Internet Pornography
Jung-Sook Lee Student Competition
An On-line Study of the Uses and Gratifications of Internet Pornography
Ryan J. Burns*
(M.A. 1997, Texas Tech University)
University of Oklahoma
3220 Conestoga Dr., D11
Norman, OK 73072
(405) 364-7864
e-mail: [log in to unmask]
*Student paper for Jung-Sook Lee Student Competition and debut AEJMC
submission
Internet Pornography
Jung-Sook Lee Student Competition
Abstract
An On-line Study of the Uses and Gratifications of Internet Pornography
Despite the controversy over Internet pornography, relatively little is known
about users and patterns of consumption of Internet pornography. This research
investigated individuals' consumption of Internet pornography, the types of
Internet pornography consumed, and reasons for consumption. Data for this
research were obtained from an on-line survey of 231 consumers of Internet
pornography. Statistical results revealed that individuals did not consume
different amounts of Internet pornography compared to traditional pornography;
they favored the consumption of hardcore rather than softcore Internet
pornography; and they viewed this material "to relieve sexual tensions" and "to
enjoy sexual thrills."
An On-line Study of the Uses and Gratifications of Internet Pornography
There has been a great deal of concern about the prevalence of pornographic
material available on components of the Internet. In July 1995 a flurry of
articles started appearing in U.S. media analyzing the dangers of the spread of
pornographic material through the "global communications network" (now referred
to as the Internet). One such article which appeared in the July 3rd issue of
Time centered around a Carnegie Mellon study on the marketing of pornography on
the "information superhighway." The study reported the growing use of the
Internet to circulate sexually explicit pictures among computer users and
children in particular-hence intensifying pressure on the United States Congress
to censor the material (McNair, 1996; Elmer-Dewitt, 1995).
The anti-pornography sentiment, long associated with a conservative,
moralistic U.S. political tradition (Thompson, Chaffee, & Oshagan, 1990), was
being directed toward regulating the Internet-now vilified as just another
channel for pedaling pornography. But were critics of the Internet were simply
overreacting?
In the 1990s, the Internet has increasingly been used by producers and
consumers of pornography, initiating new problems for those who desire to
regulate such material (McNair, 1996). These concerns led to numerous proposals
and efforts to regulate the Internet, whether through out-right censorship and
regulation, age verification software, or increased parental awareness. Many
news stories that followed the 1995 Carnegie Melon study acknowledged that
"cyberporn" was a major dimension of the ongoing information revolution and that
censorship, even if desirable from the moral perspective, was difficult to
impose on such an open, interactive system (Holderness, 1995).
Even with the difficulty in regulating such an ethereal medium, the
potential use of the home computer as an evasive mode of trafficking
pornographic material did not escape the notice of relevant U.S. governmental
agencies. The Attorney General's Commission on Pornography (U.S. Department of
Justice, 1986) for example, stated over a decade ago that "the personal home
computer provides individuals with an extraordinary new form of communication
and information access. Providers of sexually explicit materials have taken
advantage of this new technology by making Internet pornography the most recent
advance in 'sexually explicit communications'."
Today the media continue to report the concern over obscene material
available on the Internet and the possible detriment is poses to society. The
regulation of such material is often justified by the argument that the images
have undesirable social effects (Gunter, 1995). Recent attempts of the
Communication Decency Act to regulate content available to U.S. Internet users
was an illustration of a strong response to what some perceive as a social
problem. The threat of criminal prosecution for possession and distribution of
pornography - which is deemed illegal in some jurisdictions - may be a
sufficiently strong incentive for commercial distributors to reconsider posting
material that could result in such prosecutions. These well-publicized concerns
were the motivating forces behind the ill-fated Communication Decency Act whose
design was directed toward regulating the of the Internet.
Problem
Despite the subsequent controversy over Internet pornography, relatively
little is known about what types of Internet pornography individuals consume and
why some computer users view on-line pornography. The goals of this research
are to learn more about the reasons and motivations behind the consumption, as
well as the uses of and gratifications derived from viewing computer-meditated
pornography.
A meta-analytic review (Allen, D'Alessio, & Brezgel, 1995) of 1,300
pornography research works revealed that the studies limited their coding to
still photography, video, audio, and written texts D not one of the studies
inquired into the individualized and habitual consumption of Internet
pornography. Also from the meta-analysis, much of the research that attempts to
explain the effects of pornography consumption failed to examine groups of
people who independently and purposely choose to consume pornography. Instead,
the preponderance of pornography research focused on the behavior of available
people who were recruited by researchers to become pornography consumers.
