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Web Segmentation by Gender
Running Head: WEB SEGMENTATION BY GENDER
Not on Target: Effects of Gender-Targeted Web Sites on Liking and Visit Intent
Shelly Rodgers Doctoral Student
Cynthia M. Frisby, Ph.D. Assistant Professor
University of Missouri-Columbia School of Journalism Department of Advertising
Contact first author: P.O. Box 1958 Columbia, MO 65205-1958 home phone: (573) 474-9138 e-mail: [log in to unmask]
Paper submitted to the Association for Education in Journalism and Mass Communication Conference, Advertising Division, New Orleans, 1999 Not on Target: Effects of Gender-Targeted Web Sites on Liking and Visit Intent
Abstract This experiment addresses the effects of gender-targeted web sites on likability and visit intent. A 3 (male vs. female vs. neutral web site) x 2 (gender) between-subjects factorial design was used. Findings suggest that neutral sites are preferred over gender-specific sites. In fact, both genders rated the neutral site as more likable than either the male or female sites. Intent to revisit the neutral site was also more likely for both genders. Implications suggest that to get the most mileage from web sites, advertisers should offer gender-neutral information that does not alienate either gender. Not on Target Effects of Gender-Targeted Web Sites on Liking and Visit Intent
Introduction Cyber-targeting Prompts Questions The gender cybergap is narrowing, with more women than ever becoming regular users of the Internet. A recent survey revealed that 52% of all newcomers to the web are women (Carey & Lynn, 1999). America Online Inc. recently reported that its female audience has increased from 16% four years ago to 52% currently (Machlis, 1998). With online demographics becoming more diverse, targeting efforts are becoming more commonplace in cyberspace (Hyland, 1999). In fact, changes in the demographic landscape of the web are having a "profound impact" on the way advertisers reach their target audience (Garrubo, 1999). Up to this point, research has shown men as the dominant users of the Internet. As a result, web sites were designed for men, and these sites were described as "content heavy" with "little emotional appeal" (e.g., King, 1997; Kuchinskas, 1998; Peltz, 1998). But now the tables have turned. Recognizing women as the primary decision-makers in a household, advertisers are building and updating web sites that appeal to the female audience. These sites offer a host of topics and products believed to be appropriate to females, and include: beauty tips (www.covergirl.com), career advice (www.webgrrls.com), bathing suits (www.callabay.com), facial soaps (www.neutrogena.com), shopping (www.electra.com), relationships (www.electra.com), fashion (www.fordmodels.com), recipes (www.kraft.com), and games for young girls (www.happypuppy.com). Topics that have been stereotypically males in recent years have also been slanted to appeal to women, including: auto buyers guides (see www.elle.com), financial information (www. cncurrency.com), and news about business and politics (www.women connect.com). Although many male sites contain some of these same topics, content on female sites is said to be written with a "female slant" (Raphel, 1998). Creating an emotional experience and building close-knit relationships are key elements that distinguish gendered sites (Eng, 1997; Raphel, 1998). Other key elements used to attract females include chat rooms, bulletin boards, as well as virtual shopping malls, dressing rooms and communities (Allen, 1997; Kuchinskas, 1998; Machlis, 1998; Neff, 1997). One such virtual community, iVillage.com, repositioned itself as a "female" site in 1997 by designing and publishing 10 web sites to help advertisers target and attract women users (Snyder, 1997). Using pastel colors, instead of the dark, bold colors that were typical of male sites, was part of the strategy to make iVillage more female-friendly. Content, which was thought to appeal to women, was also changed to include relationship advice, health, fitness, beauty tips, recipes and advice for working mothers (McCarthy, 1998). In an attempt to give the site a warmer personality, photos were incorporated that featured smiling babies, cute pets and caring mothers. The targeting strategy seemed to work because in 1998, just one year after the "makeover," female visits to the site had increased by 88% (Kuchinskas, 1998). Despite its growing popularity among women, however, iVillage continues to lose money. The company lost a reported $43.7 million last year (Afzali, 1999). In fact, no female-targeted web site is making money right now (Wheatley, 1998). Inability to attract advertisers has been cited as one reason for the financial demise (Snyder, 1997). This, among other things, calls into question the effectiveness of targeting a web site to a specific sex. Such targeting efforts have, in past years, caused concern about alienating potential target members of the opposite sex (Whitkowski, 1975), or producing a backlash of negative attitudes from the targeted group (Whipple & Courtney, 1980). Anecdotal evidence suggests that these same issues are now the concerns of online advertisers (Hodges, 1996; Lee, 1999; Raphel, 1998). These concerns about the impact of gender-specific web sites prompted us to speculate just how significant gender targeting is as a factor to likability of a