Culturally Embedded Ads/p.
Black, White, Hispanic, and Asian-American
ADOLESCENTS' RESPONSES TO CULTURALLY EMBEDDED ADS
Osei Appiah
Greenlee School of Journalism and Communication
114 Hamilton Hall
Iowa State University
Ames, IA 50011-1180
(515) 294-7720
email: [log in to unmask]
Paper presented at the
AEJMC Annual Convention
August, 1999
Minorities and Communication Division
Running Head: Culturally Embedded Ads
Black, White, Hispanic, and Asian-American
ADOLESCENTS' RESPONSES TO CULTURALLY EMBEDDED ADS
Abstract
Researchers digitally manipulated the race of characters in ads and the number
of race specific cultural cues in the ads while maintaining all other visual
features of these ads. Three hundred forty-nine black, white, Hispanic, and
Asian-American adolescents evaluated black character or white character ads
based on their: 1) perceived similarity to the characters in the ads; 2)
identification with the characters in the ads; 3) belief that the ads were
intended for them; 4) overall like/dislike of the ads; and 5) likelihood of
product purchase. The findings indicate that overall white, black, Hispanic,
and Asian-American adolescents' respond more favorably to black character ads
than white character ads.
Black, white, hispanic, and asian-american
Adolescents' RESPONSEs TO CULTURALLY EMBEDDED ADS
Introduction
A major goal for product and social marketers is to reach youth with a message
they trust and with which they can identify. Teenagers, particularly black
teenagers, may well be the most difficult audience to reach and persuade with
product and public service ads primarily because teens in general doubt messages
from mainstream sources and black teens are particularly skeptical (Fost, 1993).
The critical question, then, is "How do we get adolescents to pay more
attention to product and public service ads?" One answer may lie in the
characters advertisers choose to use in ads. For example, the most effective
way to reach black adolescents may be through the use of black characters in
ads. The use of black characters in ads may be an effective way to reach other
youth as well.
In addition to the use of black characters, ads may be made more effective by
incorporating cultural cues. Cultural cues refer to the values, symbols,
ethics, rituals, traditions, material objects, and services produced or valued
by either black or white members of society, which stimulate when, where, and
how they respond. Ads rich in cultural cues may be considered culturally
embedded, which is conceptualized as the degree to which cultural cues are
present in each ad. For example, black character ads that are high in cultural
embeddedness are filled with black cultural cues. Black character ads that are
low in cultural embeddedness contain few if any black cultural cues outside the
race of the character. Like ads that simply contain black characters,
culturally embedded ads may be an effective way to reach and persuade black
youth.
Historically, advertisers have been reluctant to use blacks in advertisements
out of fear that black characters would offend white consumers and adversely
affect sales of the advertised product and other products offered by the
sponsoring company (Bush, Hair, & Solomon, 1979; Cagley & Cardozo, 1970; Guest,
1970; Qualls & Moore, 1990). Even today, companies are afraid to use black
models in mainstream advertising despite empirical research that has shown that
the race of
Culturally Embedded Ads/p.
the model has little influence on white consumers (Bush, Hair, & Solomon, 1979;
Pitts, Whalen, O'Keefe & Murray, 1989; Schlinger & Plummer, 1972; Soley, 1983;
Whittler, 1991). Some researchers have argued that using black characters in
ads is a waste of time and money (Wall, 1970; Schmid, 1974) because advertising
messages disseminated for white consumers would effectively capture black
consumers (Kern-Foxworth, 1994). On those occasions when advertisers use black
models to endorse products, they are primarily used in black media
(Kern-Foxworth, 1994). When blacks appear in general market ads, they appear
primarily for short time periods, in minor and background roles (Greenberg &
Brand, 1994), in racially integrated groups, and in non-threatening or
subordinate positions (Wilkes & Valencia, 1989). More important, few black
character ads are culturally embedded. Most black character ads lack black
cultural cues (e.g., vernacular, dress, images, symbols) and are often in
cultural settings that are so "de-ethnicized" they are difficult for black youth
to identify with (Fost, 1993). In fact, most cultural cues present in ads
featuring black models reflect white cultural values (Bristol, Lee, & Hunt,
1995). These black character ads are, in other words, low in black cultural
embeddedness. This method of advertising to black audiences could be enhanced
by taking into account a broader set of factors; factors such as marketing to
black audiences' cultural heritage (e.g., jazz, blues, gospel, foods, history),
and using ads that are high in black cultural embeddedness.
While there is little if any information on the effects of high culturally
embedded ads, there is a solid body of advertising research on the effects of
low culturally embedded ads. Previous character race studies have used black
character ads that contained few black cultural cues. They were, in other
words, low in black cultural embeddedness, although they were not designated as
such. Similarly, ads containing white characters have had few white cultural
cues, making these ads low in white cultural embeddedness. The evidence from
these studies is useful in understanding and highlighting how audiences respond
to ads low in cultural embeddedness and provide insight into how audiences might
react to ads high in cultural embeddedness. However, past advertising research
seems to take for granted or completely ignore theoretical explanations of why
either the audience or the ad character's race should make a difference in how
viewers respond to media messages. For example, what theories provide a better
understanding of the psychological mechanisms at work when adolescents are
exposed to advertisements with black and white characters within low or high
culturally embedded environments? Identification theory and distinctiveness
theory are particularly relevant in addressing this issue; and, the notion of
source similarity provides the conceptual framework necessary to understand and
apply these theories.
Source Similarity & Racial Differences in Ad Response
Some researchers argue that ads are most effective when the symbols,
characters, and values depicted in the ads are drawn from the intended
audience's cultural environment (McGuire, 1984; Pitts, Whalen, O'Keefe, &
Murray, 1989), which allows the audience to better identify with the message and
the source of the message. Individuals who are more likely to identify with
media characters (Huesman, Eron, Klein, Brice, & Fischer, 1983) and perceive
themselves to be similar to media characters (Brock, 1965; Burnstein, Scotland,
& Zander, 1961) are more influenced by media content in which those characters
are portrayed. Studies have shown that high levels of similarity between the
viewer of an ad and the characters featured in an ad increase the viewer's
belief that he/she is the intended audience for the ad, which in turn leads to
more positive attitudes about the ad and the product (Aaker, Brumbaugh, & Grier,
1996).