Combining the popularity of home computers, the increasing use of Internet
services, and the pedagogic enshrinement of porn (Atlas, 1999), new research is
needed to examine the many issues surrounding Internet pornography and will
naturally attract a vast body of researchers (Mitra & Cohen, 1998). The
appearance and subsequent popularity of computer erotica can be interpreted at
various functional levels and holds considerable importance for social science
research. Thus, studying this new technology does "matter:" Many people do care
about the Internet and what goes on within and through it (Jones, 1998).
Internet pornography is a viable context for research in light of the
particularly harmful social influences many perceive to be a result of exposure
to pornographic material (Gunter, 1995). Also, the unique mode of acquiring the
material and the "newness" of the phenomena support inquiries into the nature of
Internet pornography.
Literature Review
Studies that were most pertinent and relevant for developing a rationale
for this study were ones that examined the incorporation of new communication
technologies for use by producers and consumers of pornography. The development
of a pornography industry has, as one might expect, proceeded hand in hand with
the invention of new forms of image reproduction, utilizing the opportunities
for commercial exploitation of humanity's long-standing interest in depictions
of the sexually explicit imagery (McNair, 1996). The history of pornography and
the efforts to suppress it are inextricably bound with the rise of the new media
and the emergence of democracy (McNair, 1996; Elmer-Dewitt, 1995).
New opportunities in the pursuit to satisfy sexual appetites were provided
by innovations in technology. Such opportunities, in turn, invited or drove
exploration and experimentation in using the technology. What resulted were new
and sometimes ingenious residual functions and latent uses of the technology for
sexual purposes (Durkin & Bryant, 1995). Kramer (1994) stated that new
technologies manifest the fundamental value of the modern attitude to simulate
natural processes (sex) as graphically as possible. The technology itself
expresses the modern perspectival obsession with making present what it absent.
The abstract realm of the hyperreal (in this case, "hyper"-porn) is the
masturbatory paradise of modern technological alienation. But modern
technologies are desired because they increase this distance, this purity.
An example of this phenomenon is the home computer. Although intended
primarily as a mechanism for extremely rapid, extraordinarily complex
computational purposes, it quickly came to be used for communication of a sexual
nature. Or sometimes they were particularly esoteric variations of sex that were
deviant or sometimes illegal. Perhaps because softcore pornography is already
available in traditional media, the market for "cyberporn" is driven by a demand
for images that can't be found in the average adult bookstore or corner magazine
rack.
The sexual computer network offers a high degree of anonymity, protection,
and secrecy. Through their personal computers, individuals easily obtain
pornographic material of varying levels of lasciviousness. Some are hardly more
than "naughty," while others are disturbingly degenerate, even to the point of
being pathological. Today, all one needs is a computer and a modem to gain
access to a wide variety and seemingly endless supply of pornographic material.
Accessing pornography on the Internet has the benefitDfor those members of
society who prefer not to frequent adult bookstoresDof privacy (a computer and a
modem are all one needs); safety (HIV is one virus which computers are unable to
carry); and user-friendliness (many of the cyberporn services offer an
unprecedented selection of material). Like an onion, when each layer of
carnality is peeled back, another deeper and more perverse layer is revealed
(Zillman & Bryant, 1989).
McNair (1995) offers a succinct rationale by stating that for all these
reasons, and notwithstanding the ability of unsupervised minors to access it,
the Internet can be expected to increase in importance as a means of
disseminating pornography.
Research Questions
What types of Internet pornography is consumed? How much is consumed
compared to traditional forms? What do individuals do with it? Why do
individuals consume it? These general questions about the use of a specific
medium are best addressed from the uses and gratifications theoretical
perspective. Uses and gratifications theory attempts to explain the uses and
functions of the media for individuals, groups and society in general (Infante,
Rancer & Womack, 1995). In the present study, the "medium" consumed is Internet
pornography. Uses and gratifications theory will help address what people do
with Internet pornography; how individuals use Internet pornography to gratify
their needs; and to discover the underlying motives for consumption (Rubin,
1985). Thus, the following research questions are proposed:
RQ1 How much traditional pornography and Internet pornography do
individuals consume?
RQ2 How much hardcore Internet pornography and softcore Internet
pornography do individuals consume?
RQ3 Are there differences between individual's motivations for
consuming Internet pornography?
Traditional pornography
The first research question sought to determine how much traditional
pornography and Internet pornography consumers of Internet pornography viewed.
