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The Case of President Clinton and the Feminists
The Case of President Clinton and the Feminists:
Discourses of Feminism in the News
Dustin Harp, M.A.
Doctoral Student
University of Wisconsin, Madison
509 N. Lake St. #506
Madison, WI 53703
(608) 256-9899
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Submission
for the
Commission on the Status of Women
at the
1999 AEJMC Convention
ABSTRACT
Feminism is best understood as a complicated political movement, full of the
complexities present in everyday life. Using textual analysis, this research
examines media discourses in news texts joining constructions of feminism to
President Clinton and his extra-marital relationships.The study finds mainstream
newspapers and magazines present feminism in a monolithic fashion - represented
by white women. The texts offer a simplistic construction that envisions women
as feminist or not and presents feminists as hypocrites for supporting Clinton.
The Case of President Clinton and the Feminists:
Discourses of Feminism in the News
_ we all know what feminists are. They are shrill, overly
aggressive, man-hating, ball-busting, selfish, hairy, extremist,
deliberately unattractive women with absolutely no sense of humor
who see sexism at every turn. They make men's testicles shrivel up
to the size of peas, they detest the family and think all children
should be deported or drowned. Feminists are relentless,
unforgiving, and unwilling to bend or compromise; they are
single-handedly responsible for the high divorce rate, the
shortage of decent men, and the unfortunate proliferation of
Birkenstocks in America. (Douglas 1994, p. 7)
Media texts (including news forms) tend to communicate in either/or
patterns, presenting differences as tensions in need of resolution rather than
acceptance. These oppositional constructs - liberal/conservative, black/white,
gay/straight - help to form a foundation for our understandings of the world
around us, leading to dualisms in our language and promoting misunderstandings
in our complex social world. Too often these binary opposites lead people to
align with one side and, in turn, reject the other. By allowing for, presenting
and engaging in contradictions, rather than designing a world of dichotomies,
media texts invest in a pursuit of understanding. In other words, when the
contradictions of our world are left intact within media texts, mass media helps
to shape discovery and awareness. For this reason, it is vital that media texts
involve contradictions as inescapable components of contemporary societies.
With these considerations in mind, this essay attempts to understand the
current media discourse surrounding feminism and the construction of feminist.
Rather than a binary and simplistic construction of feminism and feminist that
envisions women as either feminist or not, these concepts are better understood
in a less monolithic fashion which allows for contradictions. Recent feminist
scholarship points to a fragmented feminism incapable of being defined in any
one way. A more useful understanding of the concepts feminism and feminist
allows for disagreements - in essence giving women from varying standpoints room
to practice and identify with feminism. In this essay I turn to the recent
mainstream news media discourse concerning President Clinton and his both
alleged and confirmed extra-marital relationships. In conducting this research,
I will consider the following related questions:
y Does the construction of feminist and feminism within the dominant
discourse of mainstream news media present an either/or construction of
feminist/non-feminist?
y If so, how are these opposites formed and what do they look like?
y (How) does the construction of feminist and feminism through mainstream
discursive news media practices allow for contradictions or are these concepts
presented as monolithic and without disagreements?
y Is feminism/feminist defined within a patriarchal framework?
Considering previous research in the field of mass communications, I expect
to find the construction of feminism and feminist in mainstream news media to be
one-dimensional and in opposition to women portrayed as non-feminist. Further,
it seems likely that much of the feminist discourse will depict white,
anti-family women. This paper will move through previous research and dialogue
concerning feminism to contextualize the term. Following will be a section
devoted to understanding how mass media and the concept of feminism/t have
intersected and also how terms like ideology and hegemony relate to issue of
news media production. After a discussion of research methods, the paper
launches into an analysis of recent discourses of feminism/t in mainstream news,
and from there discusses the implications of such findings.
What is Feminism?
Gender representation remains a vital issue in contemporary culture and
also a site of continued cultural negotiation. Central to gender portrayals is
the notion of woman -itself a highly contested term. Gledhill (1991) explains
that the "figure of woman _ has long served as a powerful and ambivalent
patriarchal symbol, heavily over-determined as an expression of the male psyche"
(p. 76). Along with patriarchal ideologies, the women's movement plays an
integral part in shaping conceptions of woman. This feminist movement, however,
like "woman" is not so easily defined. While the political movement known as
feminism has existed for more than a century, its defining characteristics have
continually changed and are often at the center of intense debate both within
the academic and the activist community.
In order to discuss and interrogate news media's representation of
feminism, it is important first to understand what feminism and feminist mean.
