Content-Type: text/html Looking Beyond Hate: How National and Regional Newspapers Framed Hate Crimes in Jasper, Texas, and Laramie, Wyoming Abstract Journalists frame issues by choosing to emphasize some issues over others, affecting news consumers' awareness and perception of public problems and concerns. Journalistic credibility suffers from public perception that reporters do not show respect for the communities they cover and that they chase "sensational" stories because they sell newspapers or grab the attention of viewers. This study analyzes national and regional newspaper coverage of two "sensational" hate crimes to determine how reporters framed the communities of Jasper, Texas, and and Laramie, Wyoming, in the wake of two brutal murders. L. Paul Husselbee, Assistant Professor of Journalism Larry Elliott, Assistant Professor of Broadcasting O'Brien Stanley, Assistant Professor of Broadcasting Mary Alice Baker, Associate Professor of Communication Lamar University Department of Communication P.O. Box 10050 Beaumont, TX 77710 Office: 409/880-8161 Fax: 409/880-8760 [log in to unmask] Looking Beyond Hate: How National and Regional Newspapers Framed Hate Crimes in Jasper, Texas, and Laramie, Wyoming Abstract Journalists frame issues by choosing to emphasize some issues over others, affecting news consumers' awareness and perception of public problems and concerns. Journalistic credibility suffers from public perception that reporters do not show respect for the communities they cover and that they chase "sensational" stories because they sell newspapers or grab the attention of viewers. This study analyzes national and regional newspaper coverage of two "sensational" hate crimes to determine how reporters framed the communities of Jasper, Texas, and and Laramie, Wyoming, in the wake of two brutal murders. Introduction It was a crime so brutal, so inconceivable that one resident of Jasper, Texas, said, "Nothing will ever surprise me again."1 James Byrd Jr., a disabled 49-year-old black man, was walking home late on a Saturday night after attending a relative's bridal shower when three white men in a Ford pickup stopped to give him a ride. They drove him to a clearing off the main road, beat him, sprayed his face with black paint, and chained him to the rear bumper of their pickup before dragging him three miles to his death down a rural asphalt road.2 Jasper, a logging and bass-fishing town of approximately 8,100, is the seat of Jasper County, which is near the Louisiana border in a region known locally as "Deep East Texas." The murder evoked images of Deep South lynchings, and it plunged Jasper into an unwanted and blinding international spotlight.3 As news spread of the brutality attending Byrd's murder, Jasper was besieged by reporters from around the world, including television crews from as far away as Italy, Switzerland and Japan.4 An East Texas "klavern" of the Ku Klux Klan and the Houston chapter of the New Black Panthers demonstrated in front of the county courthouse.5 The Rev. Jesse Jackson visited Jasper and attended Byrd's funeral; pro basketball star Dennis Rodman paid for the funeral.6 Jasper residents were anxious that their community not be portrayed badly, despite the brutal nature and racist focus of the crime. They feared being branded one of the most racist communities in the nation.7 Civic leaders begged reporters not to depict Jasper as the stereotypical bigoted Southern town.8 They worried that the town would be portrayed as a "redneck backwater,"9 and they desperately wanted the rest of the world to know that the murder didn't reflect their thinking.10 Three white men - two of them ex-convicts who were avowed white supremacists and who were reputed to be leaders of a racist prison gang - were charged and subsequently convicted of capital murder. John William King, whom prosecutors considered the catalyst that set the crime in motion, was convicted by a Jasper County jury in February 1999. Lawrence Russell Brewer, King's prison buddy, was tried in nearby Bryan, Texas, and he was convicted in October 1999. A month later, Shawn Allen Berry, a Jasper native, was convicted in Jasper. King and Brewer were sentenced to death; Berry received a life term. Journalists descended on Jasper immediately after the murder, and most of them came back to cover the King trial (although coverage dropped off considerably after that). Among their stories were accounts that confirmed the community's fears. One reporter observed that Jasper was "indelibly linked to the sort of atrocity that many Southerners hoped had been left behind in another era,"11 a statement of fact that nevertheless cast an unfavorable shadow over the community. Similarly, a USA Today story said that the town had become tied to brutality and bigotry in the national psyche.12 A Los Angeles Times story about the beating death of a black teenager at a bus stop in London called the crime "Britain's Jasper, Texas, and Rodney King rolled into one."13 Elsewhere, stories glibly poked fun at Jasper County residents' fondness for chicken-fried steak and biscuits and gravy.14 Not all stories portrayed Jasper in an unfavorable light. For example, reporters often highlighted progress in race-related actions or general race relations since the murder, including the removal of an iron fence that had separated black and white graves in the city cemetery for nearly 100 years.15 Other stories pointed out that Jasper's mostly white citizenry had elected a black mayor, hired a black hospital administrator, picked a black man to lead its county council of governments, and selected a black person as the town's Citizen of the Year.16 Nearly four months after the Byrd murder, the citizens of Laramie, Wyoming, received a shock of their own with the news of a crime that NBC's Tom Brokaw called "beyond despicable."17 Matthew Shepard, a gay University of Wyoming student, had been lured from a bar by two men who pretended to be gay, beaten with the butt of a .357 magnum pistol, and tied to a fence just outside the rural college town.18 Before leaving him for dead, one of Shepard's assailants taunted him, "It's Gay Awareness Week."19 Bound to the fence throughout the night as the temperature dropped below freezing, Shepard went into a coma and never regained consciousness. He was found 18 hours later by a mountain biker who at first glance thought he was a scarecrow.20 Shepard died four days later in a Fort Collins, Colorado, hospital.21 The two men who lured him from the bar, Laramie natives Russell Henderson and Aaron McKinney, were arrested and charged with the beating; their girlfriends were charged with covering up the killing after the fact. Described by USA Today as "a cowboy college town,"22 Laramie is home to the University of Wyoming. Half the town's 26,000 residents attend or work for the university. Located 50 miles northwest of Cheyenne in southeastern Wyoming, Laramie is considered "an island of liberal thought" in a traditionally conservative state,23 and the beating of a gay man because he was gay focused considerable attention on the community, its residents and their attitudes.24 One observer suggested that nothing in Laramie's past resonated so powerfully with a national audience as the murder of Matthew Shepard.25 As in Jasper, hundreds of reporters flocked to Laramie to tell the story, especially after Shepard died,26 and as in Jasper, publicity seekers followed. Fred Phelps, a minister from Topeka, Kansas, who is known for picketing the funerals of AIDS victims, brought a team of protestors to Wyoming to demonstrate at Shepard's funeral.27 Protestors' vociferous battles outside the church with residents and Shepard family sympathizers made the national news on all four networks.28 Like the people of Jasper, Laramie residents worried that their community would be "viewed by the rest of the country as an outpost of intolerance and bigotry."29 They spoke with disappointment about the perpetuation of stereotypes that they believed labeled all Laramie residents as "cowboys and rednecks who come from broken homes filled with hatred" and as insensitive homophobes.30 In April 1999, Henderson pleaded guilty to murder in exchange for two consecutive life sentences. McKinney was found guilty of second-degree murder, and he accepted two life sentences with the stipulation that he surrender his right to appeal. Among journalists' accounts of the crime and the subsequent trials were stories that added to Laramie's stereotypical legend as a throwback to the days of the Wild West. A USA Today story about the university's homecoming called it "a boot-kicking celebration,"31 and a New York Times report observed that "the silhouetted bucking-bronco rider that serves as Wyoming's official state symbol adorns almost everything here, from neon lights over bars to restaurant logos to license plates. Even if the number of real cowboys is declining as farm prices fall, the image endures."32 Elsewhere, an ACLU official told the Washington Post that Laramie was not especially hospitable to gays and lesbians.33 Not all news reports about Laramie were unfavorable, however. The Boston Globe reported that marchers in the University of Wyoming's homecoming parade wore yellow arm bands in remembrance of Shepard, while others traveled nearly two hours to Fort Collins for a candlelight vigil outside the hospital the night before Shepard died. The following week, on the first day of Gay Awareness