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Media Buying

Running Head: AD PLACEMENT IN BLACK AND WHITE MAGAZINES





Differences in Media Buying by Online Businesses in Black- and White-Targeted Magazines: The Potential Impact of the Digital Divide on Ad Placement

Osei Appiah and Matthew Wagner
Iowa State University




Authors' Note
        Osei Appiah (Ph.D., Stanford University, 1998) is an assistant professor at the Greenlee School of Journalism and Communication at Iowa State University. Matthew Wagner is a graduate student in communication at Iowa State University
Correspondence concerning this manuscript should be addressed to Osei Appiah, Greenlee School of Journalism and Communication, Iowa State University, 127 Hamilton Hall, Ames, Iowa 50011-1180, U.S.A. Phone 515-294-7720. Email: <a href="/cgi-bin/wa?LOGON=A3%3Dind0109B%26L%3DAEJMC%26E%3D8bit%26P%3D6227139%26B%3D--%253D%253D%253D%253D%253D%253D%253D%253D%253D%253D%253D%253D%253D%253D%253D%253D%253D%253D%253D%253D%253D_114151592%253D%253D_%26T%3Dtext%252Fplain%3B%2520charset%3Diso-8859-1" >[log in to unmask]</a>
 Abstract
This study examined differences in ad placement by online companies based on whether the publication targets the general market or the black population. Seventy-two magazines from three different categories were analyzed to ascertain the number of online company ads in each magazine. It was predicted that online businesses would place more ads in general market magazines than they would in magazines targeted to black audiences. The findings clearly support the overall hypothesis. The impact of the digital divide on ad placement is discussed.
 Differences in Media Buying by Online Businesses in Black- and White-Targeted Magazines: The Potential Impact of the Digital Divide on Ad Placement