One significant cue of similarity between a viewer and the character in an ad is
race or ethnicity. This may be especially true for racial and ethnic minorities
for whom race/ethnicity is more salient. The race of a model in an ad may be
particularly instrumental in inducing racial minorities (e.g., blacks) to infer
similarity or dissimilarity (Whittler, 1989). There is evidence that black
audiences are more likely to identify with, and rate more favorably, ads
featuring black characters than ads featuring white characters (Choundhury &
Schmid, 1974; Greenberg & Atkin, 1982; Whittler, 1991; Whittler, 1989). This is
also true for other minorities such as Hispanics who seek out (Stevenson &
McIntyre, 1995) and are better persuaded by Hispanic models (Boone & Kurtz,
1992). Similarly, Asian-Americans also prefer to see ads that feature
characters with whom they can identify, despite beliefs that they can be reached
with mainstream messages and characters (Rossman, 1994). In contrast, members
of a racial majority (e.g., whites) seem to be less mindful of a model's race or
ethnicity and focus on similarities between themselves and the source that are
less race- or ethnic-specific (e.g., values, dress, lifestyle, appearance) as
evidenced by studies which show that white audiences respond just as favorably
to ads with black models as they do to ads with white models (Bush, Hair, &
Solomon, 1979; Schlinger & Plummer, 1972; Whittler, 1991).
This discussion leads to the following conceptual hypotheses: First, the
characters' race (i.e., black or white) and the cultural embeddedness (i.e.,
high or low) of ads will affect black adolescents' psychological responses
(i.e., perceived similarity to characters, identification with characters,
belief ad intended for them, ad favorability rating) to ads (see Figure 1).
Second, neither the characters' race nor the ads' cultural embeddedness will
affect white adolescents' psychological responses. Third, characters' race will
affect Asian-American and Hispanic adolescents' psychological responses.
Theoretical Framework
Identification Theory
Identification theory (Kelman, 1961) maintains that people automatically assess
their level of similarity with a source during an interaction and make
similarity judgments (Hovland & Weis, 1951; Kelman, 1961). This process drives
individuals to choose models based on perceived similarities between themselves
and the model (Kelman, 1961; Basow & Howe, 1980). When viewers perceive that
the source possesses characteristics similar to their own such as race, they
begin to infer that the source will also share other characteristics, all of
which lead to greater identification (Brock, 1965; Feick & Higie, 1992).
Studies have shown that individuals who are more likely to identify with
television characters are more affected by the media content in which those
characters are engaged (Huesman, Eron, Klein, Brice & Fischer, 1983).
Among blacks (and other minorities) who maintain strong racial identities,
awareness of and preference for black models (or minority models) is heightened.
Racial and ethnic identity is a person's knowledge of membership in a social
group and the value and emotional significance attached to that membership
(Phinney, 1992). Ethnic and racial identity is an important component of the
self-concept and can be particularly salient during adolescence (Phinney, 1992).
This notion was supported by Whittler (1991) who found that black college
students who identified more strongly with black culture also identified more
strongly with black models in advertising compared to blacks who were low on
cultural identification. Whittler's findings may explain why many black youth
who maintain strong racial identities may develop stronger preferences for black
models in ads.
Among white youth, strength of racial identity may play little if any role in
how they respond to advertising. Phinney (1992) shows that minority group
members consistently place higher importance on their racial and ethnic identity
than whites. However, when "whites are the minority, they show traits like
ethnic minorities in society" (p. 170). Since majority white viewers are less
concerned and less conscious of race, the model's race in an ad does not seem to
matter to whites (Whittler, 1989). What may be more important to white
audiences is their ability to understand, relate to, and perceive similarities
with black models in advertising in areas that are not just skin deep.
Viewers who do not identify with television models based on race or ethnicity
may identify with other characteristics that the model possesses.
Identification often occurs when individuals infer that their tastes and
preferences are similar to those of the source (Eagly, Wood, & Chaiken, 1978).
For instance, white, Asian-American, and Hispanic adolescents may not perceive
themselves as racially similar to black models but may infer that they have
other characteristics in common with black models, and thereby find black models
appealing. For these youth, the simple presence of blacks in ads may invoke
certain race-based stereotypes that characterize blacks as cool, hip, musical,
athletic, and fashionable, many of which are highly desirable among white youth.
Additionally, these youth are likely to identify with and imitate attitudes or
behaviors of black models simply because the models are in a particular social
group (e.g., professional athlete, actor, musician) to which they aspire (see
reference group theory, Siegel & Siegel, 1957).
By and large, black viewers also choose models in the media when they observe
some commonalities with these models. For black viewers, the most striking
commonality is often a physical attribute like skin color. The skin color or
race of an actor is a salient communicator characteristic, especially for
persons concerned with racial issues or for whom racial identity is central to
their concept of self. For these individuals, a model's race could be a
positive cue for racially similar viewers thereby attracting more attention and
promoting greater recall. This phenomenon is addressed by distinctiveness
theory.
This leads to the next set of hypotheses. Black viewers will perceive
themselves more similar to black characters than white characters, and more
similar to black characters in high culturally embedded ads than black
characters in low culturally embedded ads. Additionally, black viewers will
identify more strongly with black characters than with white characters, and
will identify more strongly with black characters in high culturally embedded
ads than with black characters in low culturally embedded ads. For white
viewers, neither the characters' race nor the cultural embeddedness of the ads
will influence perceived similarity to characters or identification with
characters. Asian-Americans and Hispanics--although they may be more likely to
identify with their specific ethnic group more than others--will perceive
themselves more similar to and identify more strongly with black characters in
ads than white characters in ads.
Distinctiveness Theory
Distinctiveness theory maintains that a person's distinctive traits (e.g.,
African-American, red-headed) will be more salient to him or her than more
prevalent traits (e.g., Caucasian, brunette) possessed by other people in the
environment (McGuire, 1984; McGuire, McGuire, Child, & Fujioka, 1978). This is
particularly true for people who belong to a racial or ethnic group that is part
of a numeric minority. Black people, for instance, would be highly aware and
mindful of their race in personal and mediated situations as a result of being a
numeric minority in the United States. In addition to relatively low numbers of
blacks in the United States, there are also relatively few blacks in the media
causing black audiences to be more sensitive to their presence in the media.
Strong support for distinctiveness theory has been shown in studies examining
ethnic minority groups' responses to mass communication. Desphande and Stayman
(1994) found that Hispanic Americans living in Austin (where they are an ethnic
minority) were more likely to believe that a Hispanic spokesperson was
trustworthy than those Hispanics living in San Antonio (where they are an ethnic
majority). Similarly, Aaker and colleagues (1996) found that blacks (a minority
group) had more favorable attitudes toward an ad featuring black characters than
whites (a majority group) had toward an ad featuring white characters.