This aspect inquired into individuals' amount of Internet pornography consumed
and how much they viewed in relation to "traditional" forms. In many places the
U.S. there are obscenity laws that restrict the types of traditional pornography
available for purchase, thus limiting it to the "softcore" genre. Thus, most of
the pornography available at the local newsstand pales in comparison to the
level of lewdness available with Internet pornography. The variables measuring
the "amount of pornography consumed" (for both Internet and traditional) were
operationalized by measuring the amount of pornography consumed over one month.
Internet pornography
Another goal of the research was to investigate what types of Internet
pornography individuals viewed on a regular basis: hardcore or softcore? The
second research question asked how much hardcore Internet pornography and
softcore Internet pornography was consumed by users of Internet pornography.
This question was asked to determine if they report consuming a higher amount of
hardcore than softcore Internet pornography. Given the difficulty of regulating
content and on-line behavior, it is relatively easy to obtain hardcore
pornography D material not available for consumer purchase in much of the U.S.
Motivations
The final area of investigation looked at individuals' motivations for
consuming Internet pornography. The third research question that addresses this
concern asked if there were certain motivations for consuming Internet
pornography that were more prominent than other motivations. The variable
measuring "reasons for consuming Internet pornography" were operationalized by
six categories of possible reasons individuals consume Internet pornography.
Previous studies revealed (Frable, et. al., 1997; Allen, et. al. 1995) that
there are six distinct reasons why individuals consume traditional pornography:
(1) Participants viewed sexual materials to make sex more interesting, (2) to
relieve sexual tensions, (3) to turn on a sexual partner, (4) to enjoy sexual
thrills, (5) to enjoy a social event, and (6) and to learn about sex. But among
these motivations, do any of them stand out as a prominent reason for
individual's consumption of Internet pornography?
Given the previous review regarding some aspects of traditional vs.
Internet pornography, it is expected that individuals will consume more Internet
pornography than traditional pornography, which will be characterized by more
hardcore pornography. Due to the availability of hardcore material and variety
of fetishes on-line, the hypothesis is that individuals who consume high-amounts
of Internet pornography would consume less amounts of traditional pornography.
Some of the reasons for this hypothesis are that the Internet provides a more
deviant selection than is legally available in most locations, it is accessible
from the privacy of the home, and it is convenient to acquire. Thus, the
following hypotheses are posited:
H1 Individuals who consume Internet pornography consume lower amounts
of traditional pornography.
H2 Individuals who consume Internet pornography consume higher amounts
of "hardcore" pornography.
H3 Individuals will report differences between their motivations for
consuming Internet pornography.
Method
Procedure
This research was interested in investigating a specific population:
Consumers of Internet pornography. As such, the sample attempted to be
representative of active consumers of Internet pornography. The sample did not
attempt to be representative of the entire "on-line population"D only
individuals who view Internet pornography. The desired target population
required participants to: 1) be consumers of Internet pornography and 2) have a
familiarity with methods of acquiring such material. In an attempt to ensure
that subjects met these criteria and remained anonymous the sample was made up
of individuals who were on-line and used Internet pornography.
On-line surveys and the success of these methods are of growing interest to
researchers (Kiesler & Sproull, 1986; Maisel, Robinsion, & Werner, 1985). Recent
studies have shown that teens are more likely to admit risky behavior when
answering questionnaires on a computer than when filling out a written survey,
and that results of computer surveys are also significant for older age groups
(Teens prefer "telling all" to a computer, 1998). Also, Fowler (1990) suggests
that computer-mediated surveys has the ability to reach a relatively rare,
hidden, and geographically dispersed group.
Due to the private, sexual D and sometimes illegal D nature of the
questions, computer-mediated methods of collecting responses are advantageous
for this study. However, it is acknowledged that the respondents will likely be
predominantly young, male, White, highly educated, and not representative of the
general population of the U.S. (Fowler, 1990). But this is due to the nature of
individuals who are attracted to Internet pornography, newsgroups, and the
demographic characteristics of Internet users in general.
The first step in the recruitment was to identify where the appropriate
subjects were available. Participants in adult Usenet newsgroups, such as
alt.sex.pictures, alt.binaries.pictures.erotica, alt.binaries.sex or
alt.sex.stories, voluntarily visit these newsgroups to obtain pornographic
material. Also, participants in Internet Relay Chat (IRC) rooms, such as
#amatuer_sex_pics, #adult_sex_pics, and #sex_pic_trading visit these chat rooms
to download and trade pornographic files. This segment of the on-line community
represented the most appropriate population from which the sample was drawn.