This task proves difficult, though, considering that there may be as many ways
to define feminism as there are feminists. This reality has led to decades of
lively debate, particularly since the 1970s. At the heart of the movement rests
an awareness that women are as deserving of rights and opportunities, and as
capable of participating in social events as men. In the introduction to her
book about American mass media's treatment of women and feminism, Faludi (1991)
explains that
feminism's agenda is basic: It asks that women not be forced
to 'choose' between public justice and private happiness. It asks
that women be free to define themselves - instead of having their
identity defined for them, time and again, by their culture and
their men. (p. xxi)
This general, if simplistic, conception of feminism, however, is not
embraced by all who claim the term. Among those outspoken feminists who would
argue against an "anything goes" approach to the definition of feminism is bell
hooks (1984) who writes that the danger in this approach is that for all
practical purposes it renders feminism nearly meaningless. She writes, "What is
meant by 'anything goes' is usually that any woman who wants social equality
with men regardless of her political perspective (she can be a conservative
right-winger or a nationalist communist) can label herself feminist" (hooks
1984, p. 23). In hooks' view feminism is ultimately a political commitment to
ending sexist oppression - it is not an identity but a movement and therefore
one must be active within that movement in order to qualify as a feminist. A
vital point to hooks' argument centers on a dominant patriarchal ideology
permeating Western culture. For hooks, feminism is
a struggle to eradicate the ideology of domination that
permeates Western culture on various levels as well as a
commitment to reorganizing society so that the self-development of
people can take precedence over imperialism, economic expansion,
and material desires. (p. 24)
Not only does an emphasize on feminism as a movement insert political
activism into the concept, but it undermines a danger associated with
understanding feminism as an identity (hooks 1984). Again, hooks' words are
eloquent and appropriate:
To emphasize that engagement with feminist struggle as
political commitment we could avoid using the phrase 'I am a
feminist' (a linguistic structure designed to refer to some
personal aspect of identity and self-definition) and could state
'I advocate feminism.' Because there has been undue emphasis
placed on feminism as an identity or lifestyle, people usually
resort to stereotyped perspectives on feminism. Deflecting
attention away from stereotypes is necessary if we are to revise
our strategy and direction. I have found that saying 'I am a
feminist' usually means I am plugged into preconceived notions of
identity, role, or behavior. When I say 'I advocate feminism' the
response is usually 'what is feminism?' A phrase like 'I advocate'
does not imply the absolutism that is suggested by 'I am.' It does
not engage us in the either/or dualistic thinking that is the
central ideological component of all systems of domination in
Western society. (hooks 1984, p. 29)
This very point of stereotypical and monolithic notions of feminism formed
a center of debate in feminist theory and discourse throughout the 1980s. In a
survey of feminism, Donovan (1994) explains that "spurred on by the stress on
difference in postmodernist and multiculturalist theory, feminist theory has
become more specific, paying more attention to the differences among women -
particularly those of race, class, ethnic background, and sexuality" (p. 187).
Even a cursory glance at the growing amount of feminist theory and research in
various academic disciplines makes clear the variety of feminisms - liberal
feminism, radical feminism, socialist feminism, and feminism emphasizing race
and ethnicity (Donovan 1994; Steeves 1987). Much of the discussion about
feminisms has pointed to the problem of a white feminism which has dominated the
movement and threatened identifications with the term. In fact, one of the
greatest point of contention in recent decades within feminist discourses has
been centered around race. Much of this dialogue points to Betty Friedan's book
The Feminine Mystique as laying the groundwork for a contemporary feminism which
ignores issues of women of color and poorer classes and focuses on middle- and
upper-class white women's "problems" with patriarchy. On the subject, hooks
(1984) writes that while "Betty Friedan's The Feminine Mystique is still
heralded as having paved the way for contemporary feminist movement - it was
written as if those women most victimized by sexist oppression (black women and
lower class women) did not exist" (p. 1). The results of such thinking have been
detrimental to feminist movement in a number of ways, including that women who
have notions different from this dominant feminist ideology, or who have been
hesitant to join organizations dominated by white, middle- and upper-class
women, have felt ostracized, silenced and marginalized (hooks 1984). Ultimately,
hooks explains,
Many women are reluctant to advocate feminism because they
are uncertain of the term. Other women from exploited and
oppressed ethnic groups dismiss the term because they do not wish
to be perceived as supporting a racist movement; feminism is often
equated with white women's rights effort. (p. 23)
Because much of the dominant feminist discourse (originating primarily from
white, middle- and upper-class women) points to family as a central point for
gender oppression, a successful feminist movement has been imagined as one which
starts with or leads to the abolition of family. As hooks (1993) notes, this was
a particularly threatening notion for non-white women who often have felt that
family is the safe place away from much of life's oppressive forces. According
to hooks, this "devaluation of family life in feminist discussion often reflects
the class nature of the movement" (p. 37). This notion that feminism's goal is
the demise of the family is important for reasons beyond issues of race as it
portrays feminism and feminist movement as anti-family rather than against
sexist oppression within family structures. Fiske (1996) is among those scholars
to note how feminism is portrayed in opposition to family. He argues that
contemporary attacks on Hillary Clinton during Bill Clinton's first run for
president against George Bush were representative of attacks "on the new woman
who would destroy the traditional one (figured as Barbara Bush) and her
'natural' role in the family" (p. 29). This point is especially important when
juxtaposed to media representations of Hillary Clinton in which she is
identified as America's "First Feminist."