It appears that racial and ethnic minorities spontaneously evoke their racial
and ethnic identities in social and mediated environments where their group is
minimally represented. In the United States, racial and ethnic identity or
consciousness appears to be of particular importance to black adolescents and
other minorities, but its significance for white adolescents is low and not
likely to grow until whites are no longer in the majority in specific settings
(Phinney, 1992). These findings lend support to distinctiveness theory which
posits that ads targeting white or black audiences will be more effective the
more the racial group is in a numeric minority (Desphande & Stayman, 1994).
This discussion leads to the next set of hypotheses. Black adolescents--as a
member of a minority and distinctive group--should be more mindful that they are
the intended audience of ads when the ads feature black characters, particularly
those black characters in high culturally embedded ads, than when the ads
feature white characters. Additionally, black viewers will rate more favorably
and show a stronger likelihood of purchasing products from black character ads
than white character ads, particularly black character ads high in black
cultural embeddedness (see Figure 1).
White adolescents--as a member of a majority and non-distinctive group--will
show no difference in their belief that they are the intended audience for ads,
their ratings of ads, and their likelihood of purchasing products based on the
characters' race or the cultural embeddedness of the ad.
Asian-Americans and Hispanics--as members of ethnic minorities and distinctive
groups--should be more likely to believe that they are the intended audience of
ads featuring minority characters (i.e., black characters) than they are ads
featuring majority characters (i.e., white characters). Asian-Americans and
Hispanics will also rate more favorably and show a stronger likelihood of
purchasing products from black character ads than white character ads.
_______________________
Insert Figure 1 about here
__________________________
METHOD
Design
The experiment employs a 4 x 2 x 2 between-subjects factorial design.
Independent variables are subjects' race (black, white, Hispanic,
Asian-American), characters' race (black or white), and cultural embeddedness of
the ad (high or low). The five dependent variables are: 1) perceived similarity
to characters; 2) identification with characters; 3) ads intended for them; 4)
ad favorability rating; and 5) likelihood of product purchase.
Subjects
Three hundred forty-nine high school students (ages 14-19) participated in the
experiment: 81 blacks, 84 Asian-Americans, 92 Hispanics, and 92 whites.
Ninety-five percent of the students were in the 11th or 12th grade; their median
age was 17. Sixty-two percent were male and thirty-eight percent were female.
Subjects were drawn from five high schools--four in Southern California and one
in Northern California. An attempt was made to get high schools that were
economically, educationally, and socially diverse.
Each high school principal, in cooperation with teachers, selected three to
four classrooms with an average class size of thirty students. Principals at
each school issued parental consent letters to the students, which described the
purpose of the study. Students without parental consent were not allowed to
participate in the study.
Stimulus Materials
Stimuli consisted of full-color 81/2" x 11" photographic ads for three
products: Cheerios Cereal, Irish Spring Soap, and Oscar Mayer Wieners. This
study examined differences in adolescents' responses to ads filled with and
dominated by cultural cues. Ads rich in cultural cues were considered
culturally embedded, which is conceptualized as the degree to which cultural
cues were contained in an ad. To achieve different levels of cultural
embeddedness, three product ads that contained either black or white characters
were digitally manipulated to vary the race of the characters and the number of
race specific cultural cues present in each ad while holding constant all other
visual features (see Figure 2). For example, black character ads low in black
cultural embeddedness contain few, if any black cultural cues outside the race
of the character. These black character ads low in black cultural embeddedness
were then digitally enhanced with the addition of several black cultural cues
such as black family portraits, kinte clothes, black dolls, and African masks to
create black character ads high in black cultural embeddedness.
Effort was made to use equivalent black and white cultural cues in each high
culturally embedded version of the ad. For example, a picture of a white man
hugging his newborn child was one of the white cultural cues added to the white
character Irish Spring ad low in white cultural embeddedness to make it high in
white cultural embeddedness. Similarly, a picture of a black man hugging his
newborn child was added to the black character Irish Spring ad low in black
cultural embeddedness when transforming it into an ad high in black cultural
embeddedness. Using this innovative design, any differences in students'
responses to ads with black characters or ads with white characters must be
attributed to the cultural cues present in the ads.
Four ad types were created for each of the three stimulus ads and placed in
1/2-inch binders. Each binder contained only one of the four ad types. Each
student was randomly assigned a binder with one of the four ad types for each
product: 1) black character ads low in black cultural embeddedness (LBCE); 2)
black character ads high in black cultural embeddedness (HBCE); 3) white
character ads low in white cultural embeddedness (LWCE); and 4) white character
ads high in white cultural embeddedness (HWCE).
Senior executives at Burrell Communication Group in Chicago, the largest black
advertising firm in the country, reviewed the low and high culturally embedded
ads featuring black characters, and confirmed that these ads contained cues
specific to black culture. Similarly, executives at Foote, Cone, and Belding in
San Francisco, a leading general market advertising firm, evaluated the low and
high culturally embedded ads featuring white characters and confirmed that these
ads contained cues specific to white culture. The following is a description of
the four versions of each product ad (for examples see Figure 2, Figure 3, and
Figure 4):
Cheerios Cereal Ads. The Cheerios ad shows a father standing in the doorway of
the son's bedroom, eating a bowl of Cheerios. The son is sitting in his bed
eating a bowl of the cereal. The text reads "Nobody Can Say No to Honey Nut
Cheerios." With the exception of the race of the characters, the LBCE Cheerios
ad and the LWCE Cheerios ad are identical.
Three black cultural cues were digitally added to the LBCE ad to make it HBCE.
On the wall is a team photo of the 1931 "Homestead Grays" from the Negro
Baseball League. Another picture on the bedroom wall shows a shirtless black
man with his arms raised high in the air. His wrist are handcuffed by the
American flag. In large red print the caption says, "BlackLash." The last
picture is a poster of a black face with the text, "Love Your Self."
Similarly, white cultural cues were added to the LWCE ad to make it HWCE. A
Norman Rockwell print entitled, "The Rookie," was added to the background wall.
The 1957 print shows several all white Boston Red Sox baseball players in the
locker room staring at a young rookie who appears to have just joined the team.
The second white cultural cue was another Norman Rockwell print entitled, "Our
Heritage." This 1950 print shows two white boy scouts holding an American
history book while staring in the background at a full-size picture of President
George Washington praying on bended-knee. An American flag was digitally added
to the lower left corner of the print.
Irish Spring Soap Ads. The Irish Spring ad shows a man posing next to a chair
and a large plant. In front of the chair is a large picture of a bar of Irish
Spring Sport Deodorant Soap. The text in the center of the ad reads, "Fresh &
Clean with Irish Spring! The Deodorant Soap." With the exception of the
character's race, both low culturally embedded ads for the white and black
character are identical.