Attracting consumers to the Internet is a major concern for online businesses. Those web-based businesses that fail to attract visitors will not survive very long. Approaches used to attract audiences to web sites include renting space on a site or purchasing key-word space on a search engine (Hodges, 1996). These techniques only reach audiences that are already on the Internet; thus, many potentially interested consumers remain unaware of many online businesses (Schlosser & Kanfer, 1999), giving these approaches only limited success.
One way to increase the visibility of online businesses is to make use of more traditional forms of advertising such as print media, since there is empirical evidence that suggests magazines are instrumental in helping people find out about web sites. In fact, in a national survey, 65% of people who use the Internet reported finding out about Web sites through magazines (Gupta, 1995).
The objective of this paper is to determine the degree to which online businesses are placing ads in print media. In particular, this paper will examine the extent to which online businesses are advertising in both general market magazines and black-targeted magazines. This paper will also assess whether there are differences in ad placement by online businesses based on whether the publication is for a general market audience or for a predominantly black audience. The potential influence of the digital divide on media placement will also be discussed.
Growth in Advertising by Online Business
Using magazine advertisements to locate sites on the Internet is a common practice among consumers. Research shows the importance of magazine advertisements in creating awareness for Internet users (Gupta, 1995). These consumers' response to print advertising is reflected in the significant ad growth in the magazine industry in 1999 (Diaz, 2000). Much of this growth in ad placements in magazines can be attributed to online business advertising. Online business advertising increased 115% from 1997 to 1998 (Kerwin, 1999) and increased by a tremendous 159% from 1998 to 1999, thereby driving ad growth during that time period (Diaz, 2000). This growth in online business advertising has been spread across many different magazine genres and not just concentrated in computer magazines. For example, in some magazines such as Business Week, online businesses consisted of a third of all new advertisers (Diaz, 2000).
Ad Placement in Black Media
Although there is evidence of a boost in ad placement and spending in a range of general market media (Diaz, 2000; Kerwin, 1999), ad spending in black media has been a grave disappointment (Ross, 1999). Executives at black-targeted media outlets have complained for decades about the major inequities in ad spending in general market media compared to black-targeted media by advertisers ("Advertisers Avoid Blacks, 1999," Wynter, 1999). Despite high audience ratings for many broadcast outlets and a large number of subscribers for magazines, black media personnel have struggled to convince potential advertisers that black consumers are a viable target (Wilson, 2000). This pattern of exclusion has even reached the federal government, which has been criticized for failing to advertise on black television or in black newspapers and magazines (see "Minority-Owned Media," 1998; Teinowitz, 2000). For example, the $195 million National Youth Anti-Drug campaign launched by the government relied almost exclusively on white media and failed to include black publications ("Black Press Ignored
," 1998).
On those occasions when advertisers have patronized black media, they often demanded to pay less for ad space in black media vis-…-vis ad space in general market media, even when the audiences for black media were larger (Federal Communications Committee, 1998; "Advertisers Avoid Blacks, 1999"). These claims were confirmed by a recent Federal Communications Commission's report (1998) that found that advertisers often exclude media that serve predominantly black audiences. The study discovered that "majority" owned media received about 29% more revenue per listener than minority stations targeting largely minority audiences. Given this evidence, it is no surprise that many executives at black-owned or black-targeted media and ad agencies maintain that advertisers undervalue and under appreciate black consumers (Teinowitz, 2000).
This begs the question, "Why are many advertisers dismissing black-targeted media and black consumers?" The answer may be that businesses and advertisers are operating under some inaccurate assumptions and stereotypes about black consumers that have led them to avoid purchasing advertising space in black media. Advertisers may have race-specific stereotypes that characterize blacks as poverty-stricken and thereby unable to purchase brand names and expensive products. The research literature, however, points to the contrary.  Compared to whites, black consumers spend more of their discretionary income on goods and services, spend relatively more on fragrances, apparel, footwear, personal care, home furnishings, and automobiles (Kotler & Armstrong, 1990; Rossman, 1994); place more importance on brand names (Wellington, 1981; Crispell, 1993; Gage, 1981; Kotler & Armstrong, 1990); are more fashion-conscious (Goldsmith, Stith, & White, 1987) and buy fewer generic goods (Rossman, 1994).
These types of race-specific stereotypes may drive certain media planners to develop practices that limit or prohibit the purchase of ad space in black media. This is evidenced by a memo that was discovered at the ad sales firm, Katz Media Group, which urged advertisers to avoid black radio stations if they want to pursue "prospects" rather than "suspects" ("Advertisers Avoid Blacks," 1999).
Moreover, according to the FCC (1998), some in the advertising industry have quietly instituted a "no urban dictates" policy, where advertisers exclude stations that target largely black and Latino audiences despite their audience size. For example, a recent study indicated that the number one radio station in New York City, with an urban, hip-hop format, and a predominantly minority audience had 37% less ad revenue than the city's second leading radio station, a light, contemporary station with a predominantly white audience (Wilson, 2000).
