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Role Portrayal in Spanish-language Promotional Announcements
An Analysis of Role Portrayal
in U.S. Spanish-Language Television Promotional Announcements
Jami J. Armstrong, Ph.D. (University of North Texas)
Assistant Professor of Advertising
School of Journalism and Broadcasting
Oklahoma State University
309 Paul Miller Building
Stillwater, Oklahoma 74078
ph. 405/744-6848
fax: 405/744-7104
e-mail: [log in to unmask]
Alice Kendrick, Ph.D. (University of Tennessee)
Associate Professor of Advertising
Center for Communication Arts
Southern Methodist University
Dallas, Texas 75275-0113
ph. 214/768-2381
fax: 214/768-2784
e-mail: [log in to unmask]
April, 1999
Author's Note: The authors would like to acknowledge the valuable assistance
and expertise of Augustine Jalomo of Dieste & Partners, Dallas, Texas, and Dr.
Tom Weir, Assistant Professor at Oklahoma State University.
Abstract
This study, the first to profile television promotional announcements on
Spanish-language television, revealed an emphasis on sexual content and contact,
suggestive dress and a high degree of sex role stereotyping. The images a
viewer of Spanish language television receives via promotional announcements is
that programming will feature an abundance of scantily clad, young, attractive
women. The findings call into question whether the station promotional
announcements, as well as programming they represent, are in keeping with the
Hispanic cultural values as expressed in the marketing and communication
literature.
Role Portrayal in Spanish-language Promotional Announcements
An Analysis of Role Portrayal
in U.S. Spanish-Language Television Promotional Announcements
Introduction
The Hispanic market
According to the U.S. census data the Hispanic population is about 30 million,
comprising 11percent of the nation's total, and is projected to reach 42.4
million by 2010 (U.S. Department of Commerce, 1999). The Hispanic-American
population is growing five times faster than the U.S. population, making the
U.S. the fifth largest Hispanic nation in the world (Bowser, 1998). Estimated
at more than $350 billion per year, (Bowser, 1998) the Hispanic market has
become an attractive segment to U.S. marketers, and many have turned to
Spanish-language media outlets, especially Spanish-language television, to reach
this rapidly growing consumer group.
As a result Spanish-language television has experienced tremendous growth in
recent years. While overall television viewing increased only one percent in
1994, Hispanic viewing grew seven percent (Coe, 1995). Spanish-language
television currently reaches 1.4 million households during primetime. Recently
in some markets, including Miami and New York, the Spanish-language station has
achieved higher ratings during prime-time than ABC, CBS, NBC or any other
English-language station (Arocha, 1998).
Acculturation Theory
In addition to providing marketers and advertisers a way to reach the lucrative
Hispanic market, Spanish-language television plays a critical role in the
assimilation and integration of Hispanics into U.S. society (Valdes & Seoane,
1995). When immigrants come to the United States they bring with them the
language, customs, values and traditions of their home country. Little by
little they begin to blend native traditional values with dominant U.S. cultural
values. This process is known as acculturation. As Hispanics mix into U.S.
society they are exposed to many agents of acculturation, which help them learn
about U.S. culture. Spanish-language television assists in the acculturation
process by bringing American culture to the Hispanic population "who might
otherwise be linguistically and culturally isolated from American society"
(Valdes & Seoane, pg. 257).
Spanish-language television is a vital information link for U.S. Hispanics
(Valdes & Seoane, 1995). It not only offers entertainment, cultural events,
politics and news about mainstream America, but also provides information about
other Spanish-speaking countries around the world. Some have suggested that
many third- and fourth-generation U.S. Hispanics are engaged in
retroacculturation (Valdes & Seoane, 1995), a conscious search for their ethnic
identity. Many of these individuals may be highly assimilated into the U.S.
culture but are seeking information and wish to embrace the heritage of their
parents and grandparents. U.S. Spanish -language television, with its extended
news coverage of Latin America and abundance of Mexican and Venezuelan-produced
entertainment programs, may serve not only to acculturate newly arrived Hispanic
immigrants , but also to retroacculturate third and fourth generation Hispanics
(Valdes & Seoane, 1995).