Two black cultural cues were digitally added to the background wall of the LBCE
ad to make it HBCE. A large African mask was placed on the wall to right of the
black character. To the right of the mask a large picture frame was hung on the
background wall, which pictured a shirtless thirty-something black man hugging
his newborn child. Similarly, two white cultural cues were digitally added to
the background wall of the LWCE ad to make it HWCE. A picture of white hands
holding a white Greek-like sculpture was added to the wall. To the left of the
sculpture was a picture of a shirtless thirty-something white man hugging his
newborn child.
Oscar Mayer Wieners Ads. The Oscar Mayer ad shows a man sitting in his home
office desk chair with his son standing by his side. The two characters face
the camera smiling. To the right of the characters is a small but wide
bookshelf. On the top right of the bookshelf is a trophy and a soccer ball. On
the floor next to the book shelf is a basketball and a skateboard. Directly
below the father and son is the caption, "Being a Dad...doesn't come with
instructions. It's trusting yourself to make the right choices. Here's one
choice that's easy. Oscar Mayer!" Below the text is a picture of a hot dog on
a bun with a package of Oscar Mayer Wieners pictured below. The race of the
father and son was digitally altered to produce a LBCE ad and a LWCE ad.
Three black cultural cues were digitally added to produce a HBCE ad. A black
family portrait was framed and placed on the bookshelf. A black female
porcelain doll was inserted to the right of the family portrait. Also, a
picture of several runaway black slaves walking through a forest in search of
their freedom was added to the wall. Similarly, three white cultural cues were
digitally added to the LWCE ad to produce a HWCE ad. Reminiscent of immigrants
arriving to America, a picture of several ships passing the Statue of Liberty
during a large fireworks celebration was placed on the wall above the shelf. A
white family portrait was framed and placed on the bookshelf, as was a white
female porcelain doll.
_______________________________
Insert Figures 2, 3, and 4 about here
____________________________________
Procedure
Students were told that they would be participating in an advertising survey
designed to determine the types of ads they like best, which would enable
researchers to improve the look, style, and content of those ads. After the
briefing, students were randomly assigned a binder from one of the four
conditions.
A total of forty 1/2-inch binders were used--one binder for each of up to
forty students in each class. Ten binders contained only LBCE product ads, 10
binders contained only HBCE ads, 10 binders contained only LWCE product ads, and
10 binders contained only HWCE product ads. Each binder contained five, color,
81/2" x 11" photographic ads in clear plastic page protectors. Three
products--Cheerios Cereal, Irish Spring Soap, and Oscar Mayer Wieners--made up
the experimental ads while two other ads were used to disguise the purpose of
the study. A questionnaire corresponding to each ad (i.e., Cheerios, Irish
Spring, Oscar Mayer) was in the binder next to each ad. Subjects completed each
questionnaire immediately after viewing each ad. For example, students opened
the binder to the first experimental ad (e.g., Cheerios LBCE), reviewed the ad,
and then completed the questionnaire pertaining to that ad. The student would
then turn the page to the next ad (e.g., Irish Spring LBCE) and complete the
questionnaire pertaining to that ad. This procedure continued until all five
ads had been reviewed and all five questionnaires for those ads had been
completed. The placement of the ads in the binders were as follows: disguise
ad, Cheerios cereal ad, Irish Spring soap ad, disguise ad, and Oscar Mayer
Wiener ad. The ads were positioned in the same order in each binder. At the
end of the final questionnaire subjects were asked to describe the purpose of
the study. Eight percent of the students indicated at least some knowledge of
the study purpose and were excluded from the overall analysis. Once the
questionnaires were completed, students who did not identify themselves as
black, white, Asian-American, or Hispanic on the questionnaires were excluded
from further analysis.
Measures
The measurement instrument collected information for five dependent variables:
perceived similarity to characters, identification with characters, ads intended
for them, ad favorability rating, and likelihood of purchase. Scales were
developed and alpha coefficients computed to obtain the internal consistency
estimates of reliability for five variables: ad favorability rating, perceived
similarity, attitude toward ad, attitude toward characters, and attitude toward
the product. The coefficient alphas for these scales exceeded the recommended
levels of .60 (Nunally, 1978), providing evidence that these measures possessed
sufficient reliability to warrant further analysis.
Overall Ad Favorability Rating Scale. For each stimulus ad an overall ad
favorability rating scale was developed by averaging the mean scores from each
of the following three scales: attitude toward the ad scale, attitude toward
the characters scale, attitude toward the product scale. The three scales were
each measured using eleven, 7-point semantic differential scales:
boring/interesting, bad/good, negative/positive, useless/useful,
worthless/valuable, poor/outstanding, not for me/for me, weak/strong, not
appealing/appealing, not attractive/attractive, not likable/likable. The
responses to all eleven items were summed to create the three attitude scales.
For example, an attitude toward the ad scale was developed by averaging the mean
scores from each of the eleven scales. These attitude scales have been used
successfully in other character race studies and have shown strong evidence of
being highly reliable (e.g., Deshpande & Stayman, 1994). A reliability analysis
was conducted for all scales to assess the degree to which the items measured a
single variable or dimension.
For the attitude toward the ad scale, coefficient alphas were computed for
each product: Cheerios (alpha = .96), Irish Spring (alpha = .96), and Oscar
Mayer (alpha = .96). For the attitude toward the characters scale, coefficient
alphas were computed for each product: Cheerios (alpha = .96), Irish Spring
(alpha = .97), and Oscar Mayer (alpha = .95). Similarly, the attitude toward
the product scale was developed and coefficient alphas were computed: Cheerios
(alpha = .96), Irish Spring (alpha = .97), and Oscar Mayer (alpha = .97).
As mentioned earlier, for each product an overall ad favorability rating scale
was developed by averaging the mean scores from the following scales: attitude
toward the ad scale, attitude toward the characters scale, attitude toward the
product scale. The coefficient alphas for the Cheerios overall ad favorability
rating scale, Irish Spring overall ad favorability scale, and the Oscar Mayer
overall ad favorability scale were .85, .79, and .86, respectively.
Perceived Similarity Scale. The next dependent variable was perceived
similarity. Students rated their degree of similarity to the characters in each
ad in terms of: 1) overall lifestyle; 2) cultural background; 3) dress; 4)
appearance; and 5) basic values (Whittler, 1989). A similarity scale was
created by averaging the mean scores from each of the five scales. For this
scale coefficient alphas were computed for each product: Cheerios (alpha = .86),
Irish Spring (alpha = .89), and Oscar Mayer (alpha = .91).