web site, and how it interacts with intent to revisit a site. To explore these issues, we formalized the following research questions. RQ1: Does targeting by gender offend or turn off members of the targeted group and/or members of the opposite group being targeted? Does gender targeting alienate members of the targeted group and/or the opposite group being targeted? RQ2: Will participants prefer "their own" gender-specific web site over each others? Does a neutral-targeted web site have a stronger impact on participant evaluation of the web site for both males and females? RQ3: Which is more effective in motivating intent to revisit the site, a male-, female- or neutral-specific site? Literature Review Web Sites as Advertising Vehicles In 1996, 80% of all online ad budgets were devoted to developing web sites (Jupiter Communications/Adspend, 1997). Fear of the unknown and fear of being outdone by a competitor seemed to be what motivated advertisers to put up sites in cyberspace (Raman & White, 1998). Consequently, most web sites were designed on the basis of intuition, with little planning or execution (Ibid.). Advertisers soon learned, however, that having a web presence meant more than simply putting a company site. Linking and offering information that benefits users were among the improvements for having a stronger web presence (Aldridge, Forcht & Pierson, 1997). Search sites, like Yahoo!, and content sites, like MSNBC, soon took shape and began to attract an audience. Based on the success of a number of a companies (e.g., ESPN.com), web sites have shown themselves to be effective advertising vehicles that can reach and segment a target audience (Bush, Bush & Harris, 1998; Edwards & LaFerle, 1998). Traditional Targeting Approaches on the Web Reaching a target audience has been identified as one of the greatest challenges for online advertisers (Lee, 1999). A recent survey of a national sample of advertisers revealed that one of the top five barriers to using the Internet as a marketing tool was difficulty in reaching and/or finding a target market (Bush, Bush & Harris, 1998). There is currently a debate among scholars and practitioners about whether traditional advertising approaches will work in an online environment. Aldridge, Forcht and Pierson (1997) argue that traditional advertising strategies to target an Internet audience are "fruitless" and "unnecessary." Cook (1997) argues that the web is changing how consumers participate in the marketing communication process, in that they are both consumer and producer (i.e., "prosumer"). Consequently, advertisers must not rely on traditional approaches but, instead, adapt to the "web-spun" consumer. In a study of web site design, Masiclat and Cropp (1999) captured screen images of actual web pages onto small cards to discern preferences in web page design. Participants were then to sort the cards according to how attractive and useful the sites were. What they found was a preference for sites that served a useful purpose (e.g., search engines), with attractive sites taking second place behind this. The authors concluded that web site designers should put their efforts into designing useful web sites that capitalize on the strengths of the web (i.e., interactivity), and not lean too heavily on traditional advertising approaches (e.g., banner ads). Other scholars disagree and argue that traditional targeting approaches are effective to the extent that web designers partner with users to build a site that meets their specific needs (Abels, White & Hahn, 1997). Targeting specifications by scholars have been as broad as, distinguishing between those interested and those not interested in a particular web site (Berthon, Pitt & Watson, 1996), and as narrow as, segmenting based on the benefits dervied from a product (Aldridge, Forcht & Pierson, 1997). Other scholars have suggested that the best way to determine whether a site meets the needs of its intended audience is to get customer feedback by way of pilot studies and focus groups (Day, 1997). Despite the growing number of studies that have addressed the issue of targeting on the web, no study has empirically tested whether traditional targeting principles work online. Thus, the current study will draw from the traditional advertising literature to form hypotheses about what we might expect concerning the effects of gender targeting on the web. Traditional Advertising and Gender Targeting Sexual identity is an important component of a consumer's self-concept. People often conform to their culture's expectations about what that sex might prefer or how they might behave. Of course, the standards and norms change and can differ substantially across cultures and societies, but what remains to be seen is how sex differences have changed. Should women prefer pink and men, blue? And must women prefer the emotional over rational, as the stereotype would have us believe? Gender differences have been found for the web. An exploratory factor analysis revealed four primary web motivations--shopping, surfing, researching and socializing (Rodgers & Sheldon, 1999). A correlation was found for the four subscales and gender. Females, for example, were more motivated to research and socialize on the web, whereas males were more likely to shop. This finding challenges the stereotype that females would prefer to shop over males, and calls into question web