Purpose of Study
Tan (1981) suggested that in order to study media as an agent of acculturation
one must first define the media content. This study systematically profiles the
content and examines the gender portrayals found in Spanish-language promotional
announcements.
Background
Hispanic Culture
The word Hispanic derives from Hispania Iberian peninsula (Spain). The term
Hispanic is commonly used to refer to residents of the United States who trace
their family background to Spain or one of the Spanish-speaking Latin American
nations (Marin & Marin, 1991; Foster, 1995). There are several other terms used
to describe this population, including Latino, Chicano and Mexican-American, but
Hispanic has become the one most used by social scientists because it is neither
offensive nor politically linked (Marin & Marin, 1991). Hispanic is not a
racial label, but an ethnic group. Most Hispanics are a racial mix of white
Europeans, Indigenous Indian and African. As a group they share similar
cultural values, customs and language. Most Hispanics speak Spanish and are
Roman Catholic as a result of the Spanish-colonial heritage (Valdes & Seoane,
1995). Hispanics live throughout the United States but are concentrated
primarily in metropolitan areas in the south and west. The states with the
highest Hispanic population are New York, Texas, California and Florida (Valdes
& Seoane, 1995). Hispanics come from many Latin American countries, and some
Hispanics trace their ancestors to areas that are now New Mexico and Texas.
According to the U.S. Census (1990) the largest sub-group of Hispanics is from
Mexico (61.2 percent), 12 percent originate from Puerto Rico and 10 percent from
countries in Central and South America. About 5 percent of Hispanics are from
Cuba.
Demographically Hispanics are younger, have larger households and tend to stay
married longer than non-Hispanic whites (Valdes & Seoane, 1995). Culturally the
differences between Hispanics and mainstream American are great. As a group,
Hispanics value family (familismo), the dependence and obedience of children,
and the role of men as dominant to women (machismo). Hispanic culture tends to
be group-oriented versus individually oriented. In relationships Hispanics
stress respect, cooperation and formality and find Anglo relationships to be
oddly informal and competitive (Valdes & Seoane, 1995). Hispanic culture
emphasizes such values as fatalism, dignity, respect and spirituality (Foster,
1995; Gomez & Fassinger, 1994). Hispanics are lively people who enjoy music and
dancing. They value ceremony, especially those centered on the family and the
church, such as weddings, anniversaries and baptisms (Valdes & Seoane, 1995).
Spanish-language television and Hispanic television usage
Spanish-language television is very popular among most Hispanics. They tend to
watch more television than the average American and prefer to do so in their
native language (Yorgey, 1998). Hispanics watch general market television as
well, however studies show that those Hispanics who are Spanish-dominant and
Spanish-preferred -- the largest Hispanic market segments -- tend to prefer
Spanish-language television and spend 76 percent of their viewing time on
all-Spanish stations (Valdes & Seoane, 1995).
There are three Spanish-language television stations in the U.S, the largest of
which is Univision. Its second-place rival is Telemundo followed by Galavision,
which is Univision-owned. According to Nielsen Media Research, Univision is by
far the dominant Spanish-language network, controlling 77 percent of Hispanic
viewing versus 23 percent by Telemundo (Avila, 1997). Univision claims to
penetrate 90 percent of Hispanic households throughout the country.
Univision, which began as the Spanish International Network (SIN), was founded
in 1961 by a group of American entrepreneurs who saw a need for a Spanish only
broadcast in the U.S. It was sold to Hallmark Cards, Inc. in 1986, but after
millions of dollars in losses, was returned to its original investors in 1992
(Avila, 1997). Since then it has emerged as a media giant with 20 network-owned
stations, 27 affiliated stations and 835 cable franchise agreements
(www.unvision.net).
