main story about the "injustice" made by the city police against Mr. X, who is described as "one member of our community".
The story is really an editorial commentary that made a critique of the city police actions against a Spanish-speaking person. The story seems to advocate against the discriminatory and insensitive actions that are represented by the picture of the man kept tied up with a chain to the hospital bed. The journalist or commentator never explains what happened, nor the reason for the police to take such an action. However, by describing the situation as "discriminatory" against "a member of our community" the commentary generalizes the occurrence as something against the Spanish speaking community. The same textual model is followed in a story published on April 26, 1978 titled "Brutalidad PolicĄaca en Chicago Heights/ Police brutality in Chicago Heights". The story follows the same style: a commentary that does not focus on the reporting of facts but instead advocates for public policy against the injustice of police action and discrimination against the Latino Community. It also c
alls for empathy and action from the Latino community by suggesting as a taken-for-granted truth that the problem of police harassment was a shared experience for all Chicago Spanish-speaking groups.
The same textual strategy is followed by another story published in February 8, 1978. This time the newspaper reports on the poor conditions of housing in the area populated by Spanish-speaking groups. Those conditions led to the burning of several buildings in where three children died. The occurrence is reported by interviewing the father of the children, and again, the story makes use of an emotional tone that confirms the lack of action by the city government to inspect the good standing of the buildings in the areas populated by Spanish-speaking groups.
These two stories portray these occurrences as suffered by all Spanish -speaking groups. Therefore, the newspaper discourse articulates a homogeneous construction of the various Spanish-speaking groups as one community through the production of taken-for-granted needs, as truths. Padilla (1958) suggested that for Spanish-speaking groups, becoming one ethnic minority group is just a causal occurrence. Spanish-speakers often come from areas where they are in the majority and are not considered as members of ethnic minority groups. By becoming immigrants, they suddenly become a member of an ethnic minority, which is the way the host country gives name to those groups that are different. But, in the case of the newspaper, the reason behind such a move is political. Here, the newspaper articulates a social imaginary of the Spanish-speaking groups needs. Identifying discriminatory actions, advocating for public policies, and naming Spanish-speaking groups as one community, the newspaper also strengthens its image as a Latino newspaper.
The same follows for the editorials and columns in the newspaper discourse. Themes related to bilingual education, community leadership, and catholic religious activities are prominent in the 32 issues studied. In almost each issue, bilingual education is present. Bilingual education is portrayed by the newspaper as an important tool for the Spanish-speaking community in order for them to achieve social mobility and a better quality of life. In March 29, 1978 (p.9) the newspaper editorial titled "En defensa de la educaci˘n bilinge/ In defense of bilingual education", began a newspaper policy to publish editorials in both Spanish and English. In the editorial the newspaper sustains that the city government budget for bilingual education should not be reduced, and advocates for the rescue and enhancing of such an important matter for the Latino community. The news stories and columns published in the same issue also stress this point.
Leadership formation within the Puertorrican, Cuban and Mexican groups is another theme present in the newspaper content. In the issue of January 25, 1978 as in the one from October 18, 1978 (p.17) the newspaper reports about the problems of leadership within the Puertorrican community. On June 14, 1978 an editorial titled "Si podemos/ Yes, We can" suggests the capacity of Latinos to organize politically. On January 17, 1979 (p.2) an editorial was written to honor a Puertorrican woman who was described as a "lĄder latina/ Latin leader". In the editorial, the newspaper described the woman's work as "exponente de la ansiada unidad latinoamericana/ representative of the so needed Latin American unity".
During the 1970's, the general knowledge circulated about Latinos in Chicago referred to Mexicans, Puertorricans and Cubans as groups unable to articulate political action in the way African-Americans and other ethnic groups did. The divided nature of the Spanish community is identified in articles published in 1975 and 1977 by Cleveland (1975) and Casuso and Camacho (1977/1995)[5].
The way the newspaper addresses the issue of leadership expresses the need of a Latino/Hispanic leadership as a form of elite. The newspaper discourse was therefore, the voice through which that elite could achieve social mobility as one, homogeneous community.
The validation of the newspaper as a Latino news outlet was part of the process. Various issues stressed the importance of La Raza as representative of a Latino community. Take for example an editorial published in June 9, 1975. The editorial addressed the professional journalistic ethics that guide the newspaper coverage. In February 8, 1978 the newspaper reports that it has become a member of the "Sociedad Interamericana de Prensa/ Interamerican Press Society", an important organization that conglomerates the most important newspapers from Latin America and the Caribbean. To be part of the SIP is to validate the newspaper's journalistic work. The report stress that La Raza is the first newspaper published in Spanish in the United States to become a member of the Latin American organization.
Another example comes from an issue published in May 17, 1978. The cover page headline of the newspaper reports "Carter se reŁne con periodistas hispanos de EU/ Carter meets with Hispanic journalists". Here the newspaper presents two different stories related to the meeting. One was focused on a description of the meeting's proceedings. The other was focused on La Raza as one of the Hispanic newspapers invited to the meeting. That same issue presents a short editorial note reporting that La Raza was, at the time, the Spanish newspaper with the biggest circulation in Chicago. This is the first time from 1972 to 1978 that the newspaper reports about its circulation.
