Content-Type: text/html The Klan and Press in Atlanta, 1919-1921: A Tale of Public Relations and Newspaper Opposition by Hanna E. Norton, Ph.D. Student and Karen S. Miller, Assistant Professor Henry W. Grady College of Journalism and Mass Communication Department of Advertising and Public Relations University of Georgia Athens, GA 30602-4791 (706) 369-9148 -- phone/fax [log in to unmask] A paper submitted to the History Division Association of Education in Journalism and Mass Communication 1 April 2000 The Klan and Press in Atlanta, 1919-1921: A Tale of Public Relations and Newspaper Opposition Abstract: This paper examines press coverage of the Ku Klux Klan in three Atlanta daily newspapers before, during, and after the Klan hired the Southern Publicity Association, an Atlanta publicity firm, to promote its rebirth during the 1920s. Analysis shows that the Atlanta press was bolder in its opposition to the KKK than other scholars have suggested, and that the agency's work had little direct influence on coverage of the Klan. The Klan and Press in Atlanta, 1919-1921: A Tale of Public Relations and Newspaper Opposition Abstract: This paper analyzes press coverage of the Klan in three Atlanta newspapers before, during and after its Imperial Wizard hired a public relations firm in June 1920. Scholars have not reached a consensus on the national press's importance to the rise or destruction of the Klan. They have, however, most often condemned the press for not undertaking active opposition to the Klan. Our own research found that all three Atlanta daily newspapers did comment negatively on the organization during the two week period surrounding the 1921 Congressional investigation. This analysis also indicates that the Klan's increased membership was better and more safely promoted among its own publications and grass roots efforts than through the press's traditional gatekeeper function. Therefore, the Atlanta press was bolder in its opposition to the KKK than other scholars have suggested, and the public relations agency's work had little direct influence on Klan coverage in mainstream newspapers. Introduction: The Ku Klux Klan is the most notorious hate group in U.S. history. "The traditional image of the Klan," the historian Kenneth T. Jackson writes, "is that of hooded nightriders preserving white supremacy in the rural South." While this image was true of the original, post-Civil War Klan, he continues, it carries little validity to the largest and most significant Klan movement, which took place during the 1920s. The reincarnated Klan saw itself as the defender of Americanism and protector of Christian ideals, and with its opposition to black Americans, immigrants, communism, Catholics, Jews, and others, the Klan recruited somewhere between one and five million dues-paying members between 1920 and 1926.[1] Despite the significance of this movement, most people are unaware of public relations' role in the Klan's rebirth during the 1920s. This paper analyzes press coverage of the Klan in three Atlanta newspapers before, during and after its Imperial Wizard hired a public relations firm in June 1920. This analysis indicates that the Klan's increased membership was better and more safely promoted among its own publications and grass roots efforts than through the press's traditional gatekeeper function. In fact, it was the press's intervention and investigations which led to a Congressional investigation of the organization in 1921 and was the beginning of the end for the hired public relations team. Literature Review: To date only John M. Shotwell's unpublished master's thesis, reported in Scott M. Cutlip's The Unseen Power, documents how the Southern Publicity Association helped the 1920s Klan grow from about 3,000 members in Georgia and Alabama to a national movement with millions of members within a few years.[2] According to Shotwell, the Klan initially eschewed press coverage, preferring internal communication through newsletters. But publicity helped recruit members, who brought in more money to the financially strapped Klan, so greater promotion became not only tolerable but preferred.[3] While many scholars of the Klan note the publicists' presence,[4] only Shotwell describes their approach to public relations. The Southern Publicity Association, headquartered like the Klan in Atlanta, was headed by Edward Y. Clarke and Elizabeth Tyler. Generally, the two appear in the literature as energetic organizers who were bright enough to see the financial opportunity the Klan offered, yet immoral or greedy enough to cause their own downfall. History of the Revived Klan: William Simmons's revived Ku Klux Klan made its presence known in 1915 with a cross burning atop Stone Mountain, just east of Atlanta. The revitalized Klan drew inspiration from the original, which spread rapidly during post-Civil War Reconstruction. Congress passed the Fifteenth Amendment, which forbade denying suffrage on the basis of race, and another law to enforce it in 1870; the following year an anti-Klan law led to the Invisible Empire's downfall.[5] The new Knights of the Ku Klux Klan, Inc. received its official charter from the state of Georgia on July 1, 1916. Its first 34 members were respectable citizens, not the lunatic fringe or nightriders one might imagine. While some scholars suggest the Klan exacerbated class differences in some Southern towns, in Athens, Georgia, it included ministers, pharmacists, farm owners, clerks, managers, carpenters, mill workers and small business owners.