Advertisers may be guided by a number of other false assumptions that influence their use of black media. One particularly important misperception is the belief that advertisers can effectively capture black consumers using the same general messages and mainstream media that appeal to white consumers (Askey, 1995; Gadsden, 1985). Much of the research literature contradicts this assumption. Although black consumers heavily rely on print and television advertising for information and use that information when making purchases (Miller & Miller, 1992; Soley, 1983), they often ignore television and advertising that is perceived to be targeted to primarily white audiences (Appiah, in press; Brandweek, 1993; Rossman, 1994). In fact, Black audiences are more attracted to media with black characters (Dates, 1980). Blacks are also more likely to trust ads and editorial content in black media than they are general market media ("Study Reveals Blacks," 1998). This appears to be particularly true for blacks with strong black ethnic identities. That is, data indicate that blacks who possess strong ethnic identities have more positive evaluations of ads placed in black-targeted media than they do of ads placed in general market media (Green, 1999).
Internet Usage & the Digital Divide
For online companies, one of the more compelling arguments dictating whether they purchase ad space in black media may be the perception that blacks do not use the Internet. Some executives have pointed out that the most frustrating part of their job is attempting to sell spots to Internet service providers and online companies, many of whom must be convinced that black people use computers and go online (Wilson, 2000). The advertising director at Black Enterprise, a magazine for black affluent consumers, maintains that the advertising department struggles for revenue from the technology industry, which should be of no surprise given many technology companies such as Microsoft have yet to advertise in any black media (Wilson, 2000).
For many technology and online companies placing ads in black-owned or black-targeted media the pertinent question is, "Do blacks own computers and are blacks using the Internet?" Advertisers' perceptions that few blacks own computers and even fewer are online is not necessarily unsubstantiated. There is a growing body of literature (Beaupre & Brand-Williams, 1997; Henry, 1999; Hoffman & Novak, 1998; Joyce 1997) that suggests blacks trail far behind whites in their computer access, ownership, and their online use. This has led to the coining of the term "digital divide," defined as the difference between those with access to new technology and those without (Hindman, 2000), a difference thought by many to be increasing (Abrams, 1997; Beaupre & Brand-Williams).
On the surface, the data indicate that blacks appear to be far behind whites in a number of important areas. According to a study conducted by Hoffman and Novak (1998), whites compared to blacks were more likely to have a computer at home, have access to a computer at work, and were more likely to have recently gone online. Moreover, other reports indicate that seventy-five percent of Internet users are white while blacks make up only eleven percent of Internet users (Raney, 1998).
This data, however, may be a bit misleading. A closer examination of the data show some evidence that the racial divide may be non-existent, and in some cases blacks' use of technology may have surpassed that of whites.
Although Blacks with incomes below $40,000 were far less likely than whites to own a computer and go online (Raney, 1998; Hoffman & Novak, 1998), there is evidence that blacks with higher incomes use computers and go online at the same or greater rate than their white counterparts. Studies indicate that blacks with incomes above $40,000 are more likely than whites to own a computer, have computer access at work, and more likely to use the Internet during office hours (Hoffman & Novak, 1998). Other empirical studies have found that blacks and whites are equally likely to search the web for product information (Hoffman & Novak, 1998) and that there is virtually no difference in Internet use among blacks and whites with middle to upper level incomes (Hoffman & Novak, 1998; Hubbard, 2000). For example, black and white households with incomes between $60,000 and $80,000 use the Internet at the same rate (Hubbard, 2000). Surprisingly, at the highest household income levels-$90,000 and above-significantly more blacks use the Internet than whites (Hubbard, 2000).
Although blacks appear to be the most under-served segment of the population by technology and online companies (DePriest, 2000), there is additional support that points to an impressive and growing number of blacks online. Blacks are among the fastest growing segments on the World Wide Web (DePriest, 2000; Sutel, 1999). From 1998 to 1999 the number of blacks online increased by 42% compared to 28% among whites (DePriest, 2000). Additionally, during this same time period blacks' spending on computers and computer-related products increased by 143% (Hubbard, 2000).
Given this data, there appears to be solid evidence that suggests that the racial divide between whites and blacks may be shrinking or may even be non-existent. In fact, the digital divide seems to result more from differences in socioeconomic status than differences in race. This has been supported by research that indicates education and income, not race, dictate consumers access to both computers and the Internet (see Hoffman & Novak, 1998).
Studies that continue to falsely depict blacks as hopelessly trailing behind whites in the Information Age could create and fuel misperceptions that some online advertisers may possess. Unfortunately, these misperceptions may already exist and may be apparent in online businesses ad placement in black publications vis-…-vis white publications.
This discussion leads to the following hypotheses:
H1: Online businesses will overall advertise more in general market (non-targeted) magazines than they will in black-targeted magazines.
H2: Online businesses will advertise more in non-targeted business and finance magazines than they will in black-targeted business and finance magazines.
H3: Online businesses will advertise more in non-targeted general interest magazines than they will in black-targeted general lifestyle magazines.
H4: Online businesses will advertise more in non-targeted women's magazines than they will in black-targeted women's magazines.
Method