(Re)presenting Feminism
Feminists are consistently framed as deviant sexually, a
bunch of man-haters out to destroy 'family values.' In the media
the opposite of 'family' often is 'feminist.' If Hillary Rodham
Clinton doesn't want to bake cookies, she's anti-family and
anti-housewife. Of course, this is no surprise because journalists
are taught to think in terms of dichotomies, to develop their
stories in terms of right versus wrong, good versus evil. The
journalistic obsession with a narrow corridor in an abstract space
called 'balance' continues to build this kind of false opposition.
(Creedon 1993, p. 75)
In her book, Where the Girls Are, Susan Douglas (1994) argues that to grow
up female with the mass media is to grow up confused about and disassociated
with feminism and the women's movement. In the introduction to her book, she
explains how mass media portrayed feminists as the women's movement gained
momentum in the 1970s: "News reports and opinion columnists created a new
stereotype, of fanatics, 'braless bubbleheads,' Amazons, 'the angries,' and 'a
band of wild lesbians,' " (p. 7). Flanders (1997), also notes how mass media
paint stereotypical images of feminism, writing that "for the last two decades,
body hair and loving women were the most horrifying things about the women's
rights movement" (p. 103). Along with pointing out what about feminism makes it
into the news media, Flanders notes what does not. She writes, "A few foul-ups
in the feminist ranks get top-billing; the mass movement that spans the globe
gets zip. Shocking-sounding talk about sex gets sound bites; reasoned debate
about wages and childcare is dead air" (p. 105).
Dow (1983) notes that along with images of hairy bodies and man- and
family-hating lesbians, mass media audiences are exposed to another kind of
feminist - the liberal feminist. But, she explains, this image does not help the
political movement either. In her analysis of "Murphy Brown" (a popular
situation comedy that began in 1988 and is now off the air) Dow argues that the
show reveals "how popular conceptions of liberal feminism can be coopted and
used as part of a rhetorical strategy to reaffirm patriarchal definitions of
femininity and feminism" (p. 144). Dow believes that liberal feminism, which
"assumes the erosion of barriers to women in the public sphere is the end goal
of feminism," is the most common media interpretation of feminism (p. 153). She
goes further to say that this form of feminism is also the easiest to
incorporate into television without truly challenging patriarchal interests
because it reinforces the status quo, placing responsibility for adjustment on
women who enter the public sphere rather than on those who maintain this social
space. She concludes that Murphy Brown and other media presentations illustrate
"a variation of television's general rhetorical strategy of coopting feminist
content to serve patriarchal interests, a tactic also visible in other forms of
cultural discourse" (p. 153).
Little empirical data about feminist representations in the mass media
exists. Ashley and Olson (1998) conducted a content analysis of the women's
movement in the New York Times, and two news magazines, Time and Newsweek, from
1966 to 1986. The authors expected that they would find anti-feminists to be
framed as more important, more legitimate and less deviant than feminists. They
also anticipated that their research would show that coverage of feminists would
be centered around events while coverage of anti-feminists would deal mostly
with issues. In there analysis the authors found support for all four of their
hypotheses. In concluding, Ashley and Olson explained that "the press
delegitimized the feminists and legitimized the anti-feminists" (p. 272). They
noted that the feminists were presented as disorganized, as no longer feminine
because of their entrance into the masculine spheres of conflict and competition
(versus cooperation), as deviant as evidenced in their labeling (bra burners,
radicals) and opposed to the labeling of anti-feminists as "pro-family" and
"pro-American" (Ashley and Olson 1998).
News Norms, Ideologies and Hegemony
When considering mass media images and messages it is vital to take into
account how media content operates to serve the interests of certain groups,
presenting ideological notions from the perspective of the powerful cultural
enclaves. A number of critical scholars point to mass media as not only
producing but reproducing and reinforcing dominant ideologies. In an essay on
racism and the media, Hall (1981) explains:
Institutions like the media are peculiarly central to the
matter since they are, by definition, part of the dominant means
of ideological production. What they 'produce' is, precisely,
representations of the social world, images, descriptions,
explanations and frames for understanding how the world is and why
it works as it is said and shown to work. (p. 19-20)
When considering media content regarding feminism one cannot ignore the
social, historical, political and cultural framework within which it is
presented - namely that the mass media is located within a patriarchal
structure. With this in mind one can begin to understand how patriarchal notions
of feminism and women are presented and re-presented in America's mass media. To
understand this link between ideologies and power it is useful to turn to
Gramsci's (1927/1971) theory of hegemony. Gramsci links ideology to the dominant
structure in a society, explaining that ideologies are unifying forces which
serve to reinforce the ruling order's dominance. This is not to suggest that
there is a singular ideological representation in mass media. Hall explains that
"it would be wrong and deceptive to see the media as uniformly and
conspiratorially harnessed to a single, _ conception of the world" (p. 20). The
relative autonomy of media, layered meanings of texts, and the agency of
audiences mean that ruling powers cannot directly supervise media messages.