[6] However, the Klan was not particularly successful before 1920, experiencing frequent financial difficulties. Then Elizabeth Tyler's son-in-law joined, and Tyler and Clarke met Simmons, the Imperial Wizard, who hired them to promote his organization. The Southern Publicity Association had directed campaigns for several notable clients, including the Red Cross, the YMCA, the Anti-Saloon League, and the Salvation Army. Using the same skills they honed for their mainstream clients, the pair changed the Klan's fortunes. They were hired as publicity agents, with Clarke given the title of "Imperial Kleagle," head of the propagation department. However, their success granted them additional power. Clarke and Tyler hired "kleages," recruiters who worked on commission to draw new members--solid, or at least ordinary citizens. Each kleagle kept $4 of the $10 new member initiation fee; Tyler and Clarke received $2.50. By 1921 more than 200 kleagles were in the field, targeting first their own friends and Protestant ministers, and then bringing in lecturers (at one point two-thirds of the lecturers and as many as 40,000 members were said to be ministers) or showing films to promote the Klan to a larger audience. Most kleagles were Masons, and many Klan meetings were held in the lodges of such fraternal organizations as the Masons and the Elks.[7] The Klan was successful with ordinary citizens for several reasons, foremost racism and nativism. Historians like Kathleen Blee are quick to point out that "racist, nativist, and antiradical sentiments long predated--and would long outlive--the second Klan."[8] Attacking not just black Americans, but Catholics, Jews, Bolsheviks and immigrants, the Klan gained favor in the North and West, as kleages focused on local minorities as targets.[9] Moreover, the Klan disciplined poor whites, such as one Georgia man who had an affair with a married woman, was warned to stay away and flogged when he refused.[10] One historian argues that Clarke, who had studied for the Southern Presbyterian ministry, realized that Klansmen and fundamentalist Christians shared intolerance for different lifestyles and frustration with postwar change; the Klan's stated commitment to uphold Christian ideals, which Clarke repeated frequently in the Klan press, appealed to these fundamentalists, as did Simmons's Klan rituals, which were loaded with fundamentalist thought.[11] A third reason for the Klan's widespread success was fraternalism's popularity in the United States;[12] the Klan was just one of many organizations that banned Jews, criticized Catholics, and discriminated against black Americans. While its vigilante violence eventually turned people away, at first blush the Klan was not very different from other fraternal groups of the time. Scholars have not reached a consensus on the national press's importance to the rise or destruction of the Klan. They have most often condemned the press for not undertaking active opposition to the Klan. The historian David Chalmers, for instance, argues that "on the whole, the press explained [the KKK] partially and poorly, and often not at all."[13] Jackson calls Atlanta's newspapers "noticeably silent,"[14] and Nancy Maclean agrees, asserting that, aside from papers in Columbus and Macon, "no Georgia newspapers condemned the Klan until the second half of the decade, when its power had begun to wane."[15] However, our own research found that all three Atlanta daily newspapers did comment negatively on the organization during the two week period surrounding the 1921 Congressional investigation. Moreover historians have generally failed to consider ways the press might have actually promoted the Klan, an oversight that should be corrected especially given the public relations expertise of Tyler and Clarke. Chalmers writes that "the news value of the Klan initially caught them all by surprise."[16] This seems unlikely, however, given that Edward Clarke's brother, Francis, was the managing editor of the Atlanta Constitution and the publicists had worked with the press for previous clients.[17] In fact, Shotwell argues that "the growth of the Klan...was greatly enhanced by the process of public relations."[18] In addition, even when papers did oppose the KKK, they did not necessarily hurt it. The newspaper most vehemently attacking the Klan, The New York World, began a series of expose articles on September 6, 1921. The series was syndicated throughout the U.S. (in Georgia it appeared only in Julia and Julian Harris's Columbus Enquirer-Sun). But, Simmons later said, "It wasn't until the newspapers began to attack the Klan that it really grew."[19] Again, our analysis provides contradictory results. Hence, it is clear that a closer examination of the relationship between the Klan and the press is needed. Methods: To examine Klan coverage in the Atlanta press, three dates and three papers were chosen. The selected dates reflect three significant periods in the Klan's history during the 1920s. First, the period before Clarke and Tyler took over pubic relations for the Klan (1919). Second, the period after Clarke and Tyler assumed propagation responsibilities in 1920. Finally, when Congressional investigations of the Klan were occurring in Washington, D.C. during 1921. For each of these years, two week periods were selected to provide an in-depth immersion into the culture and events of the time. The two week period during July 7-20, 1920 was selected because this was approximately one month after Clarke and Tyler assumed responsibilities, giving them a chance to furnish press releases or editorial stories. October 5-18, 1921 was the two weeks surrounding the Congressional investigation which began on October 11 and finished on October 18, 1921. The time span between 1920 and 1921 was then calculated at fifteen months and then applied retrospectively from 1920 to obtain the April 4-17, 1919 observation date. The middle of the month was selected for 1919 because the other two years provided mid-month observation dates. The three papers, The Atlanta Georgian, The Atlanta Journal and The Atlanta Constitution, were selected because they were centered in Atlanta, the Klan's headquarters, and because they were the only Atlanta papers providing daily coverage.