The second step was to recruit participants by posting announcements of the
study on various adult newsgroups and in adult chat rooms. A list of all adult
(pornographic) Usenet newsgroups in the alternative (alt.) category was
compiled, along with a complete list of all adult (pornographic) chat rooms on
mIRC (a popular synchronous Internet relay chat program). A systematic sample
was drawn from this population by posting study announcements in every 10th
newsgroup or chat room every day two months. The announcement included a "call
for participants" and a brief explanation of the study. Since an on-line version
of the survey was constructed and placed on a web page, the URL of the survey
website was also included. Once the study announcements were posted, individuals
accessed the research project web page. Prior to beginning the survey,
participants had to navigate through introductory web pages that included the
"Informed Consent Form" and instructions on how to enter their responses.
Data for this research were obtained from a self-report survey administered
on a web page. The survey was constructed as a "form" (a cgi-based .html
document) on a web page assembled for the purpose of this study. Since the
entire survey was administered on a web page, the responses for each question
had a corresponding "button" for the subjects to "click on" with their mouse to
indicate their answer. When participants submitted their completed survey, the
.html code of the survey page was designed to "post" their responses to a
remote
cgi-bin (common gateway interface). The only information contained in the
cgi-bin was the numeric string data of responses, the respondents' IP (Internet
Protocol) address, and a time and date stamp of submission. No names, e-mail
addresses, or other personally identifiable marks were collected. Using a form
to post results to a cgi-bin ensured that responses were not e-mail to the
researcher or posted in an easily accessible location which could have
jeopardized participant anonymity. Their numeric responses became the raw data
for analysis.
To ensure that no one completed the survey more than once, information
obtained from web server log files was compared with the posted survey results.
By submitting a completed survey to the cgi-bin, each survey respondent posted
their IP address. An IP address is a series of 10 numbers (i.e., 198.69.223.34)
that identifies the computer of each visitor. An IP log was compiled with each
IP address put in ascending order. When duplicate IP addresses were found, the
corresponding survey results were omitted from analysis. As a result, four
returned surveys were discarded.
Instrumentation
The on-line survey contained four measurements from each respondent: 1)
measure of exposure to traditional sexual materials, 2) measure of exposure to
Internet sexual materials, 3) measure of reasons for viewing sexual materials,
and 4) standard demographics. The instruments were implemented to operationalize
the dependent and independent variables.
Exposure to Traditional Pornography
Exposure to traditional pornography was measured by how many times during
the past month participants were exposed to traditional forms of pornography.
Frable, Johnson & Kellman's (1997) Exposure to Sexual Material Questionnaire
(ESMQ) was used to measure participant's amount of exposure to traditional
pornography. Participants were asked 15 questions to assess their amount of
exposure to traditional forms of pornography over the past month. Exposure to
traditional forms of pornography served as a standard for comparison to the
amount of exposure to Internet pornography. (See appendix A for the questions
comprising the Exposure to Sexual Material Questionnaire.)
An important aspect of this study was the operational definitions for and
distinctions between "hardcore" pornography and "softcore" pornography. The
definition of the variables "hardcore" and "softcore" relied in part on the
Final Report of the Surgeon General's Commission on Pornography (U.S. Department
of Justice, 1986). "Hardcore" was operationalized by such things as "sexually
violent materials that portray rape and other instances of physical harm to
persons in a sexual content," "nonviolent materials depicting degradations,
domination, subordination, or humiliation," "nonviolent and nondegrading
materials depicting individuals having vaginal, anal, or oral intercourse with
no indication of violence or coercion," and "any form of pornography which
involves children." "Hardcore" was further operationalized by such things as
heterosexual or homosexual vaginal or anal penetration, fellatio, cunnilingus,
or three or more persons engaged in sexual activity. "Hardcore" was also defined
(Bloch, Cole, & Epperson, 1995) as any material that fell into the paraphilia
category.
"Softcore" pornography was operationalized and identified as "the presence
of women or men posing nude with NONE of the above included in the picture, "
and "nudity showing the naked human body with no obvious sexual behavior or
intent."
A seven-point scale was used for responses to these items (1 = zero times
in the past month; 2 = one to two times in the past month; 3 = three to five
times in the past month; 4 = six to ten times in the past month; 5 = 11 - 50
times in the past month; 6 = 51 to 100 times in the past month; 7 = more than
100 times in the past month). Responses were divided into "hardcore" and
"softcore pornography" subscales. A "hardcore pornography" subscale was created
by summing the z-score transformations of items 2, 4, 5, 7, 9, 10, 12, 13, 14
and 15. A "softcore" subscale was created by summing the z-score transformations
of the items 1, 3, 6, 8 and 11. Before summing, the items were recoded so that
high score on the scale indicate higher levels of exposure to pornography. Past
reliability coefficients for this scale range from .72 to .89, with the scale
used in this study reporting alpha = .80.