sites that use shopping to attract female users. Further, web sites that use shopping to appeal to women may, in fact, alienate men as an important target audience. The question, then, is not whether gender-targeted sites accomplish their goal of attracting members of the targeted gender. Sites like iVillage.com and women.com appear to be accomplishing this. Rather, the question addressed here is whether gender-targeted sites alienate either of the genders, thus producing a backlash of negative attitudes toward the brand and/or the company (and, in this case, the web site). Whitkowski (1975) found, for example, that female-targeted ads alienated males, which resulted in fewer sales and public criticism.Whipple and Courtney (1980) produced gender- targeted ads (i.e., "traditional" ads) and neutral ads (i.e., "progressive" ads) for five products (e.g., deodorant) and found that neutral ads were seen as more appropriate and made the consumer more likely to purchase the product. Neutral ads were also seen as less irritating to women and were seen as more positive than gender-targeted ads. It is likely that this same phenomenon will also be found for gender-targeted web sites. Therefore, H1: Neutral sites will be rated higher than male and female sites for likability and intent to visit. Studies have also found that men are more unaccepting of products that are targeted to women than women are of mens' products (Dickens & Chappel, 1977). For example, some women will smoke Marlboro cigarettes, typically aimed at men, whereas men will not smoke Virginia Slims, which are typically aimed at women. Indeed, Langer (1987) addresses this issue by saying "gender marketing in the 1980's and beyond means knowing when to address women as women, men as men, and people as people, regardless of sex" (as cited in Bellizzi & Milner, 1991, p. 73). Given this brief discussion, it seems reasonable to expect that: H2: Females will be more accepting of the three web sites and will rate them as higher than males in terms of likability and intent to revisit. Web sites that target females have been differentiated from male sites, at least anecdotally, on a number of variables. In some cases, women's sites are differentiated from men's as having "frilly" content (Kuchinskas, 1998). Much of that content is said to have emotional overtones and focuses on building relationships (Tracy, 1997). Such a focus creates the general perception that the site is solely for females. Male sites, on the other hand, deal with much of the same content as female sites (e.g., fitness, business, news, relationships, etc.), but the content is presented in a more straight forward, less emotional context (Peltz, 1998). Past research clearly indicates that people--regardless of gender--will respond most favorably to advertising that captures their interests. Thus, if women truly "want a room of their own in cyberspace," as proprietors have pointed out, then it seems likely that they will find these same "rooms" more likable, and will return to them more often than will men. The same may be said of men. This point has been illustrated by a study undertaken to determine whether males would prefer brands that were pitched as "masculine," and whether females would prefer "feminine" brands (Alreck, Settle & Belch, 1982). Findings indicate that men were significantly more likely to use the masculine brand and women were more likely to use the feminine brand. In short, "each gender tended to prefer 'their own' gender of product to that of the opposite gender" (p. 29). Indeed, this position is supported by ownness bias, which purports that people regard their own attitudes, interests, cognitions, behaviors and belongings as more original and highly valued than those held by others (Perloff & Brock, 1980). Thus, visiting a web site that is not considered "their own," should be an unpleasant experience for that gender. Therefore, H3: Sites targeted to a specific gender will be rated highest by that gender in terms of likability and intent to visit. Based on this research, we also expect an interaction between gender and the targeted sites. Thus, H4: Both genders will rate the neutral site highest in likability, and will be more likely to express an intent to revist the neutral site. To summarize, we expect to find the following: H1: Neutral sites will be rated higher than male and female sites for likability and intent to visit. H2: Females will be more accepting of the three web sites and will rate them as higher than males in terms of likability and intent to revisit. H3: Sites targeted to a specific gender will be rated highest by that gender in terms of likability and intent to visit. H4: Both genders will rate the neutral site highest in likability, and will be more likely to express an intent to revist the neutral site. Method Participants One hundred and seven students (65 women and 42 men) from a large midwestern university volunteered to participate in the study. Undergraduate and graduate students were recruited in advertising and journalism classes, and received extra credit for their participation. Design A 2 x 3 between-subjects design was employed. The first factor was gender (male vs. female). The second factor was the gender targeted by the web site (male vs. female vs. neutral). A balanced design was used to randomly assign web sites to reduce the likelihood of an ordering effect. Stimulus