The programming on Univision is all in Spanish. It consists of popular
telenovelas which are soap opera-like dramas, talk shows such as the popular
"Cristina", music and entertainment oriented variety shows, such as Sabado
Gigante (Giant Saturday), and news programs such as Primer Impacto (First
Impact) (Bowser, 1998, www.univision.net). Most programming on Univision is
supplied by companies outside the U.S. such as Venezuela's Venevision and
Mexico's Grupo Televisa, the largest producer of Spanish-language programming
(Bowser, 1998). In addition to Univision programs, the average viewer also sees
12 to 15 minutes of non-programming per hour during prime-time, half of which is
commercials and half of which is station promotional announcements.
Previous Research
Hispanic Media
Spanish-language television, while discussed frequently in the trade press, has
not been a popular subject for scholarly research. A review of the literature
reveals few studies about Hispanic media. Most of the information about
Spanish-language media and media usage comes from marketing research studies
conducted by trade organizations such as Nielsen Market Research, Arbitron,
Hispanic Market Connection and the Traffic Audit Bureau for Media Measurement,
among others. Many trade publications (Media Week, Advertising Age, Hispanic
Business, Broadcasting & Cable) report regularly on Hispanic media, but few
scholars have devoted time to this rapidly growing channel.
The Hispanic consumer and advertising targeted to Hispanic consumers have been
the subject of several studies (for example, Herbig & Yelkur, 1998, Green,
1997, Maso-Fleischman, 1997; Herbig & Yelkur, 1997; Roslow & Nicholls, 1996;
Goodson & Shaver, 1994; Koslow, Shamdasani, Touchstone, 1994; Webster, 1992;
Albonetti & Dominguez, 1989). Additionally, several studies deal with
portrayals of Hispanics in general market media (see Taylor & Bang, 1997;
Taylor, Lee & Stern, 1995, Faber, O'Guinn & Meyer, 1987) including Greenberg's
Mexican Americans & the Mass Media (1986) and a more recently Cubans and the
Mass Media in South Florida by Gonzalo R. Soruco (1996). A 1997 study by the
National Association of Hispanic Journalist found that while Hispanics comprise
more than 10 percent of the U.S. population they appeared on fewer than 1percent
of the news stories which aired that year on ABC, NBC or CBS (Fitzgerald, 1998).
In a content analysis of Spanish-language television commercials, Armstrong and
Kendrick (1999) found the presence of sex stereotypes and traditional gender
roles. Women were more likely to be portrayed as homemakers, caring for
children and doing household chores while men where more likely to be portrayed
as professionals, working outside the home.
Promotional Announcement Research
Broadcasters use promotion, both on-air and advertising in other media, to
attract audiences to their stations, increase ratings and build share (Eastman &
Klein, 1991). Promotions are an important part of the broadcast industry and
covered regularly in the trade press, but seldom the topic for scholarly
research. Gantz and Eastman established (1983) that television viewers rely
predominantly on print advertisements and to a lesser extent on promotional
announcements to guide program selection. Eastman and Otteson (1994) studied
the impact of promotional announcements aired during the Olympics and found
little increase on program ratings. Another study, dealing with promotional
announcement relationship to ratings, found that they seem to work better for
returning shows and are more effective in the first month of a new season
(Walker, 1993).
Researchers have studied the content, specifically sex, violence and gender
portrayal, of television programming since the 1950s, but few have examined the
images and portrayals in television promotions. Soley and Reid (1985) analyzed
the content of television program advertisements appearing in TV Guide to
determine the level of sex and violence present in the ads. They found that sex
and violence were predominant features in television program advertising,
especially ads for network programs. A more recent study examined the portrayal
of women in television promotional announcements on the major networks during
prime-time (Eaton, 1997) and found that women were underrepresented,
stereotypically portrayed and featured as more provocatively dressed, more
attractive, more physically fit and more blonde than male characters. Eaton's
overall findings suggested that television networks produce promotional
announcements that appeal to the target audience for that particular program.
Networks such as FOX and UPN which target a younger, male audience tend to
portray women in more stereotypical ways than do the three older networks.