Week in Laramie, several churches opened their doors for prayer vigils.34 Rationale Jasper and Laramie have more in common than the bad luck of brutal hate crimes that took place in their own backyards. Each is the seat of a rural county of about 30,000 residents who are well-known for their "country" ways; each is a relatively peaceful place where murders are rare. Neither would have thought that so brutal a crime could be committed by its own sons; neither was prepared for the blizzard of national media attention that followed the murders.35 Because the Byrd and Shepard murders took place in such similar communities under such similar circumstances just four months apart, the situation begs an analysis of the coverage of how these communities were portrayed by national and regional media. Public perception of reporters as rumor mongers who emphasize certain issues or events to achieve sensationalism is widespread. The selection of specific issues or events is known as "framing." The American Society of Newspapers Editors reported in December 1998 that journalistic credibility suffered from public perception that journalists' biases influence how stories are covered; that journalists do not show respect for the communities they cover; and that journalists chase and over-cover "sensational" stories because they are exciting or because they sell papers.36 The implication of the ASNE findings seems to be that the public equates sensationalism with coverage that it deems unfavorable to the community or its people. Thus, if coverage does not depict the community in a positive light, it is "sensationalism" and is therefore "bad" coverage. This study analyzes national and regional newspaper coverage of the James Byrd Jr. and Matthew Shepard murders, as well as the subsequent murders trials. Using statement analysis,37 the study aims to determine how newspapers framed the communities of Jasper and Laramie, their residents and the issues related to the hate crimes. By comparing the results of the analyses of the two communities, we seek to either support or refute public perception of journalists as sensationalistic rumor mongers. A previous study of newspaper coverage of the John William King trial in Jasper found evidence to refute that perception,38 but critics of that study correctly pointed out that the anecdotal nature of the findings limited their value because they could not be generalized beyond coverage of the King trial. While this study is limited to two hate crimes, we believe that analyzing coverage of the Byrd and Shepard killings, as well as coverage of each of the subsequent trials, will yield a broader base that allows us to draw more valid conclusions. If public perception as reported in the ASNE credibility report is accurate, we would expect to find that Jasper, Laramie, their residents and their institutions were portrayed, or "framed," in an unfavorable light to a much greater degree than they were framed in a favorable light. Literature Review Research suggests that the way issues are presented in the mass media has a significant impact on audience awareness and understanding of public problems and concerns.39 This manner of presentation is called "framing."40 In journalism, framing occurs when the journalist chooses to emphasize certain elements of a story over others.41 Entman wrote that journalists who engage in framing select one or more aspects of "perceived reality" and make them more conspicuous in the story, which promotes a specific problem definition, causal interpretation, moral evaluation and/or treatment recommendation. These aspects are called "frames."42 Elsewhere, Entman asserted that journalistic frames often present themselves as key words, phrases or sentences on specific themes or issues.43 He also suggested that the selection of frames represents the journalist's exercise of power.44 When covering social disorder, the journalist also may include personal value judgments that sociologist Herbert Gans described more than 20 years ago.45 Gans categorized disorder stories in four categories, natural, technological, social and moral. Two of those values - social and moral disorder - seem deeply embedded in the sensational crimes studied here. To many readers and viewers, for example, the Jasper scene in 1998 could easily be framed as a Southern story of lingering hate in a region with a long history of slavery and violence against African-Americans. The power to suggest this frame was available to the journalists who reported the story. Tuchman argued that some journalists' selection of issues and how they are framed is based in part on their perception of their role and responsibility in society.46 She said that these choices usually have consequences for news consumers. Even where a story might be framed in a stereotypical manner, Entman points out that there is an "audience autonomy assumption" that acts as a counterweight to the power to frame a story in a particular way.47 For these reasons, the choices reporters make have consequences for both journalists and the public. Research Questions The concerns of Jasper and Laramie citizens about how their communities would be framed by the national media, coupled with public perceptions about journalists' coverage of "sensational" stories as reported in the ASNE credibility study, suggest four sets of research questions: 1. How much of the newspaper coverage of the Byrd case was devoted to Jasper and its residents? How much of the coverage of the Shepard case was devoted to Laramie and its residents? In that respect, how did the newspaper coverage of the Byrd case compare to newspaper coverage of the Shepard case? 2. Which issues, or frames, did newspaper reporters covering the Jasper case choose to emphasize? Which frames were selected most frequently? Which issues did newspaper reporters covering the Laramie case choose to emphasize? In that respect, how does newspaper coverage of the Byrd case compare to newspaper coverage of the Shepard case? 3. In each case, how did individual newspapers differ in the frames they selected? Did these frames change over time? 4. Did overall coverage pertaining to Jasper and its residents frame the community in a favorable light or an unfavorable light? Did overall coverage pertaining to Laramie and its residents frame the community in a favorable or an unfavorable light? Was Jasper framed more favorably than Laramie, or vice versa? Method This study includes newspapers from three groups: 1. Eight national "prestige" newspapers whose stories are available in the full-text database Lexis-Nexis. They are the Atlanta Constitution, the Boston Globe, the Chicago Tribune, the Christian Science Monitor, the Los Angeles Times, The New York Times, USA Today and the Washington Post. These papers were selected not because they are representative of U.S. newspapers as a group but because they have been identified in a previous study as "a prestige elite whose coverage will exceed that of most newspapers."48 2. Four major Texas daily newspapers whose stories are available in Lexis-Nexis or Texas News Bank. They are the Austin American-Statesman, the Beaumont Enterprise, the Dallas Morning News and the Houston Chronicle.49 While it does not enjoy the circulation of the other papers, the Beaumont paper was selected because it is the major daily closest to Jasper. (Jasper is approximately 50 miles north of Beaumont.) The other three papers were selected not only because of their proximity to Jasper, which is likely to have led their editors to cover the story more fully, but also because their stories received wide exposure outside Texas through distribution in news services.50 3. Two major Denver daily newspapers whose stories are available in Lexis-Nexis. They are the Denver Post and the Rocky Mountain News. These papers were selected for three reasons: First, they are the major regional newspapers that serve the southern Wyoming-northern Colorado area; second, full-text of their articles was available, whereas full-text was not available for articles in Wyoming papers such as the Laramie Daily Boomerang, the Casper Star-Tribune or the Wyoming Tribune-Eagle in Cheyenne; and third, the circulation and overall "prestige" (as defined earlier in our description of the national newspapers) of the Wyoming papers does not approach that of either the Denver papers or the Texas papers. For the purpose of comparing coverage of regional newspapers, we felt it best to compare apples and apples rather than apples and oranges. Stories for the study were identified via keyword search51 of the full-text databases Lexis-Nexis and Texas News Bank. Stories about the Jasper case were included in the study if they were published or aired during one of four times: 1. Byrd - The first forty-five days after the murder of James Byrd Jr. (from June 7 to July 22, 1998). 2. King - A forty-six-day period beginning seven days before the first day of jury selection of the King trial and concluding seven days after sentencing (from January 18 to March 1, 1999). 3. Brewer - A thirty-nine-day period beginning seven days before the first day of jury selection of the Brewer trial and concluding seven days after sentencing (from August 24 to October 1, 1999). 