Materials Three fitness magazine sites were selected for the study--a male-targeted, female-targeted, and neutral (no gender-targeted) site. Fitness magazines were selected because they lend themselves to being easily "gendered," and allowed us to control product category across sites. A lengthy two-part process was undertaken to select online fitness sites. First, a list was compiled of possible sites from trade journals, such as Advertising Age, and search engines such as Yahoo!. In addition, a group of 16 students were asked to find fitness sites that they believed targeted a specific gender or no gender at all. The final list included about 50 sites. Each site was then visited by at least one of the authors, who, based on anecdotal evidence in trade journals, rated the sites as male, female or neutral (see Appendix A for list). From this list, about 40 of the sites were weeded out, or were deemed inappropriate for the study. For example, several sites required a user identification number, which would not work well in an experiment for obvious reasons. Other sites were virtual storefronts that sold health products, and had little to no content. Second, a separate group of 17 journalism students were asked to visit the 10 sites and rate whether the site would be most appropriate for males, females or both. Students were also asked to tell why they chose the targeted-category they did, and provide specific examples supporting that choice. After students rated the sites for gender specification, Scott's pi index (1955) was computed for each of the 10 web sites. Five of the sites yielded a reliability of .82 or higher. All five sites were revisited by the authors and the three sites chosen were the ones that had the most in common in terms of quality content, design and navigation (see Appendix B for URLs and examples of web sites). Student comments about what made the site male, female or neutral were content analyzed by one of the authors. Findings indicated that student's comments paralleled what authors have already pointed out in trade journals (see Appendix A). In general, the site's design, content, overall tone and advertisements were used as cues in determining which gender would find the site more appealing. Thus, this exercise gave us additional confidence in, not only the sites chosen for the study, but the reasons why those sites were perceived as appropriate for a man, woman or both. Procedure The study was held in a computer lab that seated about 22 people. Two computers were always left unoccupied in case of technical difficulties. The proctor and a computer technician arrived two hours before the experiment to standardize each computer's settings. The screen resolution was set to 1024/768 pixels, 256 colors was selected on the color palette and refresh rate of 60 hertz was selected. Font size was also set at a standard "large" size for every computer. Every computer was preset with the homepage of the experiment appearing on the screen. At the top of the homepage were the words, "Fitness Magazine Study", with "please wait for additional instructions" in the middle, and a button at the bottom that read "click here." The second page contained a set of instructions and three buttons at the bottom, one button for each magazine. The instructions on this second web page told the participants that they were to visit the assigned magazine site much the same way they would a site of their choosing. This was done to promote a more realistic web experience for each participant. Participants were also told that they would be timed for seven minutes, they were to keep their eyes on their own screen and stay in the assigned site. As participants arrived, they were told to sit at a computer until given additional instructions. Once all of the participants were seated, a survey was placed at each computer terminal. Participants were told to take note of the button at the bottom of the survey. This represented the magazine they had been randomly assigned to. The participants were then instructed to press "click here" on their computer screens, they were to read the instructions carefully, and then click on the magazine (button) they were assigned to. A proctor walked around the room to be sure each participant understood his/her task. In only a few cases, the proctor had to show the participant which button to click to begin the study. The proctor also walked around during the experiment to be sure that participants did not link out of the site. Fifteen, half-hour sessions were held throughout the day, and a computer crashed during three of the sessions. These participants were moved to a new computer, and the time that expired was approximated and a timer was reset for these individuals. After seven minutes had expired, participants were then asked to fill out a qusetionnaire. Two questions tested whether participants remembered the main theme of the web site and one content item found on the front page of the web site. Another section of the survey asked questions about the design and navigation of the web site--the guise of the study. The questionnaire also asked participants to rate the web site and the content on several items. Last, participants were queried on how offensive (or appealing) they found the web site, and their intentions to revisit the site. Participants received a debriefing after filling out the questionnaire.