According to Shoemaker and Reese (1996) then,
media institutions serve a hegemonic function by continually
producing a cohesive ideology, a set of commonsensical values and
norms, that serves to reproduce and legitimate the social
structure through which the subordinate classes participate in
their own domination. (p. 237)
Monolithic Constructions
News formation is an especially important concept in conjunction with
notions of ideology and hegemony. Journalists often construct texts with an
understanding that news is somehow "objective" and free of value judgments.
Reporters have been described as holding a mirror up to the world. While the
idea of an objective reality may seem ridiculous to some people, the sheer fact
that this discourse about news circulate deserves consideration. Routines and
norms which go into the production of news warrant examination too. Shoemaker
and Reese (1996) define routines and norms as "those patterned, routinized,
repeated practices and forms that media workers use to do their jobs" (p. 105).
These norms come into play when journalists search for sources in their news
reports. Gans (1979) explains that "if sources have provided information leading
to suitable stories in the past, they are apt to be chosen again, until they
eventually become regular sources" (p. 129). This restriction of voices results
in a relatively monolithic perspective becoming representative of an issue.
Shoemaker and Reese (1996) further explain:
Reporters work most efficiently when they know what their
interview sources will say. This sounds counterintuitive, but it
helps explain why reporters rely on familiar sources - they can
predict in advance who will give them the information needed to
flesh out the angle. (p. 120)
Not only reliance on identical sources but repetitive messages are the norm
within mainstream news organizations. Shoemaker and Reese (1996) explain why
this is important.
When the media 'converge' around a few key sources and
certain issues, the result is that the media have more power to
influence the audience - there are fewer 'voices' and hence less
diversity in media content. (p. 59)
Not only are the same sources likely to be seen in news report after news
report, but not all sources are equally likely to be contacted in the first
place. Gans (1979), for example, explains that those with political or economic
power are more likely to influence journalists than those who lack this power.
This notion goes a long way in reinforcing Gramsci's theory of hegemony and mass
media as an ideological force which helps to maintain those in positions of
power. Gitlin (1980) explains that media, by marginalizing and delegitimating
voices that fall outside of the dominant circles, "certifies the limits within
which all competing definitions of reality will contend" (p. 254). These voices
"outside of the dominant circles" are often referred to as deviant. But deviance
is not clearly and easily defined - rather it is a changing and continually
redefined and negotiated concept. Shoemaker and Reese (1996) address news
media's role in defining deviance:
The media are continually coping with news ideas, reaffirming
social norms, and redrawing or defining boundaries. Thus,
communication is an essential part of defining deviance. Clearly,
the media do not just convey the labels created by others. They
make their own decisions about tone, emphasis, placement, and
portrayal. (p. 225)
In her research, Shoemaker found that while groups and people considered
deviant were given prominent attention, their legitimacy was likely to be in
question and they were granted "less favorable treatment." She further explained
that while the media do not necessarily erase deviant ideas from public
discourse, news portrayals underscore their deviance and "the normal is
reaffirmed by being presented routinely and in juxtaposition to the deviant"
(Shoemaker and Reese 1996, p. 225).
Methods
Using textual analysis to investigate mainstream newspapers and news
magazines, this study examined coverage joining conceptions of feminism to
President Clinton. Four major national daily newspapers - New York Times, USA
Today, Los Angeles Times and the Washington Post - and two nationally
distributed mainstream news magazines - Time and Newsweek. - were surveyed. I
chose to look at these six media organizations because of the prominence they
hold in American news media and for the ability each has to reach a large mass
media audience. While all fit these criteria, a couple of the newspapers I chose
hold even more prominent positions within the American news media. Gans (1979)
notes how "editors of newspapers across the nation read the Times and Post
before entertaining and assigning story ideas" (p. 91). In other words, these
newspapers are known to set the agenda for news throughout the country. The New
York Times' influence is thought to go even further. Shoemaker and Reese (1996)
write that "the New York Times is considered the final arbiter of quality and
professionalism across all news media" (p. 125). USA Today, on the other hand,
while it is widely distributed and read, holds a much lower position of respect
by many news media outlets, professionals and scholars. These two newspapers, in
a sense, are considered at opposites ends of the spectrum of "legitimate"
newspapers. I chose to include USA Today, however, to get at news stories aimed
toward very different audiences. The Los Angeles Times was included in this
research because it represents a large national mainstream newspaper from the
country's west coast. I chose Time magazine and Newsweek because they are two
of the most read mainstream national news magazines. I did not include
"alternative" news outlets because the focus of this research is on how
mainstream news presents feminism in relation to President Clinton and his
extra-marital affairs.