4. Berry - A thirty-nine-day period beginning seven days before the first day of jury selection of the Berry trial and concluding seven days after sentencing (from October 18 to November 25, 1999). Stories about the Laramie case were included in the study if they aired during one of three coverage periods: 1. Shepard - The first 45 days after the beating of Matthew Shepard (from October 6 to November 19, 1998). 2. Henderson - A 28-day period beginning seven days before the first day of jury selection in the Henderson trial and concluding seven days after Henderson's guilty plea and sentencing (from March 17 to April 13, 1999). 3. McKinney - A 40-day period beginning seven days before the first day of jury selection in the McKinney trial and concluding seven days after sentencing (from October 4 to November 12, 1999). After newspaper articles were identified, the issues in various categories, or frames, were analyzed via statement analysis, a technique used by Husselbee and Stempel in their analysis of U.S. newspaper coverage of Canadian elections. They identified a statement as "a complete thought, which normally means a subject, verb and predicate." They also noted that a single sentence might contain more than one statement.52 The frames were identified by reading newspaper stories about the two crimes and the subsequent trials. Given the similarity of the crimes and the communities in which they took place, five of the issues identified as frames for each community were similar. However, differences in the two cases were such that they necessitated slight changes in the issue categories. These issue categories were used to analyze the coverage of Jasper: 1. Jasper-Any reference to the community or its citizens as a whole. 2. Image/Attention - Any reference to Jasper's national image or the attention focused on Jasper because of the murder. 3. Pre-crime race relations - Any reference to race-related actions or race relations in Jasper before the murder. 4. Post-crime race relations - Any reference to race-related actions or race relations in Jasper since the murder. 5. Jury service - Any reference to Jasper County citizens' willingness or reluctance to serve on the jury. 6. Economic activity - Any reference to economic activity generated or impeded by the trial. 7. Property-tax increase - Any reference to a 12-percent property-tax increase that paid for the trial. These issue categories were used in the analysis of stories about Laramie: 1. Laramie - Any reference to the community or its citizens as a whole. 2. Image/Attention - Any reference to Laramie's national image or the attention focused on Laramie because of the murder. 3. Pre-crime gay acceptance - Any reference to gay acceptance or homophobia in Laramie before the murder. 4. Post-crime gay acceptance - Any reference to gay acceptance or homophobia in Laramie since the murder. 5. Political activity - Any reference to political activity initiated by Laramie residents as a result of Matthew Shepard's murder. 6. Trial funding - Any reference to the cost of the trials for Laramie or Albany County. Only statements about Jasper or Laramie, their people and institutions were considered in the analysis. Statements about the crimes, the trials or the defendants were not considered unless they had a direct bearing on one of the frames. All statements were coded as "favorable," "neutral" or "unfavorable." A statement was coded as "favorable" if it referred to one of the salient issues in such a way that it left a favorable impression of the Jasper or Laramie. A statement was coded as "unfavorable" if it referred to one of the salient issues in such a way that it left an unfavorable impression of Jasper or Laramie. A statement was coded as "neutral" if it referred to one of the salient issues but created neither a favorable nor an unfavorable impression of Jasper or Laramie. Consider this sentence from a story in the Austin American-Statesman: "Byrd's horrifying death last summer has prompted racial reconciliation efforts in a town where ugly vestiges of the Old South remain like fossils." The sentence contains two statements, both of which discuss post-crime race relations. The first statement, "Byrd's horrifying death last summer has prompted racial reconciliation efforts," suggests positive action; it was coded as "favorable." However, the second statement, "where ugly vestiges of the Old South remain like fossils," is a subordinate clause that indicates that racial tensions continue to exist. Therefore, it was coded as unfavorable. Now consider this statement, also from the Austin American-Statesman: "The crime brought international media attention to Jasper." This statement refers to the issue of image or attention, but it creates neither a favorable or unfavorable impression. It is an antiseptic statement of fact; thus, it was coded as "neutral." The coding instrument is the same one used by the authors in a previous study of the John William King trial.53 It was pilot-tested with 10 newspaper stories and was found to be functional. Each article or story was analyzed by two coders. A third coder checked every fifth case to assure reliability. Overall intercoder reliability was 91 percent using Stempel's percentage-of-agreement formula.54 Remaining differences in coding decisions were resolved in conference between the coders, a method that previous research has demonstrated to enhance reliability and validity.55 Findings Tables 1 through 4 (pages 29-31) address the first set of research questions: How much of the newspaper coverage of the Byrd case was devoted to Jasper and its residents? How much of the coverage of the Shepard case was devoted to Laramie and its residents? In that respect, how did the newspaper coverage of the Byrd case compare to newspaper coverage of the Shepard case? Table 1 (page 29) provides the overall number of stories and statements about Jasper contained in the national and Texas newspapers during the four coverage periods. It shows that, collectively, the national newspapers ran 208 stories and the Texas papers ran 392 stories for a total of 600 stories. Eighty-five of the 208 stories (41 percent) in the national papers contained at least one statement of interest about Jasper, while 166 of the 392 stories (42 percent) in the Texas papers contained at least one statement of interest about Jasper. Collectively, the 251 newspaper stories that contained statements about Jasper featured 2,399 statements, an average of 9.56 statements per story. The 85 stories in the national newspapers contained 847 statements for an average of 9.96 statements per story; the 166 Texas newspaper stories contained 1,552 statements for an average of 9.35 statements per story. In addition, Tables 1 and 2 show that The New York Times was the most active of the national papers in commenting on Jasper, particularly during the Byrd period. Although the Los Angeles Times ran four more stories containing statements of interest, The New York Times' coverage contained 208 statements of interest, including 165 during the Byrd period (see Table 2, page 30). The Atlanta Constitution was the least active of the national papers, with six stories containing 26 statements. The Christian Science Monitor ran seven stories containing 32 statements. Predictably, each of the Texas papers was more active than any of the national papers in the amount of attention paid to Jasper and its residents. Overall, the Dallas Morning News ran 41 stories containing 494 statements of interest, including 25 stories containing 335 statements during the Byrd period alone (see Table 2). The Houston Chronicle ran more stories (52) than the Dallas Morning News but fewer statements (364). The Beaumont Enterprise, the closest of the four Texas papers to Jasper, ran 37 stories containing 412 statements. Table 2 (page 30) shows the number of stories and statements that ran in the national and Texas newspapers during each of the four coverage periods. It indicates that most of the attention focused on Jasper in both national and Texas newspapers came during the first coverage period (the first 45 days after the Byrd murder). In the national newspapers, 527 of the 847 statements of interest (62 percent) were published during the Byrd period. Similarly, 955 of the 1,552 statements of interest (62 percent) published in the Texas newspapers appeared during the Byrd period. The next-most-significant coverage of Jasper came during the King trial, where 258 statements (30 percent) were published in the national papers and 456 (29 percent) were published in the Texas papers. Overall, then, more than 90 percent of all statements of interest in both national and Texas papers appeared in those first two coverage periods. After that, Jasper was virtually ignored by the national papers, particularly during the Brewer trial, wherein only six stories containing 20 statements of interest were published. Three national papers - the Atlanta Constitution, the Christian Science Monitor, and the Washington Post - ran no stories containing statements of interest during either the Brewer trial or the Berry trial. Table 3 (page 31) provides the overall number of stories and statements about Laramie contained in the national and Denver newspapers during the four coverage periods. It shows that, collectively, the national newspapers ran 206 stories and the Denver papers ran 151 stories for a total of 357 stories. Eighty-five of the 206 stories (41 percent) in the national papers contained at least one statement of interest about Laramie, while 44 of the 151 stories (29 percent) in the Denver papers contained at least one statement of