[20] The Atlanta Georgian was a tabloid publication which produced anywhere from four to seven editions for each publication day, including First Editions, Evening Editions, and Final Home Editions. The editorial content was generally presented in columns containing short paragraphs with headlines stretching across the front page as found in other sectioned newspapers. Advertisements were often pushed to the page's outer columns and larger advertisements spread across several columns surrounded by editorial content. The paper's length ran approximately fifteen pages per edition. Each edition carried primarily the same editorial content with most variations appearing in page layout. As part of the Hearst chain of newspapers (along with The New York World), the Georgian could afford to be more critical of the Klan than the other Atlanta daily papers. Our evidence shows the Georgian often utilized this position. The Atlanta Journal's editorial and advertising content was also organized into columns. Stories followed to the bottom of columns or stretched across multiple columns depending on the remainder of page contents. Advertisements were usually confined to the first and eighth columns, except on front pages of a section where priority was given to editorial content. Some advertisements did extend beyond one column, but even larger ads were positioned at page extremities. The paper's average length was eighteen to twenty pages. Finally, The Atlanta Constitution carried a similar layout to the Journal, with long columns of editorial content and advertisements placed at the pages' edge. The Constitution, however, was a shorter paper averaging fourteen pages per edition. Of all three papers, the Constitution paid the most attention to women's issues and society pages-- thus they might be viewed as the most liberal and/or least serious of the three papers at that time. Analysis: 1919: The Klan before the PR Agency During the period of April 4-17, 1919, the country was involved in its first World War effort, President Wilson was attempting to get world leaders to agree on his fourteen points while fighting off a cold, the 17th Squadron of Engineers from Georgia returned to Atlanta amidst much fanfare, and the Klu Klux Klan did not exist in the Atlanta newspaper press. The lack of attention paid to the Klan in the Atlanta press does not mean that sentiments toward the black community were favorable, or that they were openly accepted in the Atlanta and national communities. All three papers carried criminal reports for both blacks and whites, but the papers also reported negroes not welcomed into work or recreational areas,[21] posses and/or law enforcement which sought various criminals,[22] law enforcement's efforts to contain angry mobs,[23] and reward notices for "negroes" who had allegedly broken laws.[24] The only coverage of racial issues carried in multiple papers (Journal and Constitution) described a confrontation between white officers and black citizens of Millen, Georgia which left five black men and two officers dead.[25] A black man named Edmond Scott was bringing a preacher from nearby Waynesboro approximately fifteen miles away when his car was stopped by the two officers. The officers found a pistol on Scott and placed him under arrest. Joe Ruffin, another black man, drove up and began shooting at the two officers.[26] Details never clarified why Ruffin opened fire on the policeman, but it was clearly stated in the April 17th article from Millen that such behavior would not be tolerated. The report also attempted to establish that treatment was equally given between whites and blacks, "These men [the dead officers] had been as active in running down crime among the whites as among the negroes, and the records will show that the white lawbreakers suffered at the hands of the officers quite as much as the negroes."[27] The article relays the events in a didactic manner to highlight the black citizens' involvement in shooting and beating the officers, but it does not offer the same "preachy" tone regarding the white citizens attempts to impart their own justice. "It is simply fair to state that, if Joe Ruffin had not been gotten out of the way he would not have lived two hours and that if Lewis Ruffin is caught by any except officers he will not likely go to trial, buy beyond that there is nothing more to anticipate in the way of trouble."[28] This passage demonstrates that private citizens hunting and killing suspects was not "trouble"; it might save the police officers and justice system time and hassle in bringing suspects to trial. These trends in the April 4-17, 1919 Atlanta newspapers show that while the Klan might not have been covered in the press, sentiments causing Klan memberships to rise dramatically during this period were already established and observed by citizens and reported by the papers. Negroes were not considered equals with white Americans and efforts to privately take justice were not admonished by local officials or the press. By contrast, these papers openly covered Jewish meetings, holidays, and events. Jews might not have been viewed as equals with white Southern Protestants, but this sentiment was never apparent in press coverage. Therefore, it can be assumed that Jews were seen as higher in the social hierarchy than blacks. 1920: The Klan Hires the Agency During July 7-20, 1920 the country was in an election year and editorial coverage centered on Republican, Democrat, and third party candidates. Local politicians garnered support for their own party's candidate and rumors surfaced of Georgia Governor Cox winning his party's nomination. Yet, amidst these political discourses was an increased incidence and coverage of violent acts against African Americans. During this two week period there was actually only one news story on the Klan, discussing its rising membership.[29] The story appeared in the Georgian a little over one month after Clarke and Tyler assumed responsibilities. The article does not describe the rising membership as troublesome, but does provide evidence of the Georgian's intentions to warn the public of a possible future threat from the Klan. The story already indicated increasing membership numbers when Clarke and Tyler had only a one month opportunity to raise membership. Therefore, the story might have been a news release sent by Clarke and Tyler to initially test Klan coverage in mainstream media. The rising numbers the article cites were provided by Simmons, who was listed as a faculty member of Lanier University first and Imperial Wizard of the Klan second. Simmons did not disclose actual membership figures, but he did report that Klan membership reached into nineteen states.