Dependent Measures The questionnaire was written with two main criteria in mind: attitude formation and behavioral intentions. These were measured in the following ways. Attitude for the web sites was measured using semantic differential scales and Likert scales. A "liking" index for attitude was calculated and consisted of how: interesting, enjoyable, favorable, appealing and "drawn to" the site the participant was (Alpha=.88). Scores ranged from 0 to 25, with the high value indicating agreement with pro-site statements. The mean is 13.90, indicating a moderately high degree of liking for the sites. Participants' intention to revisit the site was measured using a Likert scale, which asked the liklihood of visiting the site again. Scores ranged from 1 to 5, with the high value indicating a high intent to revisit the site. The mean is 2.30, indicating a moderate intent to revisit the sites. Results Manipulation Checks Participants rated the site for design, quality of content and ease of navigation. No statistically significant differences were found for any of these varibles across the three sites, meaning the sites were viewed equally in terms of design, navigation and content. When asked which gender would prefer the site, in almost all cases, the gender that had been pretested for the site was chosen as the "appropriate" target gender. In addition, 98% of the participants had never heard of any of the three sites. Using unfamiliar sites was part of our objective so that preconceived attitudes toward the site could be somewhat controlled. Descriptives The central focus of this study concerned whether gender-targeted web sites offend members within and outside the target group, and whether such efforts alienate either groups. To address this question, we first ran descriptive statistics (see Table 1). As mentioned earlier, 65 females and 42 males participated in this study. Males gave higher ratings of the web sites (M=14.05) than did females (M=13.80). And, females had slightly higher intent to revisit scores (M=2.31) than did males (M=2.29). The neutral web site had the highest liking scores overall (M=16.17), followed by the male site (M=13.37) and the female site (M=12.19). The neutral site also elicited the highest intent to revisit scores (M=2.89), followed by the male site (M=2.14) and the female site (M=1.89). Hypothesis Testing Hypothesis 1 proposed that neutral sites will be rated higher than male or female sites for likability. This hypothesis was supported. The neutral site was the most liked of the three sites, followed by the male site and female site (F (2, 100) = 6.27, p <. 01). Planned Tukey's post hoc contrasts using the neutral condition as the reference category indicated differences between the female/neutral (p < .01) and male/neutral sites (p < .05). Hypothesis 1 also proposed that neutral sites will be more likely to motivate repeat visits than both the male and female sites, which was also supported. A mean of 2.89 was found for repeat visits to the neutral site, followed by a mean of 2.14 for the male site, and 1.89 for the female site (F (2, 104) = 6.81, p <. 01). Tukey's post hoc comparison revealed significance at the .01 level for the female/neutral site and significance at the .05 level for the male/neutral site. Hypothesis 2 predicted that because females are more accepting of opposite-gender products and brands, they will rate the three sites higher than males. This hypothesis was not supported. In fact, gender did not significantly affect the liking of the site nor the intent to revisit the site. Hypothesis 3 and 4 concerned the influence of the magazine site and gender on liking attitudes and visit intent. Both hypotheses were supported. That is, each gender rated its own site as more likable than the opposite gender, but rated the neutral site as highest in likability overall (F (2, 100) = 4.09, p < .05). Tukey's planned post hoc comparison test revealed significance at the .01 level for the female/neutral site and significance at the .05 level for the male/neutral site. Likewise, both genders were more likely to revisit their "own" web sites, but rated the neutral site highest in terms of revisit intent (F (1, 101) = 5.07, p < .001). Planned post hoc comparisons revealed that females had a lower intent to revisit the male over the neutral site (p < .01). In the same way, males were not as motivated to return to the female site as they were their own (p <. 