Published articles in these six media outlets which both mentioned
President Clinton and either feminism or feminist provided the data set for my
analysis.[1] The search was conducted using the Lexis-Nexis data base for the
dates from January 1, 1996 until December 1998.[2] While a number of citations
appeared in the New York Times - a total of 58 - the search in the other five
publications resulted in only a few texts for each, ranging from one to 15.
Table 1 shows the number of citations that were located from each of the six
publications as they appeared in six-month periods throughout the two-years of
analysis.
Table 1 The number and time of year of the located texts.
NY Times
USA Today
LA Times
Washington Post
Newsweek
Time
1998
July-Dec.
16
0
5
2
0
0
Jan.-June
36
4
7
4
0
1
1997
July-Dec.
0
0
0
0
0
0
Jan.-June
6
0
1
2
1
0
1996
July-Dec.
0
0
0
0
0
0
Jan.-June
0
0
2
0
1
0
Total
58
4
15
8
2
1
While 58 citations were identified from the New York Times most of these
articles were on the editorial pages. These included both commentaries by
editorial staff, guest commentaries and, mostly, letters to the editor from
readers. The largest category within the New York Times, in fact, was that of
letters to the editor. Table 2 provides the break down of the various citations
by the type of newspaper text. Editorials and opinion articles formed the second
largest group of texts in the New York Times as well as the highest amount in
the Los Angeles Times.
Table 2 Types of texts analyzed from each newspaper or magazine.
NY Times
USA Today
LA Times
Washington Post
Newsweek
Time
Editorials/
Opinions
11
1
8
3
1
1
Letters to the Editor
43
0
1
1
0
0
News/Other
4
3
6
4
1
0
Total
58
4
15
8
2
1
By employing qualitative methods in the study of news content, this
research focuses on the role of language in constructing meaning within the
news. Through a close reading of news story text, this research identifies the
dominant media frames used by the six news outlets. Because what is both
explicitly and implicitly reported is important in terms of understanding the
messages of a text, textual analysis is a useful method for supplying a better
understanding of how issues are framed and ideologies are represented within
news. The validity of my research assumptions will depend upon how well the text
is shown to support the interpretations I have drawn. Meyers (1994) explains
that while there are a number of possible readings of the text, each of the
interpretations is and must be contextually bound. Janesick (1994) explains,
"Validity in qualitative research has to do with description and explanation,
and whether or not a given explanation fits a given description. In other words,
is the explanation credible?" (p. 216). Understanding that there is no single
"correct" interpretation, qualitative researchers who undertake textual analysis
explain that it is the context that provides for interpretive meaning (Janesick
1994; Punch 1994). As Punch (1994) writes, "_ the meanings of things are not
always constrained in what is communicated in a text, but rather, the context,
awareness, and experience as tacit knowledge sets the tone" (p. 497). By taking
into account the product, practices and commentary of a particular text, in this
case newspaper and news magazine articles, this analysis is set in the context
of a larger culture (Pauly 1991).
By following these guidelines, this textual examination attempts to achieve
interpretive validity. In considering research conclusions, however,
acknowledgment should be made about the researcher's reading position - informed
in this case by feminist theory and other critical and cultural studies
perspectives. This analysis also remains conscious of the different ways in
which general audiences and researchers read texts. Researchers consider a
limited number of texts repeatedly as they analyze meaning, while media
consumers read a varied number of texts more quickly and superficially.
Drawing on the previous noted research I expect to find the following
answers to my posed questions with these forms of evidence:
y Women are defined as either feminist or not-feminist in national
mainstream news media and that this notion is established as an identity rather
than a political movement: feminists will be juxtaposed to non-feminists and
their identification will be clearly marked as either feminist or not; there
will be more description of the women involved in feminism and identified as
feminist and less about what feminism is.
y Women identified with feminism will be portrayed as less feminine and
attractive than non-feminists and uninterested in men: among physical
descriptions and representations of feminist women will be notions that they are
man-haters, have hairy bodies (armpits), do not wear bras and are lesbian.
y Women identified with feminism will be less likely to have or want a
family: information and text construction which reinforces the notion that women
who identify as feminists are less likely to have or want families; women
identified with feminism will be juxtaposed to notions of family and to mothers
and wives.
y Women identified as feminist will primarily be white; a restricting of
voices and sources representing feminist movement will allow for mostly white
women to speak for feminist movement.
y Feminism/feminist will be most often defined within a patriarchal
framework: notions of feminism will be presented to highlight the deviance of
the group by juxtaposing feminist to non-feminist and will reinforce notions of
an ideal patriarchal female identity.