[30] This seemingly innocuous information is troubling news, however, because newspaper coverage showed a rising Klan participation and violence against African Americans. During this two week period, nine different violent acts were attempted or committed and later reported in the three newspapers. Other articles detail a far less overt violence committed against black citizens. Both the Journal and Constitution reported on a black Republican leader testifying to a U.S. Senate committee investigating campaign expenditures. His testimony spanned a variety of topics, including the dangerous implications for Southern blacks attempting to vote.[31] The titles of these two articles, "Negro GOP Chief Uses Imagination" and "Negro Republican's Lynched, Johnson's Ridiculous Charge" capture the papers' negative opinions regarding Johnson's remarks.[32] Understandably, the period these two articles appeared was before objectivity became crucial to newspaper reporting, but only the headlines appear to judge Johnson's words. The articles, beyond the controversial titles, described Johnson's but did not disclose how his comments were false (as stated in the headlines). All other press coverage during this period informed the public about atrocities taking place and law enforcement's attempt to bring posses to justice. The Constitution and Georgian, for instance, describe the burning to death of two black men suspected of killing a farmer and his son.[33] While neither story appeared as front page news, the Constitution continued its coverage over the following week; three additional stories described efforts by the townspeople to maintain peace and law enforcement to catch the individuals who committed the lynchings.[34] The Constitution also covered three separate hangings resulting from black men allegedly attacking white girls and women.[35] The Journal focused its press coverage on the murder of a black taxi driver, Levi Williams, killed in his cab outside a restaurant. Of the eight stories in the Journal over the two week period discussing violence against blacks and measures by the black community to improve their situation, half were devoted to coverage of Williams's murder and legal steps taken against his killers.[36] Collectively, these three papers in July of 1920 appeared to provide coverage of the atrocities associated with the Ku Klux Klan. Yet, the papers were sending two messages to their audience. The papers convey at theme that vigilante activities were not going to be tolerated. However, their stories never specifically or indirectly mention Klan involvement, which essentially helped conceal Klan activities. Furthermore, the Georgian published an article discussing rising Klan membership, which could also be read as condoning Klan behavior. Beyond the one potential press release, there appears to be no correlation between Clarke and Tyler's efforts and increased Klan coverage. These findings appear to match Shotwell's argument that after Clarke and Tyler assumed control "the order's propaganda change[d] in flavor," assuming a "gladiatorial" stance.[37] But as we found, change in propaganda does not necessarily mean change in press coverage. This is particularly true because, as Shotwell also noted, Clarke and Tyler initially "kept external publicity to a minimum, concentrating mostly on an undercover campaign."[38] 1921: The Congressional Hearings In October of 1921 Atlanta was buzzing with the opening Southeastern exposition and fair, while workers in downtown buildings pleaded to have their heat turned on during an unusually cool October month. In both Atlanta and across the nation all eyes were fixed on the Congressional investigating committee. Committee members would determine if the mail system had been fraudulently used and lawless acts perpetrated with members disguised in white robes. These Congressional hearings were a direct result of the New York World's expose series on the Klan. The newspaper documented more than 150 cases of vigilante violence committed by the Klan, prompting the investigation.[39] As part of this Klan coverage, all three Atlanta newspapers discussed the events occurring in Washington and Atlanta. The most consistent trend in their coverage was the multiple and conflicting stories told by those associated with the K.K.K. However, each paper also took its own political and moral stance regarding the events disclosed in the Congressional hearings. Reading the coverage of events between October 5th-18th, 1921, it becomes clear (although not openly discussed by the papers) that many conflicting stories existed for aspects under investigation and even events occurring during the investigation. One obvious and never clarified example was the actual Klan membership. Klan officials did cooperate and opened files and financial records for the post office inspector, O. B. Williamson, but the financial figures and actual Klan membership never reconciled. The Atlanta Constitution's October 12th issue had an article presenting potential membership figures ranging from 126,000 to 500,000.[40] According to Representative Tague of Massachusetts, author of one investigating resolution, the membership was as high as 500,000.[41] By examining Klan files and financial records, Williams concluded that Klan membership was closer to 126,000.[42] Yet, in an article published on the same day by the Georgian, Williamson was apparently unable to reconcile financial holdings and actual Klan membership.[43] "Williamson laid stress on the claims of Klan officials that the Klan had 126,000 members, while the books show receipt of entrance fees equivalent to only 85,126 members."[44] Actual monetary collections of the organization also was a number that appeared to change according to who was speaking. According to Representative Tague, the Klan had collected $30,000,000 from 500,000 members--numbers which Tague claimed to receive from Klan officials.