Other Measures. The last three dependent variables were adolescents': 1)
identification with characters; 2) their belief that ads were intended for them;
and 3) likelihood of product purchase. Subjects were asked to indicate how
strongly they identified with the characters in each ad (Aaker, et. al., 1996)
on a seven-point Likert scale ranging from not at all (one) to very strongly
(seven). The other dependent measure asked subjects to indicate whether they
thought each ad was intended for them (Aaker, et. al., 1996) on a seven-point
Likert scale ranging from disagree completely (one) to agree completely (seven).
The last dependent variable asked adolescents to indicate the likelihood that
they would purchase the product in the ad on a seven-point Likert scale ranging
from not at all (one) to very likely (seven).
Race & Ethnicity of Participants. Subjects were given a list of racial and
ethnic groups from which to choose. Subjects who identified with more than one
racial or ethnic group were not included in the analysis.
RESULTS
The effects of characters' race and cultural embeddedness were examined for
each racial/ethnic group on five dependent variables: perceived similarity to
characters, identification with characters, ads intended for me, ad favorability
rating, and likelihood of product purchase.
The dependent variable perceived similarity consisted of subjects' perceived
similarity to characters in the ads based on five dimensions: overall
lifestyle, cultural background, dress, appearance, and basic values. A
perceived similarity scale was created by averaging the mean scores from each of
the five dimensions. The dependent variable identification with characters
refers to the strength in which subjects identified with or related to the
characters in each ad. The variable ads intended for me, was the degree to
which subjects' believed that an ad was intended for them. Overall ad
favorability rating was the average of the mean scores from each of the
following three scales: attitude toward the ad, attitude toward the characters,
and attitude toward the product. The last dependent variable, likelihood of
product purchase, referred to subjects' likelihood of buying the advertised
products.
An aggregate scale composed of responses from all three ads (i.e., Cheerios
cereal, Irish Spring soap, and Oscar Mayer wieners) was created for each
dependent variable. For example, the mean scores for the dependent variable
"identification with characters" were computed for each of the three ads. The
mean scores were then summed and divided by three to produce an aggregate scale
for the variable "identification with characters." Using this same procedure,
aggregate scales were created for each of the five dependent variables.
While some researchers have uncovered interesting findings from consumers'
responses to ads based on subjects' exposure to only one product ad (e.g.,
Qualls & Moore, 1990), any generalizations made may be premature since consumers
often provide responses that are product-specific (Engel, Blackwell & Miniard,
1986; Muse, 1971). Unlike past research, this study exposed each subject to
three product ads. Subjects' responses for each of the three ads were
aggregated so that more conclusive generalizations could be made. Aggregating
the ads helped minimize the skewing effects of any one ad. That is, the
aggregate scale summarized the general significance of the set of ads and may
provide more conclusive information than a study with just one product ad.
The results of the experiment are presented and discussed according to the
hypotheses presented earlier. A series of two-way analyses of variance for all
hypotheses are given below. Only significant main effects and interactions were
mentioned in the results. These same analyses are conducted for each dependent
variable. The means for all independent and dependent variables are presented
in Tables 1-6.
_______________________
Insert Tables 1-6 about here
__________________________
Aggregate Scale Similarity to Characters in Ads. The two-way ANOVA tested the
prediction that there will be an interaction between cultural embeddedness and
characters' race such that black adolescents will perceive themselves more
similar to black characters than white characters, and more similar to black
characters in high culturally embedded ads than black characters in low
culturally embedded ads. For white adolescents it was predicted that neither
characters' race nor cultural embeddedness will influence their perceived
similarity to characters in ads. For Asian-Americans and Hispanics it was
predicted that they will perceive themselves more similar to black characters in
ads than white characters in ads.
The hypothesis that characters' race and cultural embeddedness would influence
black subjects' perceived similarity was partially supported. No significant
interaction was found between cultural embeddedness and characters' race for
black adolescents. However, a significant main effect (F (3, 72) = 32.75, p <
.001) for character's race indicated, as hypothesized, that black adolescents'
perceived themselves more similar to black characters in ads (M = 4.50, SD =
.24) than white characters in ads (M = 2.56, SD = .24). Black subjects were
more influenced by the race of the character than the cultural embeddedness of
the ads.
Surprisingly, white subjects perception of similarity was influenced both by
race of the character and cultural embeddedness of the ads. White subjects
perceived themselves more similar to white characters in ads (F (3, 84) = 5.30,
p < .05), but this main effect was qualified by a significant interaction
between character's race and cultural embeddedness (F (3, 84) = 4.42, p < .05).
This interaction indicated that white subjects perceived themselves more similar
to white characters in ads high in white cultural embeddedness (M = 3.86, SD =
1.13) than they did to white characters in ads low in white cultural
embeddedness (M = 3.22, SD = .95; F (1, 40) = 3.93, p < .05).
Asian-American and Hispanic students perceptions of similarity mirrored those
of black students, that is, there were significant characters' race main effects
for both Asian-American adolescents (F (3, 74) = 5.23, p < .05) and Hispanic
adolescents (F (3, 85) = 6.94, p < .01). This revealed that Asian-American
students perceived themselves more similar to black characters (M = 3.55, SD =
.23) than white characters (M = 2.86, SD = .20), and Hispanic students
perceived
they were more similar to black characters (M = 3.94, SD = .21) than white
characters (M = 3.15, SD = .22).
Aggregate Scale Identification with Characters in Ads. As hypothesized, a main
effect for characters' race showed that black adolescents identified more
strongly with black characters (M = 4.11, SD = .26) than they did with white
characters (M = 2.54, SD = .26; (F (3, 73) = 18.00, p < .001). The results
failed to support the hypothesis that black culturally embedded ads would
influence black adolescents' identification with black characters.
Unexpectedly, white subjects were more likely to identify with black characters
in ads (M = 2.74, SD = .15) than they were with white characters in ads (M =
2.23, SD = .16; F (3, 85) = 5.22, p < .05). Inconsistent with earlier
predictions, neither Asian-Americans nor Hispanics identification was influenced
by characters' race.
Aggregate Scale Ads Intended for Me. Although there was no significant
interaction between cultural embeddedness and characters' race, a significant
main effect (F (3, 73) = 4.24, p < .01) indicated that black subjects believed
black character ads were more intended for them (M = 4.17, SD = .27) than white
character ads (M = 3.05, SD = .27). The results supported the hypothesis that
black subjects would believe ads were more intended for them when the characters
were black than when the characters were white. However, the results failed to
support the hypothesis that cultural embedded ads would influence blacks
students' belief that ads were intended for them.