In analyzing the texts of these six newspapers and news magazines, I
identified the major discourses (or frames) within the debate. Following are the
main prongs within the discourse of President Clinton's extra-marital
relationships and feminism/t with examples from the texts which help to
articulate how these perspectives were represented.
Feminist Equals Hypocrite
From reporters voices and quoted sources the most notable theme throughout
the texts - including the opinion pieces, letters and news articles - was one of
feminist hypocrisy. Many self-identified feminists and feminist organizations
continued to support President Clinton throughout four publicized marital
infidelities or sexual harassment allegations (whether substantiated or
unsubstantiated) and this was seen in the pages of mainstream national news as
being hypocritical and self-interested. One example is from a Los Angeles Times
editorial in which a former Reagan White House female aide is quoted as saying
"I'm surprised feminists have done a 180-degree turn on this issue" (Los Angeles
Times, May 13, 1998). On the opinion pages of The Washington Post another author
wrote that
_ the feminists who waxed apologetic about Anita Hill's
charges seven years ago are now exposed as rank hypocrites for
their silence and/or agnosticism regarding Bill Clinton's use and
abuse of women. (The Washington Post, Aug. 7, 1998)
Other examples include:
I think she [Gloria Steinem] has blinded herself politically
to protect a man she sees as a champion of women's rights. (New
York Times, March 27, 1998)
The hypocrisy charge is sticking because some feminist
leaders are making distinctions between Mr. Clinton's behavior and
past accusations of sexual harassment. (New York Times, March 24,
1998)
The feminists who now cry foul about the media overkill
concerning President Clinton's sexual escapades must have short
memories. (USA Today, Feb. 13, 1998)
This repetitive notion of hypocrisy is important because it reinforces the
idea that to be feminist is to think one way. In other words, it does not allow
for contradictions nor even subtle distinctions in viewpoints. It is not only
the notion of hypocrisy that is noteworthy but that this is the theme most often
associated with feminists in the analyzed texts. While many of these articles
only briefly mention feminism and Clinton in the midst of a larger textual
discourse concerning political races, a number of the articles focus on feminist
support of Clinton and bring to the forefront sources who call the support
hypocritical. The story, in essence, becomes a story about how feminists are
hypocritical in their support of President Clinton.
The Feminists
One of the most often found representatives of feminism or "the" feminist
movement throughout the articles, commentaries and letters to the editors was
Gloria Steinem. In one article Steinem was even credited with helping found the
women's movement (though an impossible feat considering that the movement has
been around for more than a century and Steinem has not). A more accurate
description may be that Steinem helped to shape second wave feminism. This
inaccuracy highlights the inadequate understanding of feminism from those who
produced the media text. Steinem was quoted, referred to or mentioned in no less
than 22 of the texts. The New York Times also published an editorial authored by
Steinem about President Clinton and Monica Lewinsky. In the editorial she argued
that the relationship between Clinton and Lewinsky did not involve sexual
harassment (New York Times, March 22, 1998). The Times printed an in-house
editorial about Steinem's piece and 13 letters from readers who responded to it.
The significance of printing Steinem's editorial cannot go unnoticed. By
providing space for Steinem, the Times in essence validated her voice as an
official voice of feminism. This point focuses attention on who is officially
allowed and, in turn, not allowed to speak formally in the name of feminism. It
is not overlooked by one attuned to arguments about feminism as a white, middle-
and upper-class movement, that, indeed, Steinem fits the mold.
Also often represented as the official voice of feminism was the National
Organization for Women (NOW) and particularly NOW president Patricia Ireland. In
all, NOW came up no less than 12 times in the articles, letters and
commentaries. Another frequently noted feminist voice - heard from no less than
five times - was Betty Friedan, author of The Feminist Mystique. Friedan has
been credited by many contemporary feminists with reinforcing the monolithic
notion of white, middle- and upper-class liberal feminism. Again, both NOW and
Friedan represent a kind of one-dimensional feminism. The fact that national
news media rely on these women and organizations to most often represent
feminism reinforces that limited notion of feminism.