interest about Laramie. Collectively, the 129 newspaper stories that contained statements about Laramie featured 650 statements, an average of 5.04 statements per story. The 85 stories in the national newspapers contained 385 statements for an average of 4.53 statements per story; the 44 Denver newspaper stories contained 265 statements for an average of 6.02 statements per story. In addition, Table 3 shows that the Boston Globe was the most active of the national papers in commenting on Laramie. Although the Washington Post and the Los Angeles Times ran more stories containing statements of interest, the Globe's 13 stories contained 76 statements of interest. The New York Times ran 10 stories with 74 statements. The Christian Science Monitor was the least active of the national papers, with three stories containing 20 statements. The Chicago Tribune ran nine stories containing 26 statements. Predictably, each of the Denver papers was more active than any of the national papers in the amount of attention paid to Laramie and its residents. Overall, the Denver Post ran 28 stories containing 179 statements of interest. The Rocky Mountain News ran 16 stories with 86 statements. Table 4 (page 31) shows the number of stories and statements that ran in the national and Denver newspapers during each of the four coverage periods. It indicates that most of the attention focused on Laramie in both national and Denver newspapers came during the first coverage period (the first 45 days after the Shepard murder). In the national newspapers, 191 of the 385 statements of interest (50 percent) were published during the Shepard period. Similarly, 139 of the 265 statements of interest (52 percent) published in the Denver newspapers appeared during the Shepard period. For the national papers, the next-most-significant coverage of Laramie came during the Henderson trial, where 121 statements (31 percent) were published. However, the Denver papers gave more attention to the McKinney trial, with 72 statements (27 percent). When the totals for the Jasper and Laramie coverage are compared, we find that the national newspapers devoted more coverage in terms of numbers of stories and statements to Jasper than to Laramie. However, we also note two factors that explain the greater attention paid to Jasper: First, the Jasper case included three trials as opposed to two in the Laramie case; and second, a guilty plea in the Henderson trial cut the coverage period short by more than a week, allowing a smaller reporting window for Laramie. Notwithstanding these factors, we conclude that greater attention was focused on Jasper than on Laramie based on the average number of statements per story. Journalists covering the Jasper case produced 2,399 statements in 251 stories for an average of 9.56 statements per story; journalists covering the Laramie case produced 650 statements in 129 stories, an average of 5.04 statements per story. Thus, stories about Jasper contained 4.52 more statements of interest than stories about Laramie. Tables 5 through 8 (pages 32-34) address the second and third sets of research questions. The second set of questions is: Which issues, or frames, did newspaper reporters covering the Jasper case choose to emphasize? Which frames were selected most frequently? Which issues did newspaper reporters covering the Laramie case choose to emphasize? In that respect, how does newspaper coverage of the Byrd case compare to newspaper coverage of the Shepard case? The third set of questions is: In each case, how did individual newspapers differ in the frames they selected? Did these frames change over time? Table 5 provides the number of overall statements on each issue, or frame, in newspaper coverage of the Jasper case. It demonstrates that the first four frames received most of the attention focused on Jasper by both the national and Texas newspapers. Overall, 886 of the 2,399 statements about Jasper framed the issue of race relations or race-related actions since the murder, while 594 framed Jasper itself and its residents. Another 450 statements framed the issue of race relations or race-related actions before the murder, and 287 statements framed Jasper's image and the national attention focused on the community because of the crime. The remaining 178 statements fell into the fifth, sixth and seven categories, which framed the issues of jury service, economic activity, and a property-tax increase. Table 5 also shows that the national papers put the most emphasis on post-crime race relations (393 statements), followed by Jasper and its citizens (183 statements), pre-crime race relations (163 statements), and Jasper's image and the national attention focused on the community (89 statements). The Texas newspapers were similar in their preference for specific issues. They ran 493 statements about post-crime race relations, 411 about Jasper and its citizens, 287 about pre-crime race relations, and 198 about Jasper's image and the national attention focused on the community. Predictably, the three secondary issues - statements about jury selection, economic activity and the tax increase - received significantly more attention in the Texas newspapers than they received in the national press. Table 6 (page 33) provides the number of newspaper statements in each frame during each of the four coverage periods. It shows that post-crime race relations was the issue that received the most attention from most newspapers during the Byrd and King coverage periods. Notably, the Beaumont Enterprise was the only newspaper that did not emphasize post-crime race relations as its most salient issue during the Byrd coverage period. By a large margin (86 statements to 46), the Enterprise emphasized Jasper and its residents over post-crime race relations. Among the national papers, The New York Times deviated from the overall norm in its Byrd coverage by emphasizing post-crime race relations first (94 statements), followed by pre-crime race relations (41 statements). The Boston Globe, USA Today, the Washington Post, and the Los Angeles Times did likewise. Among the Texas papers, there was greater equality between the top three issues in the Byrd coverage, particularly in the Dallas Morning News (97 statements on post-crime race relations, 95 on Jasper and its residents, 76 on pre-crime race relations) and the Houston Chronicle (68 statements on post-crime race relations, 64 on Jasper and its residents, and 62 on pre-crime race relations). During the King period, most papers in both the Texas and national newspapers emphasized post-crime race relations above other issues. Among the national papers, only the Los Angeles Times and USA Today deviated from the norm. The Los Angeles Times emphasized Jasper and its residents over race relations before or after the murder. Meanwhile, USA Today split its primary emphasis of issues between race relations following the murder and Jasper and its residents. Among the Texas papers, all placed greatest emphasis on race relations since the murder. The Morning News and the Chronicle made Jasper and its residents their next most-emphasized issue, while stories in the American-Statesman and the Enterprise focused on citizens' willingness or reluctance to serve on the jury as the second most-emphasized issue. The Texas papers paid greater attention to the three remaining issues, although the emphasis that the American-Statesman placed on jury service and the emphasis of the Enterprise on jury service and the tax increase skewed the totals considerably. The Houston Chronicle and the Dallas Morning News emphasized jury service and economic issues. As previously noted, the American-Statesman and the Enterprise gave relatively significant attention to the property-tax increase.56 On the other hand, the national papers virtually ignored the issues of jury service, economy and tax increase. The Christian Science Monitor and the New York Times were the only papers that referred to any of these issues, and only the New York Times mentioned all three. Table 7 (page 34) provides the number of overall statements on each issue, or frame, in newspaper coverage of the Laramie case. It demonstrates that the first four frames received most of the attention focused on Laramie by both the national and Denver newspapers. Overall, 201 of the 650 statements about Laramie framed Laramie itself and its residents, while 184 framed the issue of gay acceptance and homophobia since the Shepard murder. Another 124 statements framed Laramie's image and the national attention focused on the community because of the crime, and 96 statements framed the issue of gay acceptance and homophobia before the murder. The remaining 41 statements were divided almost evenly between political activity (22 statements) and trial funding (19). Table 7 also shows that the national papers put the most emphasis on post-crime gay acceptance/homophobia (146 statements), followed by Laramie's image (75 statements), Laramie and its citizens (73 statements), and pre-crime gay acceptance/homophobia (68 statements). The Denver newspapers differed significantly from the national papers in their preference for specific issues. They ran 128 statements about Laramie and its residents, 49 statements about Laramie's image, 38 statements about post-crime gay acceptance/homophobia, and 28 statements about pre-crime gay acceptance/homophobia. The two secondary issues - political activity and trial