White adolescents were significantly (F (1, 85) = 4.24, p < .05) more likely to
believe ads were intended for them when the characters in the ads were black but
this main effect was qualified by a significant interaction between cultural
embeddedness and characters' race (F (1, 85) = 7.43, p < .01). The interaction
indicated that white adolescents believed that black character ads low in black
cultural embeddedness were more intended for them (M = 3.45, SD = 1.11) than
white character ads low in white cultural embeddedness (M = 2.30, SD = .92; t
(44) = -3.80, p < .001). Additionally, white subjects believed that white
character ads high in white cultural embeddedness were more intended for them (M
= 3.00, SD = 1.24) than white character ads low in white cultural embeddedness
(M = 2.30, SD = .92; t (41) = 2.10, p < .05). These results failed to support
the hypothesis that cultural embeddedness and characters' race would not
influence white subjects belief of being the intended audience.
Once again Asian-American and Hispanic students perceptions mirrored those of
black students. Main effects for characters' race were significant for
Asian-American students (F (3, 74) = 7.53, p < .01) and Hispanics students (F
(3, 87) = 5.49, p < .05). Asian-Americans believed that black character ads were
more intended for them (M = 3.51, SD = .22) than white character ads (M = 2.72,
SD = .19). Similarly, Hispanic students believed that black character ads were
more intended for them (M = 3.76, SD = .23) than white character ads (M = 2.99,
SD = .24). These results supported earlier hypotheses.
Aggregate Scale Ad Favorability Rating. The hypothesis that characters' race and
cultural embeddedness would influence black subjects' rating of ads was
partially supported. The cultural embeddedness of black character ads did not
influence black adolescents' rating of ads. However, as hypothesized, a
significant main effect (F (3, 53) = 10.77, p < .01) indicated that black
adolescents rated ads featuring black characters more favorably (M = 4.69, SD =
.28) than ads featuring white characters (M = 3.45, SD = .25).
Surprisingly, white subjects were significantly (F (3, 74) = 11.92, p < .001)
more likely to rate ads featuring black characters more favorably (M = 3.95, SD
= .15) than ads featuring white characters (M = 3.23, SD = .15). This failed to
support the hypothesis that characters' race would not influence white
adolescents' ad favorability ratings.
Main effects for characters' race were significant for both Asians-Americans (F
(3, 65) = 12.72, p < .001) and Hispanics (F (3, 62) = 6.21, p < .05). As
hypothesized, Asian-Americans rated black character ads more favorably (M =
4.23, SD = .18) than white character ads (M = 3.35, SD = .17). Similarly,
Hispanics rated black character ads more favorably (M = 4.23, SD = .24) than
white character ads (M = 3.43, SD = .22).
Aggregate Scale Likelihood of Purchasing Products. The results indicated that
neither the characters' race nor the cultural embeddedness of the ads influenced
black, white, or Hispanic adolescents' likelihood of purchasing products
featured in ads. This same pattern did not hold true for Asians-American
adolescents. Asian-Americans were more likely to purchase products featured in
black character ads (M = 3.89, SD = .23) than products featured in white
character ads (M = 3.25, SD = .20; F (3, 74) = 4.43, p < .05).
DISCUSSION & CONCLUSION
This study contributed to the field of advertising research by demonstrating
the usefulness of an innovative design that used the latest technology to vary
the race of the model and the number of race-specific cultural cues in each
experimental ad. Unlike past research that has asked consumers to evaluate
black and white character ads that were quite different on dimensions such as
body positioning, dress, celebrity, background, and product placement, this
study used digital techniques to enable the researcher to control the vast
majority of extraneous variables. A computer software program was used to
manipulate digitally the race of the model and the cultural cues in each ad
while preserving all other visual characteristics of the ad. This procedure
insured that any differences in students' responses to ads with black characters
or ads with white characters must be attributed to the race-related cultural
cues.
The results of this study provide information on how white, black, Hispanic,
and Asian-American adolescents' respond to low and high culturally embedded ads
featuring black or white characters. It was expected that for black adolescents
the characters' race and the cultural embeddedness of the ads would play a
significant role in mediating their responses to ads. More specifically, it was
hypothesized that black adolescents would be more responsive to black character
ads than white character ads, and more responsive to black character ads high in
black cultural embeddedness than black character ads low in black cultural
embeddedness. In contrast, it was predicted that neither the characters' race
nor the cultural embeddedness of the ads would affect white adolescents'
responses to ads. For Asian-American and Hispanic adolescents, it was predicted
that they would respond more favorably to black character ads than white
character ads. These hypotheses were partially supported.
Contrary to predictions, the findings suggest that culturally embedded ads have
a stronger influence on white adolescents' responses to product ads than black
adolescents' responses to ads. White adolescents perceived themselves more
similar to white characters than black characters, particularly white characters
in ads high in white cultural embeddedness. Despite this perception, white
adolescents identified more strongly with black characters in ads than with
white characters in ads, and were more likely to believe they were the target
audience of black character ads than white character ads, particularly when
those black character ads were low in black cultural embeddedness. Moreover,
white adolescents also rated black character ads more favorably than white
character ads. These findings failed to supported the hypotheses that white
adolescents would display no significant difference in their responses to ads
based on the character's race or the cultural embeddedness of the ads.
What appeared to be the most important predictor of adolescents' responses to
product ads was the race of the character featured in the ad. For black
adolescents, featuring black characters in ads significantly influenced their
responses to ads. That is, black subjects were more likely to perceive
themselves as more similar to black characters than white characters, and they
were more likely to believe that an ad was more intended for them when it
contained black characters than when the ad contained white characters. Black
teenagers were also more likely to identify with black characters than with
white characters, and they were more likely to rate an ad more favorably when an
ad contained black characters. These findings supported the hypothesis that
black subjects would respond more positively to black character ads than they
would to white character ads but failed to support the hypothesis that they
would respond more favorably to black character ads high in black cultural
embeddedness.
Hispanic and Asian-American adolescents' responses to ads mirrored those of
black students. Consistent with hypotheses, Asian-American and Hispanic
students responded more positively to black character ads than white character
ads. More specifically, Hispanic and Asian-American adolescents' perceived they
were more similar to black characters than white characters, were more likely to
believe they were the target audience of black character ads than white
character ads, and rated black character ads more favorably than white character
ads. For Asian-American adolescents, they were more likely to indicate a
stronger likelihood of purchasing products from black character ads than white
character ads.
The overall findings support identification theory which maintains people
automatically assess their level of similarity with a source during an
interaction and make similarity judgments (Hovland & Weis, 1951; Kelman, 1961).
Black viewers perceive themselves to be similar to the models based on race. As
a result, they are more likely to identify with black models, pay more attention
to black models, and recall more information from black models than they are
from white models with whom they are less likely to identify.