On-air announcements and other program advertisements are generally considered
a reflection of the television programs they promote. Walker (1993) suggested
that the negative impact of sexual, aggressive, stereotypical or anti-social
behavior may be greater for promotions than for programming, though Eaton (1997)
concluded that promotional announcements are not likely to contain more exciting
(and stereotypical) content than the programs. Soley and Reid (1985) contend
that television program advertisements with violence and sex are used to "bait"
viewers to watch television programs but suggest that television program
advertisements are "artifacts of programming decision, and, as a result, reflect
the content of the programs which they promote"(pg. 111).
Research Questions
Four research questions are addressed in this study:
1) What types of programs are promoted by Spanish-language promotional
announcements in prime time?
2) What type of character mix, specifically age and gender, is featured within
the promotional announcements?
3) What is the extent of sex-role portrayals and primary role portrayals of
adults featured in promotional announcements?
4) To what degree is sexual content present in the promotional announcements?
Method
Content analysis was applied to on-air promotional announcements from the
Univision network. Univision was selected because, according to Nielsen Media
Research, it garners the highest ratings in prime time as compared to the other
Spanish-language television stations.
Sample
The sample consisted of 21 hours (seven evenings, selected randomly) of
prime-time (7:00pm central time to 10:00pm CST) programming which aired on a
cable affiliate in the Oklahoma City DMA from November 1 through November 11,
1998. Video tape recordings were edited to include only station promotional
announcements. Promotional announcements were defined as non-program content
which did not constitute paid advertisements or public service announcements. A
total of 464 promotional announcements were coded, representing 167
non-duplicated items. A decision was made not to eliminate duplicated
announcements in order to gauge the full impact of exposure to the hours of
programming under study.
Coding
Each announcement was coded using an instrument designed to measure variables
related both to the type of program being promoted as well as the roles of
adults featured in the promotional announcements. Coding schemes were borrowed
from the advertising content analysis literature including Craig (1992) for
"characters present," from Bretl & Cantor (1988) for "setting," and "primary
narrator," from Goffman (1976) for "male/female relationship roles," from Soley
& Kurzbard (1986) for "sexual content," "sexual contact," and "degree of dress,"
from McArthur & Resko (1975) for "primary role" and from Gagnard (1993) for
"attractiveness, successfulness and happiness index." Sixteen items involved the
promotional announcement -as-a-whole (such as whether the primary narrator was
male or female), followed by 21 pieces of data for up to two primary male adult
characters and two primary female adult characters in each promotional
announcement. Using the guideline set by Schneider & Schneider (1979), a
primary character was defined as one who was on-camera for a minimum of three
seconds or had at least one line of dialogue. It was decided that in instances
where there was more than one "leading character," up to two were included for
each sex. It should be noted that this coding procedure did little to omit any
characters who would be considered "primary" beyond the four allowed.
Promotional announcements were first translated by a male Hispanic advertising
executive who was bilingual in Spanish and English. They were then evaluated by
two coders, the Hispanic advertising executive and an English-speaking female
advertising professor. Each commercial was played a minimum of three times,
after which the coders made independent evaluations using paper-and-pencil
questionnaires. After independent evaluation of each commercial, data of the
two coders were compared, disagreements were recorded and subsequently resolved
by discussion, and a single set of data emerged for analysis.
The 464 promos yielded a total of 360 codable primary characters, which
resulted in a total of 7264 judgments. From that total, 161 disagreements were
recorded and resolved. Using the Holsti (1969) method for determining
inter-coder reliability, an overall reliability coefficient of .978 was
computed.
Findings
Profile of Station Promos
Sixty percent of the promotional announcements were 15 seconds in length,
followed by 35 percent at 30 seconds, 3.2 percent at 7 seconds, 2.5 percent at
one minute, and 0.2 percent at 10 seconds. More than half of the promotional
announcements were promoting either telenovelas, variety shows or talk shows
(see Table 1). Other types of programs coded were movies, game shows, real
video, comedy, magazine and sports.
Character Profile
Two-thirds of the promotional announcements featured a mix of adult characters
(see Table 2), followed by those with a mix of children and adults (23.8
percent). Only four promotional announcements featured children exclusively.
Male voices narrated 97 percent of all promotional spots, and the remaining
three percent contained both male and female voices. None of the promotional
announcements was narrated exclusively with a female voice.