The imaginary production of the newspaper as a Latino validated journalistic publication not only articulated an imagined audience, but also positioned itself as a profitable tool for clients. It was proved that La Raza was representative of the Latino community.
Conclusion: Ethnic Media as discursive racial forms
Mass communication scholarship has placed growing interest in the study of ethnic media and its operation within ethnic communities (Reaves, 1996; RodrĄguez, 1999; Subervi-Vlez, 1996; Viswanath & Arora, 2000; Jeffres, 2000). One possible reason lies in the fact that ethnic diversity is growing more and more in the United States.
Viswanath and Arora, for example, suggest that ethnic media serve what they call a "triple function": information, assimilation and ethnic identity reinforcement (Viswanath & Arora , 2000, p.54). Two assumptions dominate this terrain. The first one is the idea that ethnic media function as one of the principal vehicles of socialization and communication within ethnic communities and the host society enabling the process of assimilation (RodrĄguez, 1999; Viswanath & Arora, 2000). The second assumption is that ethnic media reinforce the cultural identity, and the sense of community within ethnic groups in some way (Park, 1922).
This paper suggests that because of its textuality, ethnic media narratives became a form of knowledge articulated by the use of social forms and social imaginaries. The information transmitted through news narratives in La Raza promotes a sense of consent between multiple social groups. And news texts are tools for the outcome of that process. Because they are primarily social, news narratives become political representations that articulate and normalize societal conditions.
The issues of La Raza newspaper published from 1972 to 1979 articulate a discourse of Latinos as one homogeneous community. In some cases, the newspaper acknowledged of differences Spanish-speaking groups by reporting on their particular activities and organizations. In other cases, the newspaper stories erased those differences as a strategic move that pursued and advocated better public policies and opportunities of social mobility for Spanish-speaking groups as one Latino community.
The production of these different modes of news narratives had an important role in the constitution of social differentiation between Spanish-speaking groups, public institutions and other ethnic groups in Chicago. La Raza narratives were producers of knowledge; they reproduced, mediated and circulated information that facilitated self-reference within Spanish-speaking groups. Calling attention to social issues such as bilingual education and housing conditions, for example, the newspaper narratives "teaches" both the community and the public institutions about each other, and how they should operate in order to stay within the system.
The newspaper narratives also produced a social imaginary about Latinos in Chicago. That social imaginary relied on the common issues shared by the multiple Spanish-speaking groups living in Chicago: language and religion, discrimination and poverty. Those issues became central in La Raza news narratives, becoming racialized social forms that defined what was defined as Latino during 1972-1978.
Notes
1. Juan Flores, for example, makes a persuasive case for the need to abandon the term "Latino" to name the plural and diverse groups of Spanish speaking people living in the United States. Flores suggests that "'Latino' or 'Hispanic' only holds up when qualified by the national-group angle from which it is uttered: there is a 'Chicano/Latino' perspective or 'Cuban/Latino' perspective, but no meaningful one that is simply 'Latino'" (Flores, 2000, p. 8).
2. Flores arguments about how groups of people occupy markedly different positions in US hierarchies of power relates to what Doreen Massey calls power-geometry (1993, p.61). Massey 's concept of power-geometry suggests that some groups and different individuals are more likely to achieve social mobility and access to social structures. At the same time, that possibility constrains the access and mobility of others to the same social structures. In consequence, power emerges from such positioning.
3. Casuso and Camacho (1977/1995) report Chicago Hispanic neighborhoods as South Chicago, Pilsen, Little Village, Humboldt Park and Logan Square. Other areas are Cicero and West Side.
4. La Raza holdings available at the Chicago Historical Society are:
February 9, 1972.
June 9, 1976.
January 5, 1977.
January 18, 1978.
January 25, 1978.
February 8, 1978
March 1, 1978.
March 8, 1978.
March 15, 1978.
March 22, 1978.
March 29, 1978.
April 5, 1978.
April 12, 1978.
April 26, 1978.
May 3, 1978.
May 10, 1978.
May 17, 1978.
May 24, 1978.
May 31, 1978.
June 7, 1978.
June 14, 1978.
June 21, 1978.
June 28, 1978.
July 5, 1978.
July 12, 1978.
August 16, 1978.
August 23, 1978.
October 11, 1978.
October 18, 1978.
November 8, 1978.
January 7, 1979.
March 14,1979.
5. Cleveland argues, "the near zero clout of the Latino is traceable, in part, to the divided nature of the Spanish community. Although they put on a solid front to the outsider, there are deep divisions between Puerto Ricans, Mexicans, Cubans and South Americans. Despite a common language there are substantial differences in history, culture and customs. Even their communities are likely to be separate. Mexicans are concentrated in the South and near Southwest parts of Chicago; Puerto Ricans on the North and Northwest sides of the city. Ironically, the very size of the Latino community works against it. In New York Puerto Ricans predominate, in Los Angeles Mexicans are the majority. Miami's Spanish community is largely Cuban. In Chicago no single group is big enough to dominate".
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