[45] The following day, the Journal reported that the committee determined "...the organization had taken in $1,488,710 since its foundation."[46] The Constitution on the same day reported that Inspector Williamson had found "...collections amounting to $860, 393 from June 1, 1920, to September 24, 1921."[47] Yet, during the final days of Simmons's testimony additional figures were discussed and covered by all three papers.[48] According to Simmons, Clarke received eight of every ten dollar membership fee and Clarke had collected $225,568 during the last fiscal year, of which the organization received $171,432.[49] Clarke repudiated these figures and said he personally only received $16,000 during the last year.[50] These numbers were also in conflict with those presented by Jackson, Maclean and Wade, who found Clarke and Tyler only received $2.50 of the $10 initiation fee.[51] This finger pointing was not limited to financial discussions in the Klan probe, for Clarke and Tyler's positions were presented in various forms. Clarke and Tyler were initially hired by the Ku Klux Klan in June 1920 to assist with promotional efforts. By the Congressional hearings, they had control of the entire organization by some accounts or were barely introduced to important Klan members by other accounts. One initial voice heard during the investigation was Anderson Wright, a former New York king kleagle. According to Wright, Tyler was the "woman behind the throne" and she and Clarke were involved with the organization as a money making venture.[52] Wright also claimed Tyler lived in a $75,000 palace.[53] Wright, however, proved not to be the most competent witness; it was learned he grossed a total of $5,000 to expose the Klan's inside workings and rituals in a series of articles and he had been in trouble for a number of unhonored checks.[54] Furthermore, Wright's account of Tyler's "palace" was not confirmed by Williamson. The Post Office Inspector visited her house and said the "modest country home" was not worth more than $10,000.[55] In another initial account of the inquiry, The Atlanta Constitution reported Simmons was forced to listen to several accounts saying he was not the leader of the Klan and instead "...that all powers seemed vested in Edward Young Clarke, head of the publicity, or propagating bureau, and Mrs. Elizabeth Tyler, his assistant."[56] According to this Constitution report, Tyler was merely Clarke's assistant. However, the most conflicting information came from the Klan's supreme attorney. Paul S. Etheridge, an active member for at least four years, said he had only meet Tyler three months prior at a Fourth of July picnic. "If she has ever exercised any control over the organization I have never heard of it and I think I would know...I have never known her to be called upon for an opinion, nor has she offered them regarding the workings of the organization."[57] Yet, Shotwell found that Mrs. Tyler did appear before a closed Klan meeting (the first woman to do so) on September 22, 1921; Tyler offered her resignation which was denied "spontaneously and enthusiastically" by the attending Klan members.[58] Several conflicting accounts of Klan activities and personnel existed, yet newspapers failed to recognize and acknowledge inconsistencies. Similar inconsistencies appeared in coverage of shots fired at Tyler's home on October 11, 1921. The Journal said the paper learned of the shooting from Clarke, who phoned a reporter.[59] "The kleagle said he was conversing over the phone with Mrs. Tyler when she suddenly exclaimed: 'Somebody is shooting into my house,' and hung up the receiver."[60] According to. Tyler's version of events, recorded in the Journal and Constitution, she was entertaining a friend when the shots were fired.[61] "...[W]e were sitting in my bedroom and keeping a close watch on my daughter, Doris, who was ill in an adjoining room. Miss Benton wanted to see a Klan book I had, and I crossed in front of my bedroom window and went over to the bed to get it. In a second the shots began to ring out from just outside the window. The panes were shattered, and the bullets struck the walls with a dull thud. Naturally, we were badly frightened, but I retained sufficient self-possession to cut out my lights and phone the county police and Klan officials."[62] Tyler never mentioned Clarke, or the unlikely event that she was on the telephone with him while simultaneously entertaining her guest. The Journal article carrying both accounts never addressed the conflicting stories. Yet, the story stands as another example of confused details in Atlanta's Klan coverage during October 1921. Despite inconsistencies, each paper's political stance toward Klan events became more apparent. When Simmons fell ill during his Congressional testimony, the Journal and Constitution wrote more sympathetic accounts than the Georgian. In the Georgian's article, "Simmons Stages Dramatic Climax," the paper establishes a dramatic scene and equally dramatic response by the Congressional investigating committee. "As the last word left his lips, the wizard fell to his knees, spread his arms across the committee table, buried his face in them and wept aloud...Chairman Campbell of the committee shouted sternly to Simmons: 'Please refrain from any such demonstrations as that.'"[63] According to the Journal, "The physical collapse of Colonel Simmons came while the big audience was applauding his concluding statements. Chairman Campbell checked the applause, shouting, 'We cannot have any demonstration in this room.' The committee then looked around and found that Colonel Simmons's head had dropped on the committee table and nausea had seized him."[64] What the Georgian reported as words of reprimand towards Simmons was reported by the Journal as an admonishment towards the audience. The Constitution provided a similarly sympathetic position although it did not offer Campbell's admonition.