Exposure to Internet Pornography
Exposure to Internet pornography was measured by how many times during the
past month participants consumed Internet pornography. Inspired by research
using similar coding procedures (e.g., Frable, Johnson & Kellman, 1997), the
Exposure to Internet Pornography Questionnaire (EIPQ) contained 22 questions
(also representing a "hardcore pornography" and "softcore pornography"
subscale). The EIPQ has similar structure to the measurement of traditional
pornography consumption D the difference being EIPQ expressly measured exposure
to the computer-mediated versions of Internet pornography. (See appendix B for
the questions comprising the Exposure to Internet Pornography Questionnaire.)
A seven-point scale was used for responses to these items (1 = zero times
in the past month; 2 = one to two times in the past month; 3 = three to five
times in the past month; 4 = six to ten times in the past month; 5 = 11 - 50
times in the past month; 6 = 51 to 100 times in the past month; 7 = more than
100 times in the past month). A "hardcore" subscale was created by summing the
z-score transformations of 11 items: questions 3, 4, 6, 8, 13, 14, 15, 17, 18,
20 and 22. A "softcore" subscale was created by summing the z-score
transformations of 11 remaining items: questions, 1, 2, 5, 7, 9, 10, 11, 12, 16,
19 and 21. Before summing, the items were recoded so that high score on the
scale indicate higher levels of exposure to pornography. Before summing, the
items were recoded so that high score on the scale indicate higher levels of
exposure to pornography. Cronbach's alpha for the scale was .70, which is
acceptable, but lower than the scale measuring exposure to traditional
pornography (the ESMQ).
Reasons for Consumption
Reasons for consuming Internet pornography was measured by assessing
respondents' support or rejection of reasons individuals have for viewing
Internet pornography. The 17 items (representing six subscales) were used to
operationalize the variables of "why the participants use this material" and
"what gratification do they receive from its use." Frable, Johnson, & Kellman's
(1997) scale was a typical way of evaluating attitudes about the consumption of
pornography. (See Appendix C for statements comprising the participants'
endorsement or rejection of reasons for viewing Internet pornography.)
A five-point scale ranging from strongly agree to strongly disagree was used
for responses to theses items. Six different subscales were created by summing
the z-scores transformations of these items. Subscales were created to
differentiate between individual's motivations for consuming Internet
pornography:
Subscale 1 measured the reason "to make sex more interesting"
1 It helps make sex more interesting
3 I enjoy seeing unusual positions and acts
10 Sex is boring and this makes it interesting
Subscale 2 measured the reason "to relieve sexual tension"
4 To help me relieve sexual tensions
7. To masturbate
15. To turn me on
Subscale 3 measured the reason "to turn on a sexual partner"
6 Turn my sexual partner and me on
8 My sexual partner and I just do
12 My sexual partner wants me to
Subscale 4 measured the reason "for sexual thrills"
9 Because I am bored
10 For thrills
13 Like to see bizarre sexual acts
Subscale 5 measured the reason "to enjoy a social event"
2 Because my friends approve
14 It is a social event
Subscale 6 measured the reason "to learn about sex"
5 To get information about sex
16 That is how I learned about sex
17 Because I am curious
Before summing, the items were recoded so that high scores indicated more
support for the reason given. Cronbach's alpha for this scale is .90.
Demographics
Subjects provided information on the following demographics: age, gender,
relationship status, education and income.
Participants
Overall, 231 individuals participated in the study. Of the 231
participants, 218 were men (94%) and 13 (6%) were women. Their average age was
33.2 years old (SD = 10.25) with a range of 18 to 77. Most commonly reported
education level was "some college but no degree" (44%), followed by "bachelor's
degree" (23%). Results revealed participants' relational status as 45% "single,"
31% "married, 14% "separated/divorced," and 10% "live-in partner." Participants'
annual household income ranged from 26% in the "$45,000 - $54,999" range, 18% in
the "$35,000 - $44,999" range, and 18% in the "$55,000 - $64,999" range.