        The purpose of the study was to determine the differences, if any, in the amount of online business advertising for magazines with general market audiences versus magazines targeted to the black population. A content analysis of 1999 magazine ads was completed using seventy-two total magazine from three different categories (i.e., business and finance, general interest, and women's). This year was used because online business advertising increased dramatically in 1999 (Diaz, 2000). The full year (12 issues) for each monthly magazine was counted, except for Fortune, which is bi-monthly, in which case, the last 12 issues of the year were used, beginning in July.
        Magazines were chosen in pairs. A magazine that has a general market readership was compared to a magazine of the same category, but marketed to the black population. To control for the possibility that results could be influenced by the magazine category, three different categories were used.  Fortune magazine was compared to Black Enterprise. Both are categorized as "Business & Commercial" by Bacon's Magazine Directory (2000) and as "Business and Finance" by SRDS Consumer Magazine Advertising Source (2001). These two magazines are both targeted to affluent, business-minded individuals. Another category used was "General Interest" which includes Life Magazine and Ebony (Bacon's Magazine Directory, 2000), with Ebony as the magazine targeted to black audiences. The last two magazines used in the content analysis were Cosmopolitan and the black publication Essence, which are categorized as women's magazines by both Bacon's (2000) and SRDS (2001). Similar issues of interest to woman
 are common themes in both of these magazines. All of the magazines were grouped in this way so the data gathered could be compared to black and white audiences that shared similar interests.
        With so many businesses creating web sites today, it seems as if a great majority of businesses could be defined as online businesses. For this study, only businesses that offer their product or service exclusively online were counted. Many advertisements today place the web address or Uniform Resource Locator (URL) of their business somewhere within the ad. Simply placing a URL in an ad was not sufficient for being chosen in this study. For example, a car manufacturer such as Ford placing a web address in the ad would not be counted. However, if a business that allowed people to order cars exclusively online (e.g., AutoMallUSA.com) had advertised, that ad would be counted. This definition of an online business was used to limit confusion in the sampling process.
        Only full-page or multiple-page ads (regardless of content) were counted. The reason only full-page ads were counted is to ensure all the ads counted in the analysis were of equal size. The total number of full-page or multiple-page ads were recorded along with the number of full-page or multiple-page Internet ads. This was done to calculate percentages of ads that were Internet ads. It is important to note that for multiple-page ads, the advertisement was only counted once. The back cover of a magazine (which usually is an advertisement) was also counted. The total number of pages were also recorded to give an indication of the percentage of advertisements in the magazines.
Results
The analysis explored the effects of publications' target race on the number or percentage of online company ads placed in magazines. Three dependent variables were used in an effort to effectively rule out alternative explanations for media placement in general market or black-targeted publications.
The first dependent variable was online company ads based on the total number of pages in each issue. This was created by computing the total number of online company ads for each issue and dividing by the total number of pages for each magazine. The result is the percentage of pages in each issue that consisted of online company ads. This same analysis was used to compute the total number of online ads based on the total number of pages for all twelve magazines in each genre (i.e., business, general interest, and women's) and for each audience (non-targeted, targeted). For example, the total number of online company ads for all twelve issues of Black Enterprise was divided by the total number of pages for all twelve issues of Black Enterprise. The result is the percentage of pages in all twelve Black Enterprise magazines that consisted of online company ads.  This same pattern of analysis was used for Fortune, Cosmopolitan, Essence, Life, and Ebony.
The second dependent variable was the percent of the total number of ads that were online company ads. This was created by dividing the total number of ads by the total number of online company ads for each magazine. For example, the total number of online ads for all twelve issues of Cosmopolitan was divided by the total number of all ads in all twelve issues of Cosmopolitan. The result is the percentage of the total number of ads that were online company ads.
The last dependent variable was the number of online business ads per one thousand magazines sold. This variable was created by dividing the number of online company ads by the magazine circulation and then multiplying by one thousand. For example, the total number of online ads for Essence magazines was divided by the magazine circulation and multiplied by one thousand. The result is the number of online company ads that were placed in the magazine for every one thousand magazines sold.
The data for the black-targeted magazines were aggregated to create an overall "black market magazines" variable. Similarly, data for the general market magazines were aggregated to create an overall "general market magazines" variable. For example, the total number of ads for all three black-targeted magazines were aggregated and divided by the total number of online company ads for all thirty-six issues. This resulted in the percent of the total number of ads in all three black-targeted magazines that consisted of online company ads. This same procedure was used to create the overall "general market magazines" variable. While there may be interesting findings from genre specific magazines, any generalizations made from one magazine type may be premature since media placement in magazines may be genre specific. Aggregating allows for more conclusive generalizations by summarizing the general significance of the three magazine types. Figure 1 shows the total number of online business ads for each magazine category and for the aggregate scale based on the race of the magazine audience.