Like black adolescents, white, Hispanic and Asian-American adolescents also
seem to identify with black models. Although these youth, in particular whites,
may not perceive themselves as racially similarly to black models, they may
perceive themselves similar to blacks in other areas such as music, dance, and
fashion. As identification theory suggests, identification often occurs when
individuals infer that their tastes and preferences are similar to the source
(Eagly, et al., 1978). For white, Hispanic and Asian-American youth, the simple
presence of black models in ads may invoke particular race-specific stereotypes
that characterize blacks as urban, hip, cool, musical, athletic, and
trend-setters, all of which are highly desirable among youth. These socially
desirable traits may drive non-black adolescents to seek, observe, and emulate
black media characters more than white characters.
Distinctiveness theory provides another explanation as to why adolescents
displayed no preference for white character ads. The theory posits that
individuals' distinctive traits will be more salient to them than more prevalent
traits possessed by other people in the environment (McGuire, 1984). As members
of a racial majority, whites are less likely to be aware of their racial
identity vis- -vis a member of a racial minority. Since white people make up a
racial majority socially and in the media, they may be less mindful of their
race when viewing television. In support, the findings show that white
adolescents were more likely to believe that an ad was intended for them when it
featured black characters than when it featured white characters. White
adolescents do not maintain strong racial identities, and only when white
subjects are exposed to white character ads high in cultural embeddedness do
they become mindful of their race and the racial similarities that exist between
them and the white characters. However, even after being exposed to white
character ads high in white cultural embeddedness, white viewers displayed no
preference for white character ads high in white cultural over black character
ads low or high in black cultural embeddedness (except for perceived
similarity).
The results for black adolescents are also consistent with distinctiveness
theory (McGuire, 1984; McGuire et al., 1978). People notice characteristics
that are distinctive from other people in their environment. For black viewers,
being part of a racial group that is a numeric minority in America and in the
media causes them to be more conscious of black models in ads. Therefore, it
would be expected that black viewers would spontaneously think about their
racial identities while viewing ads and, as a result, display more positive
responses to black characters. Unlike whites, black adolescents need few black
cultural cues in ads to summon their racial identities, as evidenced by the
results which show that ads low in black cultural embeddedness were just as
effective in getting black adolescents to feel that an ad was intended for them
as were ads high in black cultural embeddedness.
Hispanics and Asian-Americans--as members of ethnic minorities and distinctive
groups--should be more likely to identify with, and believe that they are the
intended audience of ads featuring minority characters (i.e., black characters)
than they are ads featuring majority characters (i.e., white characters). This
may have led to stronger favorability ratings of black character ads and an
increased likelihood of purchasing products from black characters.
Some of the more interesting and surprising findings pertain to non-black
adolescents' responses to black character ads vis- -vis white character ads.
For example, why did white, Hispanic, and Asian-American teenagers tend to favor
black character ads over white character ads? As mentioned above, the
perception that blacks possess certain socially desirable traits (e.g., hip,
cool, fashionable, athletic) may drive non-black adolescents to seek, observe,
and emulate black media characters. This describes the notion of "cultural
voyeurism." In this instance, cultural voyeurism is conceptualized as the
process by which a white or non-black viewer seeks knowledge about and
gratification from black characters by viewing them using a specific medium.
Teenagers may seek black characters in ads and on television to gain general
information about black dress, black music, and black vernacular. Because black
people often set the trends in many areas like clothing, language, music, and
dance, which not only dominate "U.S. youth culture but the entire global
youthmarket" (p. 140, Rossman, 1994), non-black adolescents may find black
characters in ads particularly appealing. As a result of race-based stereotypes
and cultural voyeurism, non-black adolescents may perceive themselves as more
similar to, and identify more with black characters than white characters on
dimensions such as product use, social activities, sports, fashion, and music.
For white adolescents, in particular, the desire to be cool and hip may override
the importance of cultural and racial similarity to their own racial group.
Adolescents', particularly whites, desire to rebel against parental authority
and white mainstream culture may provide another explanation for why adolescents
find black characters appealing. During adolescence youth may shift from
parental values to those that reinforce peer and non-traditional values (Larson,
Kubey, & Colletti, 1989). Adolescents may align themselves with more
unconventional cultures like punk culture and black hip-hop culture because
these cultures speak more to their lifestyles and life issues. Whites,
Hispanics, and Asian-Americans may find certain black cultural icons and symbols
(e.g., rap music, hip-hop fashion) particularly fascinating since they
demonstrate strong counter-cultural messages. This fascination with black
culture is evident in the sale of hard-core rap albums (of which three-quarters
are sold to white consumers) and black urban fashion labels like Mecca, and Boss
Jeans, to white consumers (Spiegler, 1996). Future research may determine the
extent to which the desire to rebel drives white adolescents' responses to black
character ads.
These findings have practical implications for advertisers for whom a major
goal is to reach adolescents with a message they trust and with which they
identify. The findings suggest that when designing campaign messages, planners
should make use of black models in order for black viewers to best attend and
evaluate those messages. A public service or product advertisement with black
characters improves the chances that black adolescents (and non-black
adolescents) will attend to, recall, comprehend, and be persuaded by the ad.
Future research should look at the effects of Hispanic and Asian-American
ethnic-specific culturally embedded ads on black, white, Hispanic, and
Asian-American audiences. Moreover, future studies should examine the effects
of same race- and ethnic- specific ads on adults. For example, although
research suggests that the values of white adults have changed considerably over
time (Bush, Hair, & Solomon, 1979), it is important to determine whether white
adults will respond as positively to black character ads high or low in black
cultural embeddedness as did white adolescents in this study. Findings from
adult consumers, as with adolescent consumers, would be invaluable to companies
who are now using targeted advertisements rich in black culture to reach black
consumers and who would like to use the same black targeted advertisement to
reach the general market.
These findings imply that, irrespective of the cultural embeddedness of ads, the
use of targeted advertising to reach black consumers will continue to appeal to
black and non-black consumers. While empirical research shows that white
viewers seem just as likely to respond to race-targeted advertising as they
would to non-targeted advertising (Fost, 1993; Pitts, et al., 1989), race and
ethnicity continues to be an important characteristic that guides attention,
retention, perception, and behavior for racial and ethnic minorities.