Contrasting this image, however, is Anita Hill - the black woman who became
nationally known after she charged then-U.S. Supreme Court nominee Clarence
Thomas with sexual harassment. Hill certainly represents feminism in these
texts, being referred to no less than seven times and even authoring an
editorial, but a significant difference stands out in a number of the instances
of her presence within the texts. While these other women mentioned above speak
for feminism, Hill's placement in the discourse is notably different. It is in
fact these other women - the white feminists - who can be seen as speaking for,
representing and defending Hill in the name of feminism. Some examples (italics
added):
But the fact in itself should have been titillating enough
for the old war horses of the Anita Hill crusade - like Rep. Pat
Shroeder and National Organization for Women leaders Patricia
Ireland and Molly Yard. (Los Angeles Times, June 25, 1996)
It has been said that both Hill and Jones were used by
political groups to further their own agendas, Hill by the
feminist left and Jones by the conservative right. (Los Angeles
Times, Jan. 11, 1996)
Jones's attorneys have accused women's rights advocates of
hypocrisy for not joining their client's case, though they quickly
jumped to the rescue of Anita F. Hill after she publicly accused
then-Supreme Court nominee Clarence Thomas, a conservative, of
sexual harassment. (The Washington Post, Jan. 14, 1997)
Especially significant about this last passage is the fact that, unlike the
first two which were from the opinion pages, this one appeared in a front
section news article. Note the use of the term "rescue" and that it was not
placed within quotation marks. This is worth noting because the term cannot
escape the value judgment the writer of the article places upon it. This can be
seen as an example of how reporters ideologies about feminism and race seep into
a reporter's work and ultimately into news texts.
In examining who speaks for feminism and what feminists look like, I was
struck by the use of the phrase "the feminist" and "the feminists" - phrases
that construct a singular notion of feminism. In an editorial the author writes
(italics added) "But the feminist response to the women accusing the President
has posed with special sharpness the question of philosophical sellout" (New
York Times, March 24, 1998). Another editorial on the pages of the New York
Times reads "You were right about the feminists" (New York Times, Feb. 1, 1998).
By using this phrase, writers and quoted sources both are reinforcing a notion
that there is one, unified feminism.
An editorial urging Hillary Clinton to leave her husband also reinforces
the monolithic notion of feminist as well as the stereotype that women who
support feminist movement are anti-family. The editorial stated "Women from the
religious right would say that she has biblical grounds. Liberal feminists would
cheer. Soccer moms might even help her pack" (Los Angeles Times, Sept. 13,
1998). Juxtaposing feminists to religious (moral) women and moms reinforces the
notion of anti-family feminism.
The First Feminist
While a handful of women noted above tended to speak for feminism, a great
deal of texts explicitly or implicitly named Hillary Clinton the "First
Feminist." Also significant was how reporters and writers of editorials and
letters to the editor contrasted Hillary Clinton with Tammy Wynette, country
singer of "Stand by your man" fame. Wynette, in these cases, represents the
patriarchal female norm opposed to the "man-hating" feminist. Ironically,
throughout these same texts, by "standing by her man" Hillary Clinton ultimately
was represented as a betrayer of feminism in the national news. Writing about a
standing ovation the First Lady received, one author explains "The tribute came
at a moment when the First feminist is reminding people more of Tammy Wynette,
of 'Stand By Your Man,' fame _" (The Washington Post, April 12, 1998). A writer
for Time magazine reports
It was the week that Gloria Steinem got laryngitis. Other
feminists, however, will have a harder time explaining their
stammering and mostly inaudible performance during Week I of
Presidential Sex Crisis III. _ The sorriest performance, though,
was that of Hillary Clinton. Widely regarded as our First
Feminist, she spent last week singing Tammy Wynette's tune on all
the morning soft-news shows _ (Time, Feb. 9, 1998)
Offering alternatives
While the examined texts primarily followed these above presented themes
and conceptual features, alternative perspectives were allowed within the media
texts, offering something other than a monolithic picture of feminism. In fact,
the voices and perspectives went beyond just simply providing a varied notion of
feminism - they even offered an understanding of some of the issues surrounding
contemporary or "third wave" feminism. For example, one editorial about Paula
Jones and President Clinton primarily addressed the problem of white feminism
and some of black women's problems with it. It read:
Whenever NOW has been in the news for a sustained period of
time, I can count on hearing a comment like one of the following
from my friends who are black women: 'There they go again; they
still don't get it.' Or: 'They should call it the National Organiza
tion for White Women, or the National Organization for Wealthy
Women because Miss Anne doesn't live in the real world.' 'Miss
Anne' is code in the black community; she was the lady who ran the
plantation and often meted out the discipline. _ A lot of black
women who walk the feminist walk and talk the feminist talk refuse
to be called 'feminist' because the word (like the acronym NOW)
carries a lot of Miss Anne baggage. (Los Angeles Times, April 27,
1998)
While acknowledging these alternative perspectives and voices, there are
two points I want to emphasize. First, these perspectives and voices were much
more scarce than those themes and conceptual features noted above. My second
point is that these viewpoints were offered primarily in the form of letters to
the editor as well as in editorials rather than in the news pages. These points
are not meant to completely dismiss the offerings of alternative notions of
feminist movement, however, these points are important to understand within the
context of news production. While it is true that the alternative voices were
offered, many of them appeared on the same day and in the same newspaper so that