Insert Figure 1 about here


The results of the analyses are presented and discussed according to the hypotheses presented earlier. A series of one-way analyses of variance were conducted to evaluate the effects of target race of publication audience on each of the three dependent variables.
Online Company Ads Based on Total Number of Pages
        Aggregate General Market Magazines and Black-Targeted Magazines.  It was predicted that online businesses would place more ads in general market magazines than they would in black-targeted magazines. The one-way ANOVA indicated that significantly more (F (1, 70) = 14.17, p < .001) online company ads were placed in general market magazines than they were in black-targeted magazines based on the total number of magazine pages. Two percent (M = .0234) of the pages in general market magazines were dedicated to online company ads. In contrast, less than one-third of one percent (M = .0026) of the pages in black-targeted magazines consisted of online company ads (see Table 2). These findings support the hypothesis.


Insert Table 1 about here


        Non-Targeted and Black-Targeted Business Magazines. It was predicted that online companies would advertise more in non-targeted business magazines than they would black-targeted business magazines. The results indicated that significantly (F (1, 22) = 28.52, p < .001) more ads were placed in Fortune magazines than they were in Black Enterprise magazines based on the total number of magazine pages. That is, six percent (M = .0595) of the pages in Fortune magazines were dedicated to online company ads, whereas for Black Enterprise less than one percent (M = .0063) of the pages consisted of online company ads. These findings support the hypothesis.
Non-Targeted and Black-Targeted General Lifestyle Magazines. Online companies placed more ads in Life magazines (M = .0028) than they did in Ebony magazines (M = .0004) based on the total number of magazine pages but this was only marginally significant (F (1, 22) = 3.67, p = .07).
        Non-Targeted and Black-Targeted Women's Magazines. It was predicted that online businesses would advertise more in non-targeted women's magazines than they would in black-targeted women's magazines. The results support this hypothesis. Nearly one percent (M = .0079) of the pages in Cosmopolitan magazines were dedicated to online company ads, whereas only one-tenth of one-percent (M = .0013) of the pages in Essence magazines consisted of online company ads (F (1, 22) = 5.18, p < .05).
Online Ads Based on Total Number of Ads
        Aggregate General Market Magazines and Black-Targeted Magazines. It was hypothesized that online businesses would place more ads in general market magazines than they would in black-targeted magazines based on a percentage of the total number of ads. This same prediction was expected for each magazine type (i.e., business and finance, general lifestyle, and women's).
The analysis indicated that nearly five percent (M = .0482) of the total number of ads in general market magazines were dedicated to online business ads. In contrast, only one half of one percent (M = .0052) of the total number of ads in black-targeted magazines consisted of online company ads (F (1, 70) = 16.63, p < .001). The hypothesis was supported (see Table 3).

Insert Table 3 about here


Non-Targeted and Black-Targeted Business Magazines. The results indicated that significantly (F (1, 22) = 27.57, p < .001) more ads were placed in Fortune magazines than were placed in Black Enterprise magazines based on the total number of magazine ads. Eleven percent (M = .1138) of the total number of ads in Fortune were dedicated to online company ads whereas only one percent (M = .0116) of the total number of ads in Black Enterprise magazines consisted of online company ads. These findings support the hypothesis.
Non-Targeted and Black-Targeted General Lifestyle Magazines. Online companies placed more ads in Life magazines (M = .0096) than they did in Ebony magazines (M = .0009) based on the total number of magazine ads but this was only marginally significant (F (1, 22) = 3.25, p = .09).
Non-Targeted and Black-Targeted Women's Magazines. The analysis indicated that two percent (M = .0212) of the total number of ads in Cosmopolitan consisted of online company ads whereas less than one third of one percent (M = .0031) of the total number of ads in Essence magazines consisted of online company ads (F (1, 22) = 5.39, p < .05). The hypothesis was supported.
Number of Online Company Ads Per One Thousand Magazines Sold
Aggregate General Market Magazines and Black-Targeted Magazines. It was hypothesized that online businesses would place more ads in general market magazines than they would in black-targeted magazines based on every one thousand magazines sold. This same prediction was expected for each magazine type (i.e., business and finance, general lifestyle, and women's).
The analyses indicated that online companies placed significantly (F (1, 70) = 8.59, p < .01) more ads in general market magazines for every one thousand magazines sold than they did in black-targeted magazines. For all general market magazines, .0085 online company ads were placed for every one thousand magazines sold. In contrast, only .0011 online company ads were placed in black-targeted magazines (see Table 4). These findings support the hypothesis.