[65] Simmons's illness was not the only occasion when the Georgian reported a differing interpretation of events. On October 15th, one day after reporting on Simmons's illness, the Georgian reported a further Klan inquiry was expected. "Whether or not Simmons turns up for examination there is little doubt the Rules Committee will report in favor of an investigation of the Klan. A majority of the committeemen have expressed themselves privately as favoring such a report."[66] The Journal and Constitution reported they did not think a further investigation would occur. On October 18th, the Constitution reported Simmons's testimony was concluded and no further witnesses were to be called, drawing the matter to a close because. "[I]t is not regarded as probable that the rules committee will direct a special Congressional inquiry."[67] On the same day, the Journal presented a similar point of view as the Constitution. "Both Republican and Democratic members of the committee are reliably believed to be satisfied with the preliminary inquiry. There are certain things connected with the Klan they would criticize, and others they would comment [on], but the testimony to date is not thought to justify any extended inquiry by congress."[68] The October 16th-18th editions of the Georgian showed no change in opinion, and instead additional Klan news was provided. These examples demonstrate that coverage by the three Atlanta papers was correlated to their opinions of the organization and its Congressional investigation. The articles above do not indicate, however, that the Journal and Constitution were Klan advocates. One common element among the three papers in October 1921 were national stories on lynchings and anti-Klan attitudes and behaviors. All papers provided daily content on their news and editorial pages acknowledging the frightening results of groups such as the Klan. The Journal and Constitution may have accepted Simmons, but they did not condone lawless activity akin to the Klan's vigilantism. Stories by these papers beyond Congressional Klan coverage included black and white citizens' accounts of being frightened and/or assaulted by unknown masked assailants or Klan members,[69] African-American citizens being burned or shot to death,[70] miners, judges, religious leaders, and government bodies denouncing and/or barring Klan membership,[71] people dying in efforts to stop Klan events,[72] and mobs attempting lynching efforts.[73] The number and variety of stories indicates that the papers felt obliged to report events beyond the Congressional Klan hearings to include national sentiment regarding vigilante activities. Unlike the previous periods, the papers during 1921 allowed their editorial articles to speak (and even show) concerns regarding Klan activities. Humorous titles included a series of snippets gathered by the Georgian from papers around the country called "Kraks at Klu-Kluxism,"[74] a Journal 's editorial and picture on an organization called the "Ku Ku Klan" which required its members "prove that he was more or less Ku Ku."[75] The Georgian chose to print editorials on its front page including a poignant example called, "Klan or Shrine---Which Are You Prouder Of?"[76] The editorial detailed accomplishments and goals of each organization and let readers decide which they would rather have in their community. The Constitution did not include any anti-Klan editorials during the two week period in 1921. This exclusion may be a favor passed from one brother to another; Clarke's brother, Francis, was the managing editor of the paper. These editorials (or lack of editorials) serve as further historical markers of each paper's sentiments directly contrasts the secondary literature which found negligible anti-Klan response in newspapers.[77] Exposure did not mean death to the Klan. To the general public, Wyn Craig Wade writes, the Klan and Simmons were exonerated by the Congressional hearing. "Simmons's ultimate vindication came when President Warren G. Harding agreed to be sworn in as a member of the Ku Klux Klan--he was sworn in at the White House.[78] Additionally, the national headquarters in Atlanta received signed membership applications that were facsimiles printed in the World and its syndicates.[79] Conclusion: The basis for examining the three year periods was to determine what effect (if any) Clarke and Tyler had in their public relations efforts with the Atlanta daily newspaper press. Of these three periods and publications, only one article published in the Georgian can potentially be linked to Clarke and Tyler. Their efforts appear more organized in a grass roots campaign with press inclusions predominantly in Klan newsletters and newspapers. Yet, Clarke and Tyler were successful in their promotional campaign; Klan membership increased significantly during their tenure and the organization was financially stable for the first time since its rebirth. As other researchers have found, the Georgia press did not comment negatively on official Klan activities until prompted by other national papers and a Congressional investigation. Unlike other research, we found negative Klan stories and editorials as early as 1921 and not in the mid 1920s. Additionally, we found the press coverage did attack the vigilante activities associated with the Klan before the 1921 Congressional investigation. During earlier press coverage, the three daily Atlanta papers bordered between denouncing vigilante activities and criticizing the Klan. These Georgia newspapers (along with the World) in 1921, struck a major blow against the Klan by disclosing financial improprieties within the organization. This information would later bring repercussions for all three major players--Simmons, Clarke, and Tyler. Another important effect of the World's expose series was its contribution to Clarke and Tyler's downfall. Not only did the paper reveal financial improprieties, but it disclosed that in 1919 the pair were arrested for disorderly conduct, allegedly found drunk and at least partially undressed together in a hotel room. Clarke dismissed the charge, saying it was instigated by his wife May.[80] But the paper was not the only problem for the Southern Publicity associates. Clarke's aide, Z. R. Upchurch, quit the Klan and charged Clarke with raiding the Imperial Treasury; several kleagles also quit because, they said, the KKK was a get-rich scheme for its leaders.