Results
Research Question One
Research Question One asked, "How much traditional pornography and Internet
pornography do individuals consume?" Participants reported two measures: How
much traditional pornography and how much Internet pornography they consumed
over the past month (1 = zero times in the past month; 2 = one to two times in
the past month; 3 = three to five times in the past month; 4 = six to ten times
in the past month; 5 = 11 - 50 times in the past month; 6 = 51 to 100 times in
the past month; 7 = more than 100 times in the past month).
Participants reported consuming traditional pornography one to two times in
the past month (M = 1.87, SD = .72) and reported consumption of Internet
pornography in the range of 11 to 50 times in the past month (M = 5.73, SD =
1.29). Because of unequal number of questions in each instrument, responses were
converted to z scores and a two-dependent sample t-test was conducted to compare
the amounts of traditional and Internet pornography consumed.
Hypothesis One
Hypothesis One argued, "Individuals who consume Internet pornography
consume lower amounts of traditional pornography." The difference between the
amount of traditional and Internet pornography consumed was not statistically
significant, thus H1 was not supported, t (460) = 0.21, p > .05.
Research Question Two
Research Question Two asked, "How much hardcore Internet pornography and
softcore Internet pornography do individuals consume?" Participants reported
consuming hardcore Internet pornography in the range of 51 to 100 times in the
past month (M = 6.51, SD = 2.24) and reported consuming softcore Internet
pornography in the range of six to 10 times in the past month (M = 4.03, SD =
2.26). A one-way ANOVA was used to determine if the differences in consumption
were significant.
Hypothesis Two
Hypothesis Two argued, "Individuals who consume Internet pornography
consume higher amounts of 'hardcore' Internet pornography." Results of a one-way
ANOVA on consumption of Internet pornography and type of Internet pornography
(hardcore of softcore) revealed that participants consumed a higher amount of
hardcore Internet pornography, F (1, 156) = 30.59, p < .0001. Thus, H2 was
supported.
Research Question Three
Research Question Three asked, "Are there differences between individual's
motivations for consuming Internet pornography?" An ANOVA was run to determine
if their were differences between participants' motivations. Results revealed
that participants most often said they consumed it "to relieve sexual tensions"
(M = 3.52, SD = 1.21) and "to enjoy sexual thrills" (M = 3.47, SD = 1.22). The
third most common reason cited was "to make sex more interesting" (M = 2.77, SD
= 1.29), followed by "to learn about sex" (M = 2.61, SD = 1.32). The least
commons reasons cited were "to enjoy a social event" (M = 2.26, SD = 1.14) and
"to turn on a sexual partner" (M = 2.19, SD = 1.22). Ryan Multiple Comparison
Procedure was run to determine which reasons were significantly different from
other reasons.
Hypothesis Three
Hypothesis Three argued, "Individuals will report differences between their
motivations for consuming Internet pornography." Ryan MCP revealed significant
differences among the six categories of motivation by grouping the responses
into three groups: 1) "to relieve sexual tensions" and "to enjoy sexual
thrills", 2) "to make sex more interesting" and "to learn about sex", and 3) "to
enjoy a social event" and "to turn on a sexual partner," F (5, 3687) = 78.69, p
< .0001. Therefore, individuals consume Internet pornography primarily "to
relieve sexual tensions" and "to enjoy sexual thrills."
Discussion
The first research question asked if there were differences in the amounts
of consumption of Internet pornography and traditional pornography. The results
from the study do not support the hypothesis that those who consume Internet
pornography will consume a different amount of traditional pornography.
It was suspected that consumers of the Internet version would use more
Internet pornography because it is easily and readily available from home. Also,
users can get any type of material he or she wantsDno matter how deprave. The
Internet version is seemingly limitless, with new adult sites, newsgroups, ftp
sites, and chat rooms starting every day, with an increasing number of people
downloading and trading pictures. The same cannot be said about the traditional
type: The local adult book can only stock so many magazines or movies. Another
issue to consider is that it is more difficult (if not illegal) in some
locations to get "hardcore" traditional pornography. Therefore it was assumed
that since access to the Internet version is not restricted by jurisdictional
boundaries, people would use this form more often.
Since these individuals did not consume significantly different amounts of
Internet and traditional pornography, this suggests they may simply be using the
Internet as another method to obtain pornography or to supplement a pornography
habit. Simply put, these users consume pornographyDregardless of type. The
participants in this study reported that they viewed traditional and Internet
forms, but not one more than the other. The possible implications are that
viewing "cyberporn" won't "make" someone a porn addictDindividuals may need a
predilection toward pornography to begin with.