Insert Table 4 about here


Non-Targeted and Black-Targeted Business Magazines. The results indicated that significantly (F (1, 22) = 17.81, p < .001) more ads were placed in Fortune (M = .0244) for every one thousand magazines sold than Black Enterprise (M = .0032). These findings support the hypothesis.
Non-Targeted and Black-Targeted General Lifestyle Magazines. No significant difference in online company ad placement based on every one thousand general lifestyle magazines sold.
Non-Targeted and Black-Targeted Women's Magazines. Online companies placed .0010 online ads for every one thousand Cosmopolitan magazines sold compared to only .0002 online ads for every one thousand Essence magazines sold. However, this was only marginally significant (F (1, 22) = 3.66, p = .07).
Conclusion and Discussion
        The results from this study provide information on the extent to which online businesses place ads in varying types of general market and black-targeted publications. In particular, this study aimed to uncover any differences in ad placement by online companies based on whether the publication targets the general market or the black population. Seventy-two magazines from three different genres (i.e., business and finance, general lifestyle, and women's) were analyzed to ascertain the number of overall ads and the number of online company ads in each magazine. To better ensure comparability, an effort was made to use equivalent black and white magazines from the same categories. Black Enterprise and Fortune were selected to represent business magazines, Ebony and Life were chosen for their general lifestyle content, and Essence and Cosmopolitan both were listed as women's fashion magazines (see Bacon's Magazine Directory, 2000).
It was hypothesized that online businesses would place more ads in general market magazines than they would in magazines targeted to black populations. Irrespective of whether online company ad placement was examined based on the percentage of the total number of magazine pages, the percentage of the total number of overall ads, or based on the number of online company ads per one thousand magazines sold, the findings clearly support the overall hypothesis.
The results indicate that two percent of the pages in general market magazines were dedicated to online company ads whereas less than one third of one percent of the pages in black-targeted magazines consisted of online company ads. This was consistent across each magazine category. For example, six percent of the pages in Fortune magazines were dedicated to online company ads, while less than one percent of the pages in Black Enterprise consisted of online company ads. Based on the total number of magazine pages, online businesses also placed significantly more ads in both Life and Cosmopolitan than they did in comparable black magazines like Ebony and Essence.
These findings were also consistent with respect to the percentage of online company ads based on the total number of overall ads. Nearly five percent of the total number of ads in general market publications consisted of online business ads. In contrast, only one half of one percent of the total number of ads in black-targeted publications consisted of online business ads. In business magazines, a staggering eleven percent of the total number of ads in Fortune were dedicated to online company ads. For Black Enterprise, only one percent of the total number of ads were for online companies. Once again, online companies advertised more in Life and Cosmopolitan than they did in the same magazine categories targeted to black populations.
Similarly, the data indicated that online companies placed significantly more ads in general market magazines for every one thousand magazines sold than they did in black-targeted magazines. Also, online companies placed more ads in Fortune and Cosmopolitan than they did for Black Enterprise and Essence based on every thousand magazines sold. The only inconsistent finding was with respect to online advertising in general interest magazines. No significant difference was found in online company ad placement based on every one thousand general interest magazines sold.
From these findings it is clear that online businesses have avoided placing ads in black publications. What might be less clear is why they have done so. Perhaps certain media planners are driven by race-specific stereotypes that overstate a digital divide. These planners may limit or prohibit the purchase of ad space in black magazines despite research that shows that blacks are more likely to trust ads in black media than they are general market media ("Study Reveals Blacks," 1998). Blacks also appreciate the information value of magazine advertising more than whites (Soley, 1983), respond more to advertising than whites (Miller & Miller, 1992), are more likely than whites to view ads before buying (Brandweek, 1993), and are more unlikely to buy or trust products that are not advertised (Miller & Miller, 1992). Despite this evidence media planners continue to avoid black media.
Online advertisers may also rely on inconclusive or inaccurate data that point to black consumers as having substantially less access to computers and the Internet vis-…-vis their white counterparts. Yet, blacks with higher incomes are using computers as much or more than whites with the same income (Hoffman & Novak, 1998). Unfortunately, studies in the popular press and in scholarly journals and reports that reveal information to the contrary are given less attention (e.g., Raney, 1998). In fact, when examining the data much more closely there is significant evidence that suggests the "real" divide is one of income and not race.
        To better understand the digital divide, it is important to be familiar with the theoretical perspective known as the knowledge gap. Knowledge gap (Tichenor, Donohue, & Olien, 1970) discusses the differences in levels of knowledge between groups of different socioeconomic status (SES). The basic premise is that mass media may increase knowledge of certain topics but members of a higher SES will gain knowledge faster over time than members of a lower SES thereby increasing the knowledge gap over time. In knowledge gap studies, level of education is most often used as the variable to measure SES, followed by income (Gaziano, 1997).
        Although SES is often used in studies, individual factors may also play a part in determining knowledge gap. Ettema and Kline, (1977) reworked the original knowledge gap hypothesis to replace socioeconomic status with motivation and interest in information as variables. People who are motivated by information introduced in the mass media will learn far more quickly than those people who are not motivated or interested.  Kwak (1999) makes the claim that if motivation or media use is high, then the knowledge gap may decrease regardless of education level. Thus, even if there are SES differences between the readers of white magazines and the readers of black magazines, research has shown that motivation and interest in the topic can cancel those effects (Kwak, 1999; Ettema & Kline, 1977). The role of advertisers is not only to persuade audiences, but also to give audiences information about needed or desired products and services. Without at least limited knowledge of a particular b
usiness, there cannot be interest or motivation.
When online businesses do not advertise in black magazines, these businesses forgo valuable opportunities to educate black readers about web-based products and services. Not only may online companies lose out on a huge market opportunity by failing to advertise in black magazines, black magazine readers may, as a consequence, become information deficient vis-…-vis readers of the general market magazines. Furthermore, advertisers' propensity for minimal spending to reach black audiences could cripple black media and cause black audiences to be less informed about the marketplace in general (Wynter, 1999). The possibility that misconceptions surrounding the digital divide may be driving advertisers of online businesses away from black magazines could further widen the knowledge gap. In this technology-based Information Age, this information deficiency could have grave socio-economic consequences.
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Table 1
Magazines and Circulation Figures