[81] Tyler and Clarke's position only got worse. After they helped Hiram Evans, a Dallas Klan member, overthrow Simmons, Evans demanded that they return Tyler's half of their profits when she left her position to marry Stephen Grow, a prominent Atlanta businessman. When they refused, the Klan banished Clarke along with Simmons on January 11, 1924.[82] The Klan's publicity did not improve with their departure: Evans' PR man, Phil Fox, created another scandal when he shot Simmons's lawyer.[83] The 1920s Klan collapsed just as rapidly as it had grown. By 1930 it had fewer than 50,000 members. Scholars have cited many reasons for the Klan's downfall including the decrease in immigration and economic growth of the second half of the 1920s which brought decreases in class conflict.[84] Then, too, fundamentalism had been undermined by the Scopes trial in 1925, and Klan violence was ultimately discredited--in fact, Imperial Wizard Evans tried to curb it as impolitic (rather than immoral). But Wade argues, "what weakened the Klan more than anything was its own hypocrisy and negativism."[85] The Klan was forced to sell its Imperial Palace on Peachtree Street in Atlanta in 1936, and it finally folded during the 1940s because it was unable to pay taxes;[86] new versions emerged again in the 1950s and 1980s, but the Knights of the Ku Klux Klan never again attained the mainstream support it had during the 1920s.[87] [1] Kenneth T. Jackson, The Ku Klux Klan in the City, 1915-1930 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1967), xi-xii; Nancy Maclean, Behind the Mask of Chivalry: The Making of the Second Ku Klux Klan (New York: Oxford University Press, 1994), xi. [2] John Mack Shotwell, Crystallizing Public Hatred: Ku Klux Klan Public Relations in the Early 1920s. Unpublished master's thesis, University of Wisconsin, 1974. Scott M. Cutlip, The Unseen Power: Public Relations, A History (Hillsdale, N.J.: Lawrence Erlbaum, 1994), 372-413. [3] Shotwell, Crystallizing Public Hatred, 11. [4] See for example, Jackson, The Ku Klux Klan in the City, 9; Maclean, Behind the Mask of Chivalry, 5; Kathleen M. Blee, Women of the Klan: Racism and Gender in the 1920s (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1991), 20; David M. Chalmers, Hooded Americanism: The History of the Ku Klux Klan (Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 1987), 31; and Wyn Craig Wade, The Fiery Cross: The Ku Klux Klan in America (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1987), 153-54. [5] Wade, The Fiery Cross, 82-82, 92 [6] Maclean, Behind the Mask of Chivalry, 55; John T. Kneebone, Southern Liberal Journalists and the Issue of Race, 1920-1944 (Chapel Hill, N.C.: University of North Carolina Press, 1985), 27. [7] Jackson, The Klu Klux Klan in the City, 5, 10; Maclean, Behind the Mask of Chivalry, 7-8; Wade, The Fiery Cross, 171. [8] Blee, Women of the Klan, 17. [9] Blee, Women of the Klan, 21. [10] Maclean, Behind the Mask of Chivalry, 152-153. [11] Wade, The Fiery Cross, 170; Kneebone, Southern Liberal Journalists, 28. [12] Chalmers, Hooded Americanism, 292. [13] Chalmers, Hooded Americanism, 295. [14] Jackson, Ku Klux Klan in the City, 35. [15] Maclean, Behind the Mask of Chivalry, 19. [16] Chalmers, Hooded Americanism, 32. [17] Jackson, Ku Klux Klan in the City, 30; Robert L. Duffus, "Salesmen of Hate: The Ku Klux Klan," The World's Work 51 (May-October 1923): 34. [18] Shotwell, Crystallizing Public Hatred, x. [19] Chalmers, Hooded Americanism, 38. [20] Shotwell, Crystallizing Public Hatred, 152. [21] "Shipworkers Refuse to Work With Negroes," The Atlanta Journal, 12 April 1919, p. 2.; "Negro Soldier, Back from France, Beaten in Soda Water Stand," The Atlanta Constitution, 16 April 1919, p. 3. [22] "Posses Seek Negro for Killing Officer," The Atlanta Constitution, 11 April 1919, p. 5.; "Decatur Officers and Blacks Battle," The Atlanta Constitution, 14 April 1919, p. 3. [23] "Armed Deputies Check Mob Seeking a Negro For Attack on Woman," The Atlanta Constitution, 9 April 1919, p. 18. [24] "Reward For Negro," The Atlanta Journal, 11 April 1919, p. 24.; "Reward Is Offered For Negroes Arrest," The Atlanta Constitution, 12 April 1919, p. 2. [25] "Six Persons Dead from Race Clash at Negro Church Near Millen, GA," The Atlanta Constitution, 14 April 1919, p. 1.; "Five Negroes Die After Shooting of Two Officers," The Atlanta Journal, 14 April 1919, p. 3.; "Gives Millen Account of Recent Disorders," The Atlanta Constitution, 17 April 1919, p. 5. [26] Ibid. [27] "Gives Millen Account," The Atlanta Constitution, p. 5. [28] Ibid. [29] "Order of Ku Klux Klan Shows Rapid Growth," The Atlanta Georgian, 11 July 1920, sec. A, p. 5. [30] Ibid. [31] "Negro GOP Chief Uses Imagination," The Atlanta Constitution, 9 July 1920, p. 6.; "Negro Republican's Lynched, Johnson's Ridiculous Charge," The Atlanta Journal, 8 July, p. 1, 3. [32] Ibid. [33] "Burn Negroes in Paris, Texas," The Atlanta Georgian, 8 July 1920, p. 6.; "Mob in Texas Burns 2 Negroes at Stake," The Atlanta Constitution, 7 July 1920, p. 13. [34] "Armed Volunteers Patroling [sic] Paris Following Lynching," The Atlanta Constitution, 8 July 1920, p. 6.; "Grand Jury to Probe Lynchings in Texas," The Atlanta Constitution, 10 July 1920, p. 16; "Lynchers Sought by Texas Rangers, "The Atlanta Constitution, 17 July 1920, p. 7. [35] "Negro Who Attacked White Girl Lynched," The Atlanta Constitution, 8 July 1920, p. 8; "Negro Who Attacked White Girl Killed," The Atlanta Constitution, 9 July 1920, p. 6; "Negro Who Attacked White Woman Hanged," The Atlanta Constitution, 10 July 1920, p. 14. [36] "Four Held for Slaying Negro Taxi Cab Driver," The Atlanta Journal, 9 July 1920, p. 7.; "Ed Nichols Held on Charge of Killing Negro Taxi Driver," The Atlanta Journal, 13 July 1920, p. 3.; "Two Men Committed in Connection With Shooting of a Negro," The Atlanta Journal, 15 July 1920, p. 22.; Three Men Indicted Following Shooting of Negro Driver," The Atlanta Journal, 17 July 1920, p. 9. [37] Shotwell, Crystallizing Public Hatred, 33. [38] Shotwell, Crystallizing