Slightly more women (55.3%, n=199) than men (44.7%, n=161) appeared as primary
characters in the promotional spots. Two-thirds of adults featured were between
the ages of 31 and 50 (see Table 3), and only 5 percent were older than 50.
Women appearing in promotional announcements were younger than men, with 41
percent of women aged 30 or younger compared with 12.6 percent of men (x2=44.4,
df=4, p_.05).
Role Portrayals
The most common adult role portrayed was that of program host (see Table 4),
followed by professional and lover/spouse. Males were almost three times more
likely to appear in a professional role than were females (x2=30.5, df=1,
p_.05), who were more likely to appear as program hosts or lovers. Sex-role
portrayals were coded for one-third of the station promotional announcements
(See Table 5). Most portrayals were of Goffman's traditional type (25.1
percent), with 6 percent featuring men and women in equal roles, and another 3
percent depicting reverse roles.
Sexual Content and Contact
Forty percent of the station promotional announcements contained at least a
mild form of sexual content (See Table 6) defined by Soley & Kurzbard (1986) as
"advertisements containing verbal sexual references, those depicting male/female
contact and portraying suggestively clad, partially clad and nude models" (pg.
48). Coders were instructed to record the highest level of sexual contact
shown. Of the thirty percent whose sexual content was in the form of sexual
contact, most involved contact beyond eye contact or hand holding (11 percent
combined) and extended to intimate dancing, hugging, reclining or other
touching. Examples of sexual content that did not include sexual contact were
close-up camera shots of puckered lips, bare stomachs and dramatic cleavage,
women seductively glancing into the camera and women erotically dancing alone.
Examples of sexual contact typically occurred between men and women and included
undressed men and women in bed, men and women engaged in open-mouth kissing,
erotic dancing, or passionate embraces.
Presence of bare stomachs, exposed cleavage, and erotic dancing were also
coded. Twenty-five percent of the promotional announcements contained one or
more of these sexual images. One example of presence of exposed cleavage was a
promotional announcement for an episode of "Cristina" whose topic was "women
with enormous breasts." The clip for this episode showed a tall blonde woman
with extremely large breasts wearing a low-cut tight blouse. She was pulling a
shorter man into her chest and burying his head in her exposed cleavage.
Degree of Dress
Degree of dress was coded according to Soley and Kurzbard's guidelines (1986).
Those dressed normally were coded as fully dressed, those with open blouses
exposing cleavage or chest areas or those with extremely tight clothing or
lingerie were considered suggestively clad and those in bathing suits or with
exposed breasts or midriffs were coded as partially clad. While adults in
three-fourths of promotional announcements were normally dressed (see Table 7),
another 16 percent were suggestively dressed and another 10 percent were only
partially clad. Forty percent of women were either suggestively clad or
partially clad, compared with only 7.5 percent of men (t=50.7, df=2,p<.05). An
example of partially clad models was found in a promotional announcement for a
"candid camera" type program which featured close-ups of the back of young women
in thong bikinis and a clip of a woman with her skirt blown over her head with
the camera at such an angle so the audience could only see her undergarments.
Discussion
This study, the first of its kind, captures the images seen by millions of
Hispanic consumers on prime time Spanish-language television. If promotional
announcements are a reflection of programming, as indicated in the communication
and marketing literature, then the data herein suggests that Spanish-language
television viewers often see a parade of scantily dressed, young, attractive
women exposing partially bare breasts, bare stomachs and bare bottoms to the
audience.
According to the findings of this study, the content of promotional
announcements does not reflect the Hispanic culture as described in the
literature. The Hispanic culture is traditional, conservative and family
oriented; however, our findings indicated almost no adults were portrayed in the
role of parents. The amount and type of sexual content and suggestive dress was
more than conservative. Over half of the Hispanic women in the U.S. population
work outside the home, but only ten percent were portrayed as professionals in
the promotional announcements.