overall the amount of days in which these alternative voices and perspectives
were presented is actually quite narrow. In other words, the numbers of letters
to the editor can be deceiving as is the number found in my analysis of the New
York Times. Many of these letters appeared on the same day and under one
heading. What this means is that if a person were to miss that days New York
Times, they would miss any alternative presentations of feminism. Also these
alternative voices and perspectives were nearly all printed in the New York
Times so that the alternative voices and feminist perspectives had a limited
reach. That said, it is still significant that the New York Times provided space
to these alternative conceptions. Readers were exposed to the varied voices and
opinions of people supporting feminism and provided an opportunity to gain a
deeper understanding of feminist political movement. In one letter a woman
argued that feminism is not about the constraints of monogamy (New York Times,
Oct. 25, 1998), while another wrote
I hope _ [the editorial] _ does not wish to define feminism
as a neat category that has rules that must be followed. As a
feminist I prefer to live in a world where women and men can bake
cookies when they want and not bake cookies when they choose not to
. The First Lady has certainly chosen to spend much of her time
and energy not baking cookies but speaking out on important social
issues. (New York Times, Aug. 28, 1998)
Conclusions
This research represents an attempt to grasp how mainstream national news
media construct notions of feminism. Starting with an understanding that too
often media texts communicate in either/or patterns which reinforce a lack of
understanding of the complex world within which we live, this study examined
presentations of feminism to conceive of the news framework within which it
rests. Using a case study - national mainstream news texts representing feminism
and President Clinton's alleged and confirmed extra-marital relationships - this
analysis supports the following points.
y The dominant discourse of mainstream news media constructs an either/or
notion of feminist/non-feminist.
y Women identified as feminists are most often white women and only a
handful of women represent feminism.
y While most often the text constructed feminism within a patriarchal
framework - for example, feminists as anti-family - alternative voices and
perspectives were allowed space.
These findings are significant for a number of reasons. First off, if
feminism is presented as an either/or choice for women then it reinforces a
misunderstanding of feminist movement. The mainstream national news media for
the most part represented feminism in monolithic terms - women who identified
with feminism were not allowed contradictory feelings about Clinton. The message
from the news media texts was clear: either support Clinton and do not identify
as a feminist or call yourself a feminist and do not support Clinton. Feminism
and feminists, however, do not prescribe to a lengthy list of specific beliefs
and non-beliefs as explained earlier in this study. In fact in recent decades
one of the most central debates within feminist movement has been about this
very point - stereotypical and monolithic notions of feminism are inaccurate.
The news media, however, rather than enter into this dialogue, continues to
reinforce these stereotypical beliefs. More beneficial would be a news media
that helps to explain what feminism is and why some women feel active feminism
is important. By allowing for a more diverse understanding of feminism the news
media could aid in an understanding our complex social world. As the news media
presents feminism in the pages analyzed for this research, however, our world
seems to be colored by simplicity - the news certainly does not help readers to
grasp the complexity of feminism.
Furthermore, this simplistic and dichotomous notion of feminism may
contribute to a distancing by many women away from feminism. In other words, the
way feminism and feminists are presented in the mainstream news media could
isolate women from feminist movement because they do not feel they fit into the
mold reinforced by such news agents as the New York Times and Newsweek magazine.
News media have the potential to serve an important social role, that of
analyzing information and offering analysis about potential impacts. In this
case, however, the news media failed in providing a multi-layered understanding
of the relationship between feminism and feminist beliefs relating to President
Clinton's extra-marital relationships. Gledhill writes about how groups outside
of the dominant group - like feminists - need to form identity and promote
understanding, something that the mainstream news media failed to do in this
case. She explains that
social out-groups seeking to identify themselves against
dominant representations - the working class, women, blacks, gays
- need clearly articulated, recognizable and self-respecting
self-images. To adopt a political position is of necessity to
assume for the moment a consistent and answerable identity. The
objects of attack should not be identity as such but its dominant
construction of total, non-contradictory and unchanging. We need
representations that take account of identities - representations
that work with a degree of fluidity and contradiction - and we
need to forge different identities - ones that help us to make
productive use of the contradictions of our lives. (p. 72)
As those practicing feminism strive to re-define feminism and feminist in
terms that allow for diversity - rather than as only white, middle-class women -
the mainstream news media continues to perpetuate the myth of feminists as white
women. Especially since the 1970s feminism has continually been re-defined, yet
media does not allow this discourse to be understood. bell hooks (1992) connects
the maintenance of specific mass media images to white supremacist patriarchy
and its institutionalization (p. 2). Her points reiterate the problem with the
findings of this study, namely the almost complete representation of feminism by
white women. As long as feminism is presented as primarily white then the mass
media does in fact help maintain a white supremacist notion of feminism - one
detrimental to women and beneficial to patriarchy - by further isolating women
of color from feminist movement. In order to redefine feminism within the common
understanding of our culture, "it is this term's positive