Public Hatred, 74. [39] Maclean, Behind the Mask of Chivalry, 5. [40] "Financial Status of Order is Told By P.O. Inspector," The Atlanta Constitution, 12 October 1921, p. 1. [41] Ibid. [42] Ibid. [43] "Simmons Loses Sneer As Ex-Kleagle Talks," The Atlanta Georgian, 12 October 1921, p 13. [44] Ibid. [45] "About $30,000,000 Paid to Officials, Says Congressman," The Atlanta Journal, 11 October 1921, p. 1. [46] "Simmons Moves to Refute Charges Against Ku Klux," The Atlanta Journal, 12 October 1921, p. 2. [47] "Financial Status," The Atlanta Constitution, 12 October 1921, p. 2. [48] "Klan Hearing Is Resumed," The Atlanta Georgian, 17 October 1921, p. 3.; "Imperial Kleagle Gets $8 of Every $10, Wizard Says," The Atlanta Journal, 17 October 1921, p. 1.; "Congressional Probe of Klan Not Expected As Hearing is Ended," The Atlanta Constitution, 18 October 1921, p. 13.; "Clarke Insists He Will Leave Kleagle Post, " The Atlanta Georgian, 18 October 1921, p. 3.; "Congressional Klan Probe Does Not Appear Likely," The Atlanta Journal, 18 October 1921, p. 3. [49] "Congressional Klan Probe," The Atlanta Journal, 18 October 1921, p. 3. [50] "Clarke Insists He Will Leave Kleagle Post, " The Atlanta Georgian, 18 October 1921, p. 3.; "Earnings $16,000 Declares Clarke," The Atlanta Constitution, 18 October 1921, p. 1.; "Earnings $16,000 Say E.Y. Clarke," The Atlanta Journal, 18 October 1921, p. 7. [51] Jackson, The Klu Klux Klan in the City, 5, 10; Maclean, Behind the Mask of Chivalry, 7-8; Wade, The Fiery Cross, 171. [52] "About $30,000,000 Paid," The Atlanta Journal, 11 October 1921, p. 1, 14. [53] "Imperial Wizard Declares Order Stands for Laws," The Atlanta Constitution, 13 October 1921, p. 1. [54] Ibid. [55] Ibid. [56] "Financial Status," The Atlanta Constitution, 12 October 1921, p. 1. [57] "Paul S. Etheridge Defends Ku Klux," The Atlanta Journal, 13 October 1921, p. 10. [58] Shotwell, Crystallizing Public Hatred, 159. [59] "Klan Sees Effort to Slay Mrs. Tyler," The Atlanta Journal, 12 October 1921, p. 3. [60] Ibid. [61] "Klan Sees Effort," The Atlanta Journal, 12 October 1921, p. 3.; "Five Shots Fired at Ku Klux Klan Woman Official," The Atlanta Constitution, 12 October 1921, p. 1. [62] "Klan Sees Effort," The Atlanta Journal, 12 October 1921, p. 3. [63] "Simmons Stages Dramatic Climax," The Atlanta Georgian, 14 October 1921, p. 1. [64] "Doubt of Federal Probe Into Order Voiced in Capital," The Atlanta Journal, 14 October 1921, p. 1, 32. [65] "Hearers Applaud As 'Wizard' Ends Long Statement," The Atlanta Constitution, 14 October 1921, p. 1. [66] "Klan Inquiry Now Expected," The Atlanta Georgian, 15 October 1921, p. 3. [67] "Congressional Probe of Klan Not Expected As Hearing Is Ended," The Atlanta Constitution, 18 October 1921, p. 1. [68] "Congressional Klan Probe Does Not Appear Likely," The Atlanta Journal, 18 October 1921, p. 3. [69] Citizens Are Warned to Leave This Town," The Atlanta Journal, 5 October 1921, p. 4.; "Fear of Ku Klux Made Daughter Marry, Father's Suit Claims," The Atlanta Journal, 14 October 1921, p. 8.; "152 Cases of Lawlessness Reported Since October 1920," The Atlanta Georgian, 5 October 1921, p. 1.; Men and Women Are Beaten and Tarred and Feathered," The Atlanta Georgian, 5 October 1921, p. 1.; "Criminal Acts By Men in Masks and White Robes," The Atlanta Georgian, 5 October 1921, p. 2.; "Charges Klan Threat Used to Win Bride," The Atlanta Georgian, 13 October 1921, p. 1.; "'Night Riders' Whip Citizen of Girard," The Atlanta Constitution, 9 October 1921, sec. A, p. 8.; "Negro Is Whipped and Told to Leave," The Atlanta Constitution, 13 October 1921, p. 4. [70] "Negro Woman Found Burned to Death," The Atlanta Journal, 11 October 1921, p. 6.; "Negro Woman Found Dead From Burns," The Atlanta Constitution, 11 October 1921, p. 5.; "Negro Is Burned At Stake in Texas," The Atlanta Constitution, 12 October 1921, p. 2.; "Negro Witness Shot Before Gaming Trial," The Atlanta Constitution, 14 October 1921, p. 9. [71] "Atlanta's True Spirit Speaks Against All Intolerance," The Atlanta Journal, 5 October 1921, p. 6.; "Charter For Klan Refused by Official At West Virginia," The Atlanta Journal, 6 October 1921, p. 12.; "Chief of Norfolk Police Denies He Is A Member," The Atlanta Journal, 12 October 1921, p. 2.; "Klan Operations Held Unlawful in Texas," The Atlanta Journal, 16 October 1921, p. 1.; "Methodists Oppose Ku Klux Klan," The Atlanta Journal, 16 October 1921, p. 5.; "Union Puts Ban on Ku-Klux," The Atlanta Georgian, 5 October 1921, p. 2.; "Penal Codes Violated by Klan, Rules State Attorney," The Atlanta Georgian, 16 October 1921, sec. A, p. 1.; "Tenn. Methodists Hit Ku-Klux," The Atlanta Georgian, 16 October 1921, sec. A., p. 1.; "Ku-Klux Hit in Texas Law," The Atlanta Georgian, 16 October 1921, sec. A., p. 4.; "Miners Bar Ku Klux Klansmen," The Atlanta Constitution, 5 October 1921, p. 1.; "Six Judges Denounce Klan," The Atlanta Constitution, 5 October 1921, p. 1.; "Secret Meeting Scored by Judge," The Atlanta Constitution, 6 October 1921, p. 6.; "Secret Societies Scored by Stuchell," The Atlanta Constitution, 13 October 1921, p. 6. [72] "Texas Grand Jury Probes Klan Shooting," The Atlanta Journal, 12 October 1921, p. 2.; "One Dies in Effort to Halt Klansmen," The Atlanta Constitution, 6 October 1921, p. 6. [73] "Mob Abandons Lynching Plan Without Effort," The Atlanta Constitution, 8 October 1921, p. 7. [74] "Kraks At Ku-Kluxism," The Atlanta Georgian, 6 October 1921, p. 4. [75] "Lardner to Organize the Ku Ku Klan," The Atlanta Journal, 9 October 1921, Sunday magazine. [76] "Klan or Shrine---Which Are You Prouder Of?" The Atlanta Georgian, 6 October 1921, pg. 1. [77] See Jackson, Chalmers and Maclean. [78] Wade, Fiery Cross, 165. [79] Jackson, Ku Klux Klan in the City, 12. [80] Blee, Women of the Klan, 21. [81] Wade, Fiery Cross, 186-187. [82] Blee, Women of the Klan, 23; Wade, Fiery Cross, 190-91. [83] Chalmers, Hooded Americanism, 73. [84] Blee, Women of the Klan, 175; Maclean, Behind the Mask of Chivalry, 184. [85] Wade, Fiery Cross, 194-195, 248, 254. [86] Maclean, Behind the Mask of Chivalry, 177. [87] Blee, Women of the Klan, 176.