Magazine

Circulation

Cosmopolitan

2,592,887
Essence
1,004,452
Fortune
853,267
Black Enterpise
421,169
Life Magazine
1,523,061*
Ebony
1,728,986

Source: Advertising Age (2001, February 19).

*Bacon's Magazine Directory (2000).

 Figure 1
Number of Online Business Ads in Magazines for 1999











Table 2
Percentage of Online Company Ads Based on Total Number of Magazine Pages

Non-Targeted

Audience

Black-Targeted

Audience
Aggregate of All Magazines Categories
.0234***
.0026
Business & Finance Magazines
.0595***
.0063
General Interest Magazines
.0028
.0004
Women's Magazines
.0079*
.0013

Note. Asterisks refer to mean pairs that are significantly different based on one-way
analysis of variance.
* p < .05       *** p < .001.


Table 3
Percentage of the Total Number of Ads that are Online Company Ads

Non-Targeted

Audience

Black-Targeted

Audience
Aggregate of All Magazines Categories
.0482***
.0052
Business & Finance Magazines
.1132***
.0116
General Interest Magazines
.0096
.0009
Women's Magazines
.0212*
.0031

Note. Asterisks refer to mean pairs that are significantly different based on one-way
analysis of variance.
* p < .05       *** p < .001.




Table 4
Number of Online Company Ads Per One Thousand Magazines Sold

Non-Targeted

Audience

Black-Targeted

Audience
Aggregate of All Magazines Categories
.0085**
.0011
Business & Finance Magazines
.0244***
.0032
General Interest Magazines
.0002
.0000
Women's Magazines
.0010
.0002

Note. Asterisks refer to mean pairs that are significantly different based on one-way
analysis of variance.
* p < .05       ** p < .01      *** p < .001.