funding - received almost equal attention overall, but predictably, the national newspapers focused most of their attention on political activity while the Denver newspapers focused on trial funding. Table 8 (page 34) provides the number of newspaper statements in each frame during each of the four coverage periods. It shows that post-crime gay acceptance/homophobia was the issue that received the most attention from most of the national newspapers during the Shepard and Henderson coverage periods. Interestingly, pre-crime gay acceptance/ homophobia was the fourth overall among the primary issues for the national papers. However, it was the second-most-important issue for national papers during the Shepard period. Two national papers deviated significantly from the others during the various coverage periods. During the Shepard period, the Christian Science Monitor weighed in with only three statements, none of which discussed post-crime gay acceptance/homophobia. During the Henderson period, the Monitor chose to emphasize Laramie and its residents first, followed by pre-crime gay acceptance/homophobia. Meanwhile, The New York Times placed significant emphasis on Laramie and its residents during the McKinney period. Both Denver newspapers placed the greatest amount of emphasis on Laramie and its residents during the Shepard period, but they differed in their selection of other frames. The Denver Post emphasized post-crime gay acceptance/homophobia as its second issue, followed by Laramie's image and pre-crime gay acceptance/homophobia. The Rocky Mountain News emphasized Laramie and its residents first, followed by pre-crime gay acceptance/homophobia, post-crime gay acceptance/homophobia, and political activity. Neither paper was consistent in its selection of frames from one coverage period to the next. When we compare the overall results of Tables 5 and 7, we find that, in both cases, the national newspapers were more likely to emphasis post-crime attitudes and beliefs as the salient frames. In Jasper, the national papers devoted 393 of 847 statements (46 percent) to post-crime race relations and race-related actions, while they devoted 146 of 385 statements (38 percent) to post-crime homophobia/gay acceptance in Laramie. After that, however, the similarities disappear. In Jasper, the national newspapers selected Jasper itself and its residents as the second most-emphasized frame (183 of 847 statements, 22 percent); however, in Laramie, they selected Laramie's image and the national attention focused on the community because of the Shepard murder as the second most-emphasized frame (75 statements, 19 percent). The regional newspapers differed considerably. The Texas newspapers emphasized post-crime race relations and race-related actions (493 of 1,552 statements, 32 percent), followed by Jasper and its residents (411 statements, 26 percent), pre-crime race relations and race-related actions (287 statements, 18 percent), and Jasper's image and national attention (198, 13 percent). Meanwhile, the Denver newspapers emphasized Laramie and its residents (128 of 265 statements, percent), followed by Laramie's image (49 statements, 18 percent), post-crime gay acceptance/ homophobia (38 statements, 14 percent), and pre-crime gay acceptance/homophobia (28 statements, 11 percent). Tables 9 and 10 (pages 35-36) address the final set of research questions: Did overall coverage pertaining to Jasper and its residents frame the community in a favorable light or an unfavorable light? Did overall coverage pertaining to Laramie and its residents frame the community in a favorable or an unfavorable light? Was Jasper framed more favorably than Laramie, or vice versa? From Table 9 (page 35), we learn that nearly half (1,177 of 2,399, or 49 percent) of all statements about Jasper that appeared in newspaper coverage portrayed Jasper in a favorable light. Thirty percent (715 statements) portrayed Jasper in an unfavorable light, while 21 percent (507 statements) were neutral. Only slight differences are present between the two groups of newspapers. Like the overall average, 49 percent of the statements in Texas newspapers (768 of 1,552) were favorable; while 48 percent of the statements in national newspapers (409 of 847) were favorable. The national newspapers contained a greater proportion of unfavorable statements (281 of 847, or 33 percent) than the Texas newspapers (434 of 1,552, or 28 percent), but the Texas newspapers had a larger proportion of neutral statements (350 of 1,552, or 23 percent) than the national newspapers (157 of 847, or 19 percent). Further examination of Table 9 shows that, of the eight national newspapers, only the Christian Science Monitor (the paper that contained the least number of statements in the study) portrayed Jasper in an unfavorable light more often than in a favorable light. Four national newspapers contained more than 100 statements: the Chicago Tribune, the Los Angeles Times, The New York Times and USA Today. Of those newspapers, the Chicago Tribune placed Jasper in a favorable light most often in its coverage. Fifty-nine percent of the statements in the Chicago Tribune (81 of 138) placed Jasper in a favorable light, while 31 percent (43 statements) portrayed Jasper in an unfavorable sense. Among the other three national newspapers that contained more than 100 statements, the percentages were similar for favorable statements, with slight differences in unfavorable and neutral statements. Three of the four Texas newspapers portrayed Jasper more favorably than unfavorably. Only the Austin American-Statesman contained a greater proportion of unfavorable statements than favorable statements. The American-Statesman contained 282 statements of interest. Of those, 115 (41 percent) were favorable and 120 (43 percent) were unfavorable. Conversely, more than 50 percent of the statements of interest in the Dallas Morning News and the Houston Chronicle were favorable toward Jasper. Fifty-eight percent of the statements in the Morning News were favorable toward Jasper; 51 percent of the statements in the Chronicle were favorable. The Beaumont Enterprise contained the greatest proportion of neutral statements (28 percent). That proportion matched the newspaper's proportion of unfavorable statements. From Table 10 (page 36), we learn that 288 of the 650 statements (44 percent) about Laramie that appeared in newspaper coverage portrayed Laramie in a favorable light. Thirty percent (195 statements) portrayed Laramie in an unfavorable light, while 26 percent (167 statements) were neutral. Greater differences are present in the groups of newspapers than were present in the Jasper portion of the study. Overall, the national newspapers were more favorable to Laramie (184 of 385 statements, 48 percent) than the Denver newspapers (104 of 265 statements, 39 percent). However, the national newspapers were also more unfavorable to Laramie (136 of 385 statements, 35 percent) than the Denver newspapers (59 of 265 statements, 22 percent). The Denver papers produced 102 neutral statements (38 percent), while the national papers were neutral in 65 cases (17 percent). Further examination of Table 10 shows that, of the eight national newspapers, the Boston Globe and The New York Times portrayed Laramie in an unfavorable light more often than in a favorable light. Thirty-five of 76 statements in the Boston Globe (46 percent) were unfavorable to Laramie, while nine statements (12 percent) were neutral and 32 statements (42 percent) were favorable. Thirty-two of 74 statements (43 percent) in The New York Times were unfavorable, while 24 statements (32 percent) were favorable. Of the remaining national papers, the Washington Post contained the largest proportion of favorable statements (39 of 52 statements, 63 percent). USA Today weighed in with 29 favorable statements (62 percent). Both Denver newspapers portrayed Laramie more favorably than unfavorably, and each contained more neutral statements than unfavorable statements. Neutral statements constituted a plurality for the Denver Post, which was neutral in 76 of 179 statements (42 percent). When we compare the results of Table 9 and 10, we find that the national newspapers were fairly consistent in their treatment of the two communities. Forty-eight percent of the total statements about Jasper were favorable to Jasper; the same was true for the statements about Laramie. The national papers were slightly more neutral in the Jasper case and slightly more unfavorable in the Laramie case. Greater disparity is present between the two groups of regional newspapers. The Texas newspapers contained a proportion of favorable statements that is similar to that of the national papers (49 percent), with a slightly larger proportion of neutral statements and a lesser proportion of unfavorable statements. On the other hand, the Denver papers contain a lesser proportion of favorable statements (39 percent) and unfavorable statements (22 percent) than the Texas papers but a greater proportion of neutral statements (38 percent). Conclusions If journalists covering the James Byrd Jr. and Matthew Shepard murders and the subsequent trials had conformed to public perception as described in the ASNE credibility study, we believe that they would have highlighted the sensational aspects of post-crime race relations that would have cast Jasper and Laramie in unfavorable terms. Rather than demonstrating respect for and