Appendix
[--- Pict Graphic Goes Here ---]
TABLE 1
Black Subjects' Mean Responses to Culturally Embedded Ads
Black Subjects
White Characters
Black Characters
LWCE
HWCE
LBCE
HBCE
Aggregate Scale
Perceived Similarity
2.50
2.61
4.46
4.54
Identification
2.60
2.47
4.14
4.09
Ads Intended for Me
2.92
3.18
4.12
4.21
Ad Favorability
3.46
3.45
4.82
4.56
Cheerios
Perceived Similarity
2.64
2.82
4.58
4.77
Identification
2.60
2.75
4.50
4.19
Ads Intended for Me
3.20
3.20
4.35
4.05
Ad Favorability
3.90
3.94
5.07
5.06
Irish Spring
Perceived Similarity
2.09
2.24
4.07
4.28
Identification
2.40
1.95
3.53
3.95
Ads Intended for Me
2.25
2.65
4.00
4.45
Ad Favorability
2.83
3.36
4.38
4.22
Oscar Meyer
Perceived Similarity
2.73
2.52
4.77
4.56
Identification
2.80
2.58
4.53
4.05
Ads Intended for Me
3.30
3.53
4.16
4.30
Ad Favorability
3.68
3.47
4.84
4.14
TABLE 2
White Subjects' Mean Reponses to Culturally Embedded Ads
White Subjects
White Characters
Black Characters
LWCE
HWCE
LBCE
HBCE
Aggregate Scale
Perceived Similarity
3.22
3.86
3.18
2.88
Identification
2.01
2.45
2.93
2.55
Ads Intended for Me
2.30
3.00
3.45
2.84
Ad Favorability
3.09
3.37
3.89
4.00
Cheerios
Perceived Similarity
3.56
4.58
3.56
3.17
Identification
2.09
3.00
3.54
3.00
Ads Intended for Me
3.00
3.38
4.17
2.96
Ad Favorability
3.50
3.89
4.16
4.12
Irish Spring
Perceived Similarity
2.55
2.90
2.57
2.46
Identification
1.78
1.86
2.63
2.00
Ads Intended for Me
2.00
2.86
3.25
2.44
Ad Favorability
2.71
3.00
3.62
3.70
Oscar Meyer
Perceived Similarity
3.56
4.18
3.43
3.02
Identification
2.17
2.60
2.48
2.65
Ads Intended for Me
1.91
2.85
2.78
3.13
Ad Favorability
3.17
3.40
3.40
3.79
[--- Pict Graphic Goes Here ---]
TABLE 4
Hispanic Subjects' Mean Responses to Culturally Embedded Ads
Hispanic Subjects
White Characters
Black Characters
LWCE
HWCE
LBCE
HBCE
Aggregate Scale
Perceived Similarity
2.91
3.39
4.04
3.85
Identification
2.52
2.70
3.71
3.44
Ads Intended for Me
2.83
2.84
2.73
2.73
Ad Favorability
3.51
3.35
4.45
4.00
Ad Buy
3.71
3.91
4.17
3.18
Cheerios
Perceived Similarity
3.14
3.67
4.35
4.05
Identification
3.05
3.32
3.05
3.00
Ads Intended for Me
3.36
3.77
3.86
2.42
Ad Favorability
3.83
3.78
4.48
4.31
Ad Buy
4.41
4.68
4.05
3.92
Irish Spring
Perceived Similarity
2.43
2.82
3.44
3.44
Identification
2.38
2.27
2.00
2.35
Ads Intended for Me
2.62
3.05
2.86
2.88
Ad Favorability
3.13
3.17
3.99
3.58
Ad Buy
3.48
3.54
3.36
3.50
Oscar Meyer
Perceived Similarity
3.28
3.48
4.32
4.05
Identification
2.71
2.86
3.27
2.85
Ads Intended for Me
3.05
4.00
3.41
3.42
Ad Favorability
3.58
3.37
4.29
3.90
Ad Buy
4.67
5.24
4.18
4.60
TABLE 5
Asian Subjects' Mean Reponses to Culturally Embedded Ads
Asian Subjects
White Characters
Black Characters
LWCE
HWCE
LBCE
HBCE
Aggregate Scale
Perceived Similarity
2.66
3.05
3.50
3.60
Identification
2.72
2.25
2.43
2.78
Ads Intended for Me
2.29
3.15
3.63
3.40
Ad Favorability
3.12
3.59
4.21
4.26
Ad Buy
3.35
3.15
3.78
4.00
Cheerios
Perceived Similarity
2.99
3.80
3.75
4.00
Identification
3.13
2.90
2.81
3.28
Ads Intended for Me
3.58
3.70
3.55
4.22
Ad Favorability
3.73
4.24
4.72
4.79
Ad Buy
4.42
4.33
3.71
4.22
Irish Spring
Perceived Similarity
1.93
2.01
3.10
3.30
Identification
2.50
1.86
2.33
2.41
Ads Intended for Me
2.83
2.57
2.62
3.47
Ad Favorability
2.40
3.39
4.02
4.10
Ad Buy
2.92
2.76
2.62
3.19
Oscar Meyer
Perceived Similarity
3.07
3.23
3.75
3.60
Identification
2.54
2.00
2.14
2.78
Ads Intended for Me
3.37
3.29
2.29
3.44
Ad Favorability
3.52
3.40
3.59
4.08
Ad Buy
3.96
3.48
3.48
4.28
TABLE 6
Mean Responses for Black & White Character Ads
Asian Subjects
Hispanic Subjects
White Char.
Black Char.
White Char.
Black Char.
Aggregate Scale
Perceived Similarity
2.86
3.55
3.15
3.94
Identification
2.49
2.61
2.84
2.73
Ads Intended for Me
2.72
3.51
2.99
3.76
Ad Favorability
3.35
4.23
3.43
4.23
Ad Buy
3.25
3.89
3.81
3.67
Cheerios
Perceived Similarity
3.40
3.87
3.41
4.20
Identification
3.02
3.04
3.18
3.02
Ads Intended for Me
3.63
3.83
3.57
3.14
Ad Favorability
3.98
4.76
3.81
4.40
Ad Buy
4.37
3.97
4.55
3.99
Irish Spring
Perceived Similarity
1.97
3.20
2.62
3.44
Identification
2.18
2.38
2.33
2.17
Ads Intended for Me
2.70
3.05
2.83
2.93
Ad Favorability
2.90
4.06
3.15
3.79
Ad Buy
2.84
2.90
3.51
3.43
Oscar Meyer
Perceived Similarity
3.15
3.68
3.38
4.19
Identification
2.27
2.46
2.79
3.06
Ads Intended for Me
3.33
2.87
3.52
3.42
Ad Favorability
3.46
3.74
3.48
4.09
Ad Buy
3.72
3.88
4.95
4.39
Figure 2
Culturally Embedded Ads for Cereal
Figure 3
Culturally Embedded Ads for Soap
Figure 4
Culturally Embedded Ads for Wieners
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