05). Males were also more likely to return to the neutral over the female site (p < .05). Discussion and Conclusions This study provides a picture of how gender segmenting on the web affects consumer response and visit intent. No support was found for the notion that females will prefer their own web sites and males, theirs. Even though men tended to rate their own sites higher than female sites in terms of likability, these differences were not significant. The same was true of women. Significant support was found for the notion that neutral sites will outperform male- and female-targeted sites. Not only did both genders like the neutral site more, they also indicated a higher intent to return to the site. Perhaps the most important finding was the fact that the male site was not found to appeal to males nor did the female site appeal to females. This finding supports the idea that our society is changing. More women are running their own businesses and are making important economic and political decisions (Bridge, 1997). Thus, consumer lifestyles, interests, needs and wants are also changing.
To build effective web sites, advertisers will need to understand these changes so that a stronger web presence can be made. Because web consumers tend to be more educated and affluent, they are more likely to demand high quality content that benefits, but does not demean, them. Most importantly, consumers--especially women--use web sites that benefit their lives (see Masiclat & Cropp, 1999). We suspect that web pages that overlook this point will soon go by the wayside. As with any study, ours has limitations. One of the limitations of the study is that a random sample of participants was not used. Therefore, the results should not be projected to the population as a whole--even the population of college students. A second limitation is that only one product, fitness magazines, was used in the study. A fitness magazine did provide an appropriate product category that could be targeted just to females, just to males, or to both males and females. Few product categories allow such a comparison. In addition, selecting fitness magazine web sites allowed us to hold the product category constant so that an apples-to-apples comparison was possible, at least in terms of the product. A third limitation concerns the design and content of the sites themselves. Because we wanted the participants to have a more naturalistic experience, we did not create our own web sites, as many experimental studies do. We went to great lengths, however, to choose sites that were, not only equal across design, navigation and content, but that met the objectives of the study. High reliabilities and our manipulation check speak to this accomplishment. The last limitation concerns the generalizability of the web sites themselves. Even though we went to great lengths to find web sites that were perceived as "male", "female" or "neutral," finding sites that were representative of fitness magazines on the web as a whole was not accomplished. 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Variables used to determine whether a site was male- or female-targeted y Design Elements--colors (light for females, dark for males) and types of graphics, y Pictures - more emotional, relationship-type pics/graphics for females, fewer for males). y Type of Content/hotlinks, for the female sites:female: recipes/cooking, relaxation, exercise/health,clothes, hair, career, mom-stuff, child/childcare, household business,family time, balancing career with family, shopping, romance, specialoffers, coupons, freebies, etc. y Product offerings - stereotypical "female" products like perfume, skin care products, etc.) y Overall "tone" or "feel" of the site--emotional: females; content-heavy: males Appendix B
Female site: www.physical.com/home/janski (reliability = 1.0) Neutral site: www.runnersworld.com (reliability = .82) Male site: www.boxing-monthly.co.uk/ (reliability = .96)
Table 1 Mean Scores for Likability and Intent to Visit
Independent Variables Likability SD Visit Intent SD
Gender Female 13.80 5.04 2.31 1.21 Male 14.05 5.23 2.29 1.31
Web Site Female 12.19 4.31 1.89 .99 Male 13.37 5.03 2.14 1.24 Neutral 16.17** 5.18 2.89** 1.30
**p < .01
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