fairness toward Jasper, Laramie and their citizens, they would have sought and focused on negative aspects of the community. They would have portrayed these towns and their people in the manner that civic and business leaders feared - as "redneck, backwater" communities that served as breeding grounds for brutal hate crimes. As this study demonstrates, the unfavorable framing that residents in Jasper and Laramie feared did not happen. National and regional newspaper reports portrayed each of the communities in a favorable light more often than in an unfavorable light, and much of the focus was on efforts to "heal" in the wake of a vicious hate crime. In Jasper, 48 percent of all statements in national newspapers that fit one of the seven frames of interest reflected favorably on the community, and 19 percent were neutral, leaving 33 percent - one in three - unfavorable statements. Among Texas newspapers, 49 percent of the stories that contained at least one of the seven frames of interest were favorable, with 23 percent being neutral, meaning that only 28 percent of the statements were unfavorable to Jasper. In Laramie, the national figures were similar. Forty-eight percent of all statements that fit one of the five frames of interest reflected favorably on the Laramie, and 17 percent were neutral, leaving only 35 percent unfavorable statements - slightly more than one in three. In the Denver newspapers, 39 percent of all statements that fit one of the five frames of interest reflected favorably on the Laramie, and an additional 38 percent were neutral, leaving only 22 percent unfavorable statements - slightly more than two in ten. Thus, despite the fact that one "hate crime" was based on racial hatred and the other was based on hatred for sexual preference, the percentages of unfavorable statements framing the two communities where the two crimes occurred were remarkably similar. A major finding in the results addressed here is that media framing of the crimes in Jasper and Laramie show marked similarities despite the dissimilarities of the crimes. National newspaper reports tended to frame the two key issues of community image and post-crime community relations as each of the towns began a process repeatedly referred to as "healing." A summation of the results shows that the newspaper reports defy the often-negative public perception of media reported by the American Society of Newspaper Editors. The ASNE research found a widespread public perception of journalists as likely to frame events in a sensationalistic and often negative way. Even in the case of very sensational "hate crimes" in Texas and Wyoming, the analysis of statements found in network television reports indicates that the public perception reported by the ASNE is erroneous. Why did national network television news frame Jasper and Laramie in such a positive light in the wake of two of the most brutal murders in American history when the ASNE survey shows widespread fears of media sensationalism? It may be that theories of selectivity account for inaccuracies in public perception. Selective exposure suggests that after people make decisions or draw conclusions, they reduce or avoid cognitive dissonance by seeking out media messages that are consonant with the decision or conclusion.57 Selective attention suggests that people pay attention to media messages that reinforce their pre-existing perceptions.58 Selective retention suggests that people's recollection of media messages is influenced in part by their existing attitudes or beliefs.59 Certainly the individual perceptions involved in selective retention of messages as a way to reduce cognitive dissonance were at work in Jasper and Laramie. Citizens interviewed by network television journalists repeatedly stressed that they did not want the rest of the world to perceive their towns as violent, backward, murderous environments. The citizens struggled to retain their personal views of their world, matching their inner world-view each night against the perceived powerful portrayal of that world on network television. Entman's "audience autonomy assumption" also stresses that audiences screen out information selectively.60 This indicates that audiences in Laramie, Jasper, or anywhere else in America have a power that can counterbalance the perceived power of the national television networks to portray a city or community in a negative way. In the research reported here, the networks clearly used more positive framing of the worlds they discovered in Jasper and Laramie than the citizens expected. In addition, viewers everywhere were free to apply their own perceptions of what they saw in thousands of different ways that cannot be clearly determined because each viewer used the power of individual autonomy to interpret the reality of two brutal hate crimes. It is worth pointing out, too, that Jasper's civic and business leaders did much to help reporters think well of the town. As Texans, Jasper residents were aware that Dallas will always be known as the city where John F. Kennedy was assassinated; they did not want Jasper to be forever known as the city where James Byrd Jr. was dragged to death.61 Yet early news reports portrayed Jasper as a throwback to the Old South, where pity and racial scruples were nonexistent.62 In response, Jasper residents not only made real efforts to improve race relations, but they also mounted an earnest public relations effort aimed at softening the town's image in the national media. As jury selection for the King trial got under way on January 25, 1999, members of the Jasper Chamber of Commerce set up an information booth on the courthouse lawn, where they provided city maps and bottled water to reporters. They always had someone available to answer questions. They also distributed a pamphlet, part of which contained a message to journalists covering the trial: "Although we are deeply grieved by the circumstance that brings you to our town, we welcome you as our guest, and we trust that you will find Jasper to be the warm, hospitable, God-centered town that we have all come to love."63 Of course, in the absence of evidence that reporters were swayed by the public relations effort, we cannot be sure that it had an effect on the way reporters framed Jasper. We do know, however, that any unfavorable impressions of Jasper that journalists entertained early in the case seemed to have changed by the time the King trial began. During the first week of jury selection, Chicago Tribune columnist Clarence Page observed, "Jasper sounds less like the southern town without pity that was portrayed in early news reports and much more like most American towns."64 Recommendations Future research might expand the scope of this study by comparing the national newspaper coverage of hate crimes in Laramie and Jasper reported here with that of national television networks and magazines. To pursue this, the authors are working on an analysis of all broadcast media sources - including local broadcast affiliates - in these communities, to examine framing "patterns" between print and broadcast sources. In light of the ASNE findings showing public belief in media sensationalism, it is important to determine if national newspaper coverage of the Laramie and Jasper crimes was more or less "sensationalistic" than coverage by electronic media. Additional study of how hate crimes against gays and lesbians are framed might add important information about how American media report or perhaps underreport these crimes. As the national newspaper coverage of the Matthew Shepard beating death revealed, such crimes often receive relatively minor coverage or do not get reported as hate crimes at all, while gatekeepers clearly recognize the importance of a racial hate crime that results in a death, particularly when it is as gruesome as the crime in Jasper. Finally, future research could add to the findings reported here by comparing additional hate crimes - perhaps in larger cities - with the experience of the small towns of Jasper and Laramie to see how national and local media, both print and broadcast, frame those crimes. Are there particular environmental conditions that can be linked to hate crimes, or can these crimes really happen anywhere, as the citizens of Laramie and Jasper repeated so often? The ongoing national and local media coverage of crimes against citizens by police in Los Angeles and New York seems a promising background to study how these big-city crimes are framed and whether or not they are perceived as "hate crimes" as well. Finding out if a media emphasis on "healing" after a crime continues even when the government, represented by its police officers, kills and maims its citizens, could prove fascinating indeed. Table 1 - Number of Stories, Statements in Newspaper Coverage of Jasper Case National No. of One Total Newspapers Stories Statement Statements Atlanta Constitution 22 6 26 Boston Globe 20 9 92 Chicago Tribune 42 13 138 Christian Science Monitor 7 7 32 Los Angeles Times 36 18 148 New York Times 28 14 208 USA Today 28 11 123 Washington Post 25 7 80 National Newspaper Totals 208 85 847 Texas No. of One Total Newspapers Stories Statement Statements Austin-American Statesman 80 36 282 Beaumont Enterprise 64 37 412 Dallas Morning News 120 41 494 Houston Chronicle 128 52 364 Texas Newspaper Totals 392 166 1552 Overall Newspaper Totals 600 251 2399 Key No. of Stories = All stories that appeared