The second research question sought to determine if consumers of
"cyberporn" favored hardcore over softcore Internet pornography. The results
from the study strongly support the position that individual consumers favor
hardcore over softcore versions of Internet pornography. The most likely
explanation can be seen in the large amounts and expansive varieties of hardcore
pornographic material available on-line. The hardcore fare, which is limited
only by imagination, is virtually unregulated and accessible by anyone with a
little searching savvy. Since much of the hardcore material would be illegal in
print or video format, the Internet versions may be the only way to get it.
Therefore, these findings suggest that individuals who favor hardcore
pornography utilize the Internet as a mode or resource for obtaining material
that satisfies their deviant fetishes.
The third question asked cyberporn users what their reasons or motivations
were for consuming Internet pornography. Participants strongly favored certain
reasons, while other motivations received less credence. Participants most often
cited reasons of "relieving sexual tensions" and "enjoying sexual thrills."
Analyzing these findings in conjunction with the subjects' preference of
hardcore material suggests that users view this material as a way of getting
"turned on."
Participants reported others reasons, "to make sex more interesting" and
"to learn about sex", but they were not as popular as previous responses. These
motivations suggest the possibility that consumers sometimes use cyberporn to
"spice up" their sex life or to view deviant sexual behaviorDacts they would
never be able to do with a partner.
The final reasons offered as possible motivations for consumption, "to
enjoy a social event" and " to turn on a sexual partner," received less support
from participants. Their responses did not indicate that they viewed porn with
friends or with a partner, thus indicating that consuming Internet pornography
is a solitary eventDpossibly one that is kept secret.
When the findings from these separate and distinct reasons are combined
with the conclusions from the second research question, a pattern of behavior
emerges. Participants purposely favored the consumption of hardcore material
rather than softcore. They would rather view the material alone instead of being
in the presence of others. They enjoyed viewing this material "to relive sexual
tensions" and "to enjoy sexual thrills." To a lesser degree, they viewed the
material because it made sexual acts more entertaining and it piqued their
curiosity. In conclusion, discoveries in this study may support the stereotype
of a "cyberporn" user as someone who sits alone at his computer and masturbates
while downloading graphic sexual depictions.
Limitations
A limitation of this study is the tool used to collect the data. Since this
survey was administered on-line, the researcher had little control over who
actually completed the survey or determining the accuracy of the self-reported
responses. Every effort was made to ensure that only people who were "qualified"
to complete the survey were notified and that they only completed the survey
once. The study was announced in adult chat rooms and on adult bulletin boards
and IP logs from submitted surveys were kept and duplicate responses were
deleted. But in the end, anyone who saw the announcement could have completed
the surveyDaccurately or inaccurately.
A pertinent defense for the use of a web-based anonymous survey is that the
research questions were concerned with the behavior of a specific
populationDconsumers of on-line pornography. Posting the study on a web page is
the most appropriate (and arguably the only way) to analyze this population. By
promoting this study in adult areas of the web and having cyberporn users
complete the questionnaire while on-line, this survey measures what it claims to
measure.
Another rationale for this method is due to the nature of the questions.
Some questions included illegal activities (certain types of pornography are
illegal in some locations) and inquired into specific sexual behavior. Therefore
administering the survey on-line lends the respondent a greater sense of
anonymity. It is highly doubtful that many people would answer these questions
on a pencil-and-paper survey, or in an interview or focus group. But since the
participants was at a remote location, and their responses were posted
anonymously to a cgi-bin (not e-mailed to the researcher), it is plausible to
believe that their responses were honest and accurate. For these reasons, using
an on-line survey was the best method of collecting data on the uses of and
gratifications derived from Internet pornography.
Also, since 96% percent of participants were male, the female users of
Internet pornography were under-represented. This came as no surprise given the
current demographics of web users (Fowler, 1990) and that most pornography is
consumed by men.
An unintentional bias in this study D which will be remedied in subsequent
studies D is that the questions, types of pornography asked about, and locations
of posting of announcements was biased toward heterosexual males: Only
heterosexual "examples" of Internet pornography were used and messages were
posted only in heterosexual-oriented newsgroups.
Future Research
This area of research would benefit from studies comparing the behaviors and
motivations of users of traditional pornography and Internet pornography. By
using data collected from users of traditional pornography as a standard for
comparison, possible studies may include an investigation into the differences
in attitudes between users of traditional and Internet pornography.
Appendix A: Exposure to Sexual Materials Questionnaire
The next 15 questions are designed to measure your use of and exposure to
pornography. Please rate the following statements on the scale according to how
frequently you have done each of these things within the past month. If you are
not sure, give your best guess.