In Spanish-language TV promotions, women are seen but not heard. Women were
on-screen as primary characters more often than men, but they were almost never
heard as voice-over narrators. Women are featured most often as show hosts on
Spanish-language television. One talk show, called "El Gordo y La Flaca" or
"The fat man and the skinny woman", features two hosts, an older, over-weight,
unattractive man and a young, beautiful, thin, blonde woman. The only two talk
shows promoted are hosted by women, "Cristina" and "Maite" and the game shows
and variety shows typically feature an older male host with a younger female
co-host.
There are limitations to the present study. It is a point-in-time study
capturing two weeks of fall programming in one market. Suggestions for future
research should include additional analysis of promotional announcements at
different times of the year, across different dayparts and across other
Hispanic media. In addition it would be instructive to compare these findings
to general market content analyses so see if differences exist. Also a
comparison to other non-programming material such as commercials and PSA' s
could offer a composite view of the content of Spanish-language television
commercial breaks.
The literature indicates that television content is constructed by broadcasters
to appeal to the target audience for which it is aimed. For example, Eaton
(1997) suggested that Fox and UPN target young males and therefore contain more
sex-stereotyped, young, attractive women in their promotional announcements.
Spanish-language television also contains an abundance of sex-stereotyped,
young, attractive women, but studies indicate that more women watch
Spanish-language television than men. This might suggest that the content of
the promotional announcements is inappropriate and possibly distasteful to the
female viewer. Further research could analyze the evaluation of these sex
stereotyped images by Hispanic women and men.
Table 1
Types of Programs Featured
in Spanish-Language Promotional Announcements
% (n)
Novellas 18.8 87
Variety 18.8 87
Talk 16.6 77
Movies 9.7 45
Game Show 9.1 42
Real Video 8.4 39
Comedy 7.8 36
Magazine 6.3 29
Sports 4.7 22
Table 2
Character Mix
in Spanish-Language Promotional Announcements
% (n)
All adult/mixed sex 65.2 304
Mix of ages and sex 23.8 111
All male adult 4.9 23
All female adult 4.9 23
All children 0.9 4
No characters present 0.2 1
Table 3
Age of Adult Characters
in Spanish-Language Station Promos*
Total Male Female
% (n) % (n) % (n)
under 20 7.4 26 3.8 6 10.5 20
21-30 20.6 72 8.8 14 30.5 58
31-40 38.7 135 54.1 86 25.8 49
41-50 27.8 97 26.4 42 28.9 55
over 50 5.4 19 6.9 11 4.2 8
*x2 = 44.4, df = 4, p _ .05
Table 4
Primary Roles of Adults Appearing
in Spanish-Language Promotional Announcements*
Total Male Female
% (n) % (n) % (n)
Professional 17.8 64 27.3 44 10.1 20
Lover/spouse 13.9 50 10.6 17 16.6 33
Parent 3.9 14 6.2 10 2.0 4
Host 33.1 119 23.0 37 41.2 82
Other 31.4 113 32.9 53 30.2 60
x2 = 30, df = 1, p _ .05
Table 5
Goffman Sex-Role Portrayals
in Spanish-Language Station Promos
% (n)
No sex-role portrayals 66.1 308
Traditional 25.1 117
Equality 5.6 26
Reverse 3.2 15
Table 6
Sexual Content and Sexual Contact
in Spanish-Language Promotional Announcements
Content
% (n)
Visual sex images 30.0 140
Verbal & visual 9.6 45
No sex images/references 60.4 282
Contact
Eye contact 5.6 26
Holding hands 5.4 25
Other contact 19.1 89
No contact 70.0 327
Type of sexual image
None 74.8 348
Bare stomachs 14.4 67
Exposed cleavage 11.4 53
Erotic dancing 7.1 33
All of above 1.7 (8)
Table 7
Degree of Dress
in Spanish-Language Promotional Announcements*
Total Male Female
% (n) % (n) % (n)
Degree of dress
Fully dressed 74.4 268 92.5 149 59.8 119
Suggestively clad 15.6 56 5.6 9 23.6 47
Partially clad 10.0 36 1.8 3 16.6 33
* x2 = 50.7, df = 2, p _.05
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