during one of the four coverage periods. One Statement = Number of stories with at least one statement that fit one of the specified frames. Total Statements = Number of statements that fit one of the specified issues categories. Table 2 - Number of Stories and Statements in Newspaper Coverage of James Byrd Jr. Murder and King, Brewer, Berry Trials Byrd King Brewer Berry National Papers S O St S O St S O St S O St Atlanta Constitution 10 4 16 5 2 10 1 0 0 6 0 0 Boston Globe 8 7 68 11 1 2 0 0 0 1 1 22 Chicago Tribune 12 6 92 17 5 42 6 2 4 7 0 0 Christian Science Monitor 5 5 22 2 2 10 0 0 0 0 0 0 Los Angeles Times 17 11 57 6 4 64 5 1 8 8 2 19 New York Times 10 8 165 8 3 36 6 2 6 4 1 1 USA Today 12 7 69 8 3 52 6 1 2 2 0 0 Washington Post 7 4 38 9 3 42 5 0 0 4 0 0 National Newspaper Totals 81 52 527 66 24 258 29 6 20 32 4 42 Byrd King Brewer Berry Texas Papers S O St S O St S O St S O St Austin-American Statesman 27 16 166 29 13 107 12 4 6 12 3 3 Beaumont Enterprise 23 18 217 19 14 152 10 3 27 12 2 16 Dallas Morning News 41 25 335 35 8 109 21 5 13 23 3 37 Houston Chronicle 37 28 237 43 11 88 22 6 25 26 7 14 Texas Newspaper Totals 128 87 955 126 46 456 65 18 71 73 15 70 Overall Newspaper Totals 209 139 1482 192 70 714 94 24 91 105 19 112 Table 3 - Number of Stories, Statements in Newspaper Coverage of Laramie Case National No. of One Total Newspapers Stories Statement Statements Atlanta Constitution 26 7 23 Boston Globe 23 13 76 Chicago Tribune 24 9 26 Christian Science Monitor 5 3 20 Los Angeles Times 32 14 57 New York Times 37 10 74 USA Today 30 13 47 Washington Post 29 16 62 National Newspaper Totals 206 85 385 Denver No. of One Total Newspapers Stories Statement Statements Denver Post 91 28 179 Rocky Mountain News 60 16 86 Denver Newspaper Totals 151 44 265 Overall Newspaper Totals 357 129 650 Key No. of Stories = All stories that appeared during one of the four coverage periods. One Statement = Number of stories with at least one statement that fit one of the six frames. Total Statements = Number of statements that fit one of the specified issues categories. Table 4 - Number of Stories and Statements in Newspaper Coverage of the Matthew Shepard Murder and Henderson, McKinney Trials Shepard Henderson McKinney National Papers S O St S O St S O St Atlanta Constitution 6 1 1 5 3 5 15 3 17 Boston Globe 13 7 36 8 4 38 2 2 2 Chicago Tribune 13 7 23 2 0 0 9 2 3 Christian Science Monitor 4 2 3 1 1 17 0 0 0 Los Angeles Times 12 5 32 5 3 13 15 6 12 New York Times 18 5 40 5 2 12 14 3 22 USA Today 10 8 23 5 2 13 15 3 11 Washington Post 17 10 33 3 2 23 9 4 6 National Newspaper Totals 93 45 191 34 17 121 79 23 73 Shepard Henderson McKinney Denver Papers S O St S O St S O St Denver Post 38 12 86 15 6 37 38 10 56 Rocky Mountain News 38 9 53 8 3 17 14 4 16 Denver Newspaper Totals 76 21 139 23 9 54 52 14 72 Overall Newspaper Totals 169 66 330 57 26 175 131 37 145 Table 5 - Number of Statements on Each Issue In Newspaper Coverage of Jasper Case National Pre- Post- Jury Economic Tax Newspapers (N=847) Jasper Image Crime Crime Service Activity Increase Atlanta Constitution 4 6 0 16 0 0 0 Boston Globe 27 12 18 35 0 0 0 Chicago Tribune 38 6 24 70 0 0 0 Christian Science Monitor 0 1 6 21 0 2 2 Los Angeles Times 46 11 41 50 0 0 0 New York Times 27 23 45 108 2 2 1 USA Today 24 26 14 49 0 10 0 Washington Post 17 4 15 44 0 0 0 National Totals 183 89 163 393 2 14 3 Texas Pre- Post- Jury Economic Tax Newspapers (N=1552) Jasper Image Crime Crime Service Activity Increase Austin American-Statesman 47 24 74 112 20 0 5 Beaumont Enterprise 126 58 53 103 34 12 26 Dallas Morning News 141 62 83 176 5 26 1 Houston Chronicle 97 54 77 102 12 18 4 Texas Totals 411 198 287 493 71 56 36 Overall Newspaper Totals 594 287 450 886 73 70 39 Table 6 - Number of Statements on Each Issue in Newspaper Coverage of the James Byrd Jr. Murder and King, Brewer, Berry Trials Number of Statements on Various Issues In Newspaper Coverage of the Byrd Murder and King, Brewer, Berry Trials National Byrd King Brewer Berry Newspapers J I Pr Po S E T J I Pr Po S E T J I Pr Po S E T J I Pr Po S E T Atlanta 2 5 0 9 0 0 0 2 1 0 7 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Boston 12 9 18 29 0 0 0 1 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 14 2 0 6 0 0 0 Chicago 28 3 16 45 0 0 0 8 3 6 25 0 0 0 2 0 2 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 CSM 0 1 5 16 0 0 0 0 0 1 5 0 2 2 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 LA Times 12 2 21 22 0 0 0 27 5 15 17 0 0 0 1 3 1 3 0 0 0 6 1 4 8 0 0 0 NY Times 12 18 41 94 0 0 0 12 2 3 14 2 2 1 3 2 1 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 USA Today 4 13 13 29 0 10 0 20 11 1 20 0 0 0 0 2 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Washington 5 0 10 23 0 0 0 12 4 5 21 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Ntl. Totals 75 51 124 267 0 10 0 82 27 31 109 2 4 3 6 7 4 3 0 0 0 20 4 4 14 0 0 0 Texas Byrd King Brewer Berry Newspapers J I Pr Po S E T J I Pr Po S E T J I Pr Po S E T J I Pr Po S E T Austin 39 8 58 61 0 0 0 7 8 16 51 20 0 5 0 6 0 0 0 0 0 1 2 0 0 0 0 0 Beaumont 86 37 30 46 0 4 14 9 15 23 53 34 6 12 19 4 0 2 0 2 0 12 2 0 2 0 0 0 Dallas 95 46 76 97 0 20 1 12 7 6 73 5 6 0 11 2 0 0 0 0 0 23 7 1 6 0 0 0 Houston 64 36 62 68 0 4 3 17 8 11 30 7 14 1 16 4 3 2 0 0 0 0 6 1 2 5 0 0 Texas Totals 284 127 226 272 0 28 18 45 38 56 207 66 26 18 46 16 3 4 0 2 0 36 17 2 10 5 0 0 Overall Totals 359 178 350 539 0 38 18 127 65 87 316 68 30 21 52 23 7 7 0 2 0 56 21 6 24 5 0 0 Key J = Jasper: Any reference to the community or its citizens as a whole. I = Image: Any reference to national image or attention focused on Jasper because of the murder. Pr = Pre-crime race relations: Any reference to race relations in Jasper before the murder. P0 = Post-crime race relations: Any reference to race relations in Jasper since the murder. S = Service on Jury: Any reference to Jasper County citizens' willing or reluctance to serve as jurors. E = Economic Activity: Any reference to economic activity generated or impeded by the trials. T = Tax Increase: Any reference to a property-tax increase that paid for the trials. Table 7 - Number of Statements on Each Issue In Newspaper Coverage of Laramie Case National Pre- Post- Political Trial Newspapers (N=847) Laramie Image Crime Crime Activity Funding Atlanta Constitution 1 5 1 15 0 1 Boston Globe 14 15 15 30 0 2 Chicago Tribune 2 5 7 10 2 0 Christian Science Monitor 9 1 6 3 1 0 Los Angeles Times 12 10 13 18 4 0 New York Times 20 11 19 24 0 0 USA Today 11 8 2 18 8 0 Washington Post 4 20 5 28 4 0 National Totals 73 75 68 146 19 3 Denver Pre- Post- Political Trial Newspapers (N=1552) Laramie Image Crime Crime Activity Funding Denver Post 83 35 19 26 0 16 Rocky Mountain News 45 14 9 12 3 0 Denver Totals 128 49 28 38 3 16 Overall Newspaper Totals 201 124 96 184 22 19 Table 8 - Number of Statements on Each Issue In Newspaper Coverage of the Shepard Murder and Henderson, McKinney Trials National Shepard Henderson McKinney Newspapers L I Pr Po P T L I Pr Po P T L I Pr Po P T Atlanta 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 4 0 1 0 0 1 1 1 13 0 1 Boston 5 6 7 18 0 0 9 8 7 12 0 2 0 1 1 0 0 0 Chicago 2 4 7 10 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 2 0 CSM 0 1 2 0 0 0 9 0 4 3 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 LA Times 7 0 10 15 0 0 3 4 2 2 2 0 2 6 1 1 2 0 NY Times 7 2 15 16 0 0 0 6 0 6 0 0 13 3 4 2 0 0 USA Today 6 4 2 11 0 0 1 3 0 3 6 0 4 1 0 4 2 0 Washington 2 10 4 16 0 0 2 8 1 12 0 0 0 2 0 0 4 0 Ntl. Totals 29 27 47 87 0 0 24 33 14 39 9 2 20 15 7 20 10 1 Denver Shepard Henderson McKinney Newspapers L I Pr Po P T L I Pr Po P T L I Pr Po P T Denver Post 41 16 11 18 0 0 23 8 5 1 0 0 19 11 3 7 0 16 RM News 31 2 9 8 3 0 5 8 0 1 0 0 9 4 0 3 0 0 Denver Totals 72 18 20 26 3 0 28 16 5 2 0 0 28 15 3 10 0 16 Overall Totals 101 45 67 113 3 0 52 49 19 41 9 2 48 30 10 30 10 17 Key L = Laramie: Any reference to the community or its citizens as a whole. I = Image: Any reference to national image or attention focused on Laramie because of the case. Pr = Pre-crime gay acceptance: Any reference to homophobia or gay acceptance in Laramie before the murder. Po = Post-crime gay acceptance: Any reference to homophobia or gay acceptance in Laramie since the murder. P = Political Activity: Any reference to political activity initiated by Laramie residents as a result of the murder. T = Trial Funding: Any reference to the cost of the case for Laramie and/or Albany County. Table 9 - Number of Favorable, Neutral and Unfavorable Statements In Newspaper Coverage of the James Byrd Jr. Murder Case Favorable Neutral Unfavorable National Papers (N=847) Statements Statements Statements Atlanta Constitution 17 2 7 .65 .08 .27 Boston Globe 37 19 36 .40 .21 .39 Chicago Tribune 81 14 43 .59 .10 .31 Christian Science Monitor 11 4 17 .34 .13 .53 Los Angeles Times 63 29 56 .43 .20 .38 New York Times 92 42 74 .44 .20 .36 USA Today 54 29 40 .44 .24 .33 Washington Post 54 18 8 .68 .23 .10 National Totals 409 157 281 .48 .19 .33 Favorable Neutral Unfavorable Texas Papers (N=1552) Statements Statements Statements Austin American-Statesman 115 47 120 .41 .17 .43 Beaumont Enterprise 179 116 117 .43 .28 .28 Dallas Morning News 288 104 102 .58 .22 .21 Houston Chronicle 186 83 95 .51 .23 .26 Texas Totals 768 350 434 .49 .23 .28 Overall Totals (N=2399) 1177 507 715 .49 .21 .30 Table 10 - Number of Favorable, Neutral and Unfavorable Statements In Newspaper Coverage of the Matthew Shepard Murder Case Favorable Neutral Unfavorable National Papers (N=385) Statements Statements Statements Atlanta Constitution 14 6 3 .61 .26 .13 Boston Globe 32 9 35 .42 .12 .46 Chicago Tribune 10 8 8 .38 .31 .31 Christian Science Monitor 9 3 8 .45 .15 .40 Los Angeles Times 27 9 21 .47 .16 .37 New York Times 24 18 32 .32 .24 .43 USA Today 29 5 13 .62 .11 .28 Washington Post 39 7 16 .63 .11 .26 National Totals 184 65 136 .48 .17 .35 Favorable Neutral Unfavorable Denver Papers (N=265) Statements Statements Statements Denver Post 68 76 35 .38 .42 .20 Rocky Mountain News 36 26 24 .42 .30 .28 Denver Totals 104 102 59 .39 .38 .22 Overall Totals (N=650) 288 167 195 .44 .26 .30 Endnotes 1 Carol Marie Cropper, "Town Expresses Sadness and Horror Over Slaying," The New York Times, 11 June 1998, sec. A, p. 16. 