1 = zero times in the past month
2 = one to two times in the past month
3 = three to five times in the past month
4 = six to ten times in the past month
5 = 11 - 50 times in the past month
6 = 51 to 100 times in the past month
7 = more than 100 times in the past month
1 Read Penthouse magazine?
2 Read Hustler magazine?
3 Read Playboy magazine?
4 Seen X-rated films with a group of friends?
5 Seen films in which a woman is forced to have sexual intercourse and
appears to enjoy the experience?
6 Purchased Playboy magazine?
7 Purchased Hustler magazine?
8 Purchased Penthouse magazine?
9 Seen films that depict sadomasochistic sex (i.e., people whipping,
spanking or using force with each other)?
10 Seen a hardcore X-rated movie by yourself?
11 Seen a softcore movie, like a Playboy movie?
12 Seen a hardcore X-rated movie with a partner?
13 Seen films that depict sexual activity with children who appear
under 15 years of age?
14 Seen films in which a woman is forced to have sexual intercourse and
does NOT appear to be enjoying the experience?
15 Seen a movie that depicts simulated intercourse (i.e., no oral or
genital penetration)?
Appendix B: Exposure to Internet Pornography Questionnaire
The following 22 questions ask about your use of Internet pornography. Internet
pornography includes such things as Internet sites with pornography (adult
sites), trading pornographic pictures (such as .jpg or .gif) or videos (such as
.mpeg, .avi), "cybersex" in adult chat rooms, using teleconferencing
software to access "sex shows," or downloading files from adult IRC sites or
Usenet newsgroups. Please rate the following statements on the scale according
to how frequently you have done each of these things within the past month. If
you are not sure, give your best guess.
1 = zero times in the past month
2 = one to two times in the past month
3 = three to five times in the past month
4 = six to ten times in the past month
5 = 11 - 50 times in the past month
6 = 51 to 100 times in the past month
7 = more than 100 times in the past month
1 Viewed pictures with content similar to that in Playboy or Playgirl?
2 Seen Internet sites which sells only sexual material, such as sexual
devices, movies, sex games or adult CDS?
3 Seen pictures depicting homosexual oral-genital intercourse (lesbian
or gay)?
4 Seen pictures depicting heterosexual intercourse?
5 Viewed softcore pornographic pictures or videos with your partner?
6 Viewed hardcore pornographic pictures similar to Hustler and Cheri?
7 Viewed pictures or videos with a softcore, "romantic" theme?
8 Seen pictures or videos in which a woman is forced to have sexual
intercourse and does NOT appear to be enjoying it?
9 Listened to erotic sounds you downloaded from an adult site?
10 Viewed pictures or videos depicting models or movie stars?
11 Read erotic or pornographic stories you downloaded? (on an adult
Internet site, IRC, newsgroups, e-mail, etc.)
12 Viewed pictures featuring (softcore) exposed breasts or exposed
genitals?
13 Seen pictures depicting homosexual intercourse (lesbian or gay)?
14 Seen pictures or videos which depict pornographic material of
children?
15 Seen pictures or videos depicting graphically exposed genitals?
16 Viewed softcore pictures or video while in the presence of your
friends?
17 Seen pictures or videos which depict "sadomasochistic" sex (i.e.,
people whipping, spanking, or using force with each other)?
18 Viewed pornographic material that depicted a specific fetish (BDSM,
piercing, "watersports," lingerie, feet, "facials," teens, etc.)?
19 Seen an adult Internet site featuring adult club listings and
performers?
20 Viewed pornographic videos (.mpeg, .mov, .avi or other format) with
hardcore pornographic material?
21 Viewed pictures featuring softcore material, such as lingerie or
swimsuits?
Seen pictures depicting heterosexual oral-genital intercourse?
Appendix C: Reasons for Consuming Internet Pornography Questionnaire
The following scales ask questions about your reasons for viewing Internet
pornography. Please enter the letter that fits your experience according to the
following key:
1. Strongly agree
2. Agree
3. Neither agree NOR disagree
4. Disagree
5. Strongly disagree
1 t helps make sex more interesting
2 Because my friends approve
3 I enjoy seeing unusual positions and acts
4 To help me relieve sexual tensions
5 To get information about sex
6 Turn my sexual partner and me on
7 To masturbate
8 My sexual partner and I just do
9 Because I am bored
10 Sex is boring and this makes it interesting
11 For thrills
12 My sexual partner wants me to
13 Like to see bizarre sexual acts
14 It is a social event
15 To turn me on
16 That is how I learned about sex
17 Because I am curious
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