2 Carol Marie Cropper, "Black Man Fatally Dragged In Possible Racial Killing," The New York Times, 10 June 1998, sec. A, p. 16. 3 Lee Hancock and Bruce Tomaso, "Jasper Man Guilty of Murder; Relieved Residents Eager to Dim Spotlight," Dallas Morning News, 24 February 1999, sec. A, p. 1; Barry Shlachter, "Jury Selection To Start In Dragging Death," Fort Worth Star-Telegram, 25 January 1999, sec. A, p. 1. 4 Shlachter, "Jury Selection To Start." 5 Terri Langford, "First Trial to Begin in Jasper Slaying," Austin American-Statesman, 24 January 1999, sec. B, p. 1. 6 Barry Shlachter, "Jury Selection to Star." 7 Dahleen Glanton, "Supremacist Convicted in Dragging Death," Chicago Tribune, 24 January 1999, p. 24. 8 Lee Hancock, "Jasper Working to Break Down Its Racial Barriers," Dallas Morning News, 24 January 1999, sec. A, p. 1. 9 Barry Shlatcher, "Jasper Faces Trial In Unity," Fort Worth Star-Telegram, 15 February 1999, sec. A, p. 1. 10 Henry Tatum, "Jasper Trial: How Can We Give Meaning to Words 'Never Again'?" Dallas Morning News, 24 February 1999, sec. A, p. 19. 11 Shlatcher, "Jury Selection To Start." 12 Charisse Jones, "Texas City Braces for Murder Trial," USA Today, 16 February 1999, sec. A, p. 3. 13 Marjorie Miller, "Report on Probe of Black Teen's Killing Rocks Britain," Los Angeles Times, 25 February 1999, sec. A, p. 8. 14 Richard Stewart, "Down-home Justice in Jasper," Houston Chronicle, 9 February 1999, sec. A, p. 1; Bruce Tomaso, "Holocaust Survivor Says Town A Good Place for Him, His Restaurant," Dallas Morning News, 23 February 1999, sec. A, p. 15. 15 At least 20 stories mentioned this event. For an account of the event, see Rick Lyman, "As Trial in Dragging Opens, Town Talks of Reconciliation," New York Times, 26 January 1999, sec. A, p. 14, col. 3. 16 Hancock, "Jasper Working"; Barry Shlachter, "Case Against King Laid Out Methodically," Fort Worth Star-Telegram, 21 February 1999, sec. A, p. 1; Richard Stewart, "Dragged Into Infamy," Houston Chronicle, 24 January 1999, sec. A, p. 1. 17 Vanderbilt Television News Archives, "Laramie Gay Hate Crime," NBC Nightly News, 9 October 1998, 5:50:20. 18 Coleman Cornelius, Kit Miniclier and Jim Hughes, "3 arrested in attack on gay man," Denver Post, 9 October 1998, sec. A, p. 1. 19 James Brooke, "Witness Trace Brutal Killing of Gay Student," The New York Times, 21 November 1998, sec. A, p. 9. 20 James Brooke, "Gay Man Beaten And Left For Dead; 2 Are Charged," The New York Times, 10 October 1998, sec. A, p. 1. 21 James Brooke, "Gay Man Dies From Attack, Fanning Outrage and Debate," The New York Times, 13 October 1998, sec. A, p. 1. 22 Patrick O'Driscoll and Maureen Harrington, "Wyoming Attack Stuns Campus, State," USA Today, 12 October 1998, sec. A, p. 3. 23 O'Driscoll and Harrington, "Wyoming Attack Stuns Campus, State." 24 Dawn Y. Taylor, "Media Sensationalize Case," USA Today, 12 October 1998, sec. A, p. 14. 25 Michael Janofsky, "A Year After Gay Man's Killing, Laramie Braces For A Second Trial," The New York Times, 11 October 1999, sec. A, p. 10. 26 Coleman Cornelius, "Town Prepares To Remember Shepard," Denver Post, 16 October 1998, sec. B, p. 2. 27 Mike Soraghan, "Activists, Anti-Gay Protesters Exchange Views Outside Church," Denver Post, 17 October 1998, sec. A, p. 16. 28 Vanderbilt Television News Archives, "Shepard Funeral/Hate Crimes," ABC World News Tonight, 16 October 1998, 5:30:40; Vanderbilt Television News Archives, "Hate Crimes/ Shepard Funeral," CBS Evening News, 16 October 1998, 5:39:00; Vanderbilt Television News Archives, "Wyoming/Shepard Funeral," CNN WorldView, 16 October 1998, 5:12:50; and Vanderbilt Television News Archives, "Hate Crimes/Shepard Funeral," 16 October 1998, 5:42:30. 29 Janofsky, "A Year After Gay Man's Killing." 30 Janofsky, "A Year After Gay Man's Killing"; Taylor, "Media Sensationalize Case." 31 O'Driscoll and Harrington, "Wyoming Attack Stuns Campus, State." 32 Janofsky, "A Year After Gay Man's Killing." 33 Tom Kenworthy, "Gay Man Near Death After Beating," Washington Post, 10 October 1998, sec. A, p. 1. 34 Bob Hohler, "Anti-Gay Bias Confronted in Wyoming," Boston Globe, 11 October 1998, sec. A, p. 25. 35 Lee Hancock, "Sheriff Shares Lessons of Jasper Trial; Wyoming Gay's Slaying Draws World's Attention," The Dallas Morning News, 14 March 1999, sec. A, p. 47. 36 Gans, Deciding What's News; Society of Newspaper Editors, "Editors Group Releases Journalism Credibility Study," available at < http://www.asne.org/kiosk/news/98jcp.htm>, 15 December 1998. 37 L. Paul Husselbee and Guido H. Stempel III, "Contrast in U.S. Media Coverage of Two Major Canadian Elections," Journalism & Mass Communication Quarterly 74 (Autumn 1997): 591-601. 38 L. Paul Husselbee, Mary Alice Baker, O'Brien Stanley and Ashley Salter, "Framing Jasper: A Statement Analysis of Newspaper Coverage of the John William King Murder Trial," presented to the Newspaper Division of the Association for Education in Journalism and Mass Communication annual convention, New Orleans, La., August 1999. 39 Herbert J. Gans, Deciding What's News: A Study of CBS Evening News, NBC Nightly News, Newsweek and Time (New York: Pantheon, 1979), Gaye Tuchman, Making News: A Study in the Construction of Reality (New York: The Free Press, 1978). 40 Robert M. Entman, "Framing: Toward Clarification of a Fractured Paradigm," Journal of Communication 43 (Autumn 1993): 51-55; Tuchman, Making News. 41 M. Mark Miller, Julie L. Andsager and Bonnie P. Reichart, "Framing the Candidates in Presidential Primaries: Issues and Images in Press Releases and News Coverage," Journalism & Mass Communication Quarterly 75 (Summer 1998): 312-324. 42 Entman, "Framing: Toward Clarification," 51. 43 Robert M. Entman, "Framing U.S. Coverage of International News: Contrasts in Narratives of the KAL and Iran Air Incidents," Journal of Communication 41 (Autumn 1991): 6-27. 44 Entman, "Framing: Toward Clarification," 53. 45 Gans, Deciding What's News. 46 Tuchman, Making News. 47 Robert M. Entman, "How the Media Affect What People Think," Journal of Politics 51[2], May, 1989, 347-370. 48 Husselbee and Stempel, "Contrast in U.S. Media Coverage," 593. 49 The authors' previous study, which focused only on the John William King trial, did not include the Beaumont Enterprise but did include the Fort Worth Star-Telegram and the San Antonio Express News. The Beaumont paper was excluded previously because its stories were unavailable in full-text database. When full-text became available, Beaumont was added. However, after the first study, the Fort Worth and San Antonio papers removed their full-text service from Texas News Bank, making it unavailable for further study. Thus, stories from those papers are not included in this study. 50 For example, stories from the Dallas Morning News appeared in these newspapers: the Augusta Chronicle (Augusta, Ga.), the Cincinnati Enquirer, the Daily Telegraph (London), the Fresno Bee (Fresno, Calif.), The Guardian (London), The Independent (London), the Las Vegas Review-Journal, the Los Angeles Times, the News and Observer (Raleigh, N.C.), the Post and Courier (Charlotte, S.C.), The Record (Bergen County, N.J.), the Seattle Times, the Star-Tribune (Minneapolis), the Times-Picayune (New Orleans), the Toronto Star, the Virginian-Pilot (Norfolk, Va.) and the Washington Post. 51 Keywords were "Jasper," "Byrd," "murder" and "trial." 52 Husselbee and Stempel, "Contrast in U.S. Media Coverage," 594. 53 Husselbee et al., "Framing Jasper." 54 Guido H. Stempel III, "Reliability in Content Analysis." Journalism Quarterly 32 (Summer 1955): 333-334. 55 Husselbee and Stempel, "Contrast in U.S. Media Coverage," 595. 56 The Austin paper's interest in the property-tax issue makes sense when we recall that Austin is the state capital, and the Texas legislature approved a bill that gave Jasper $100,000 to help defray trial expenses. 57 Leon A. Festinger, A Theory of Cognitive Dissonance (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 1957). 58 Joseph A. Devito, The Communication Handbook: A Dictionary (New York: Harper & Row, 1986). 59 Werner J. Severin and James W. Tankard Jr., Communication Theories: Origins, Methods, And Uses in the Mass Media (White Plains, N.Y.: Longman, 1992). 60 Robert M. Entman, "How the Media Affect What People Think," Journal of Politics 51[2], May, 1989, 347-370. 61 Khalil E. Hachem, "Jasper Can Overcome Crime's Stain," Beaumont Enterprise, 7 March 1999, sec. A, p. 2, col. 3. 62 Clarence Page, "Jasper's Valuable Lessons for the Rest of the Nation," Chicago Tribune, 28 January 1999, p. 21. 63 Lyman, "As Trial in Dragging Opens." 64 Page, "Jasper's Valuable Lessons." 1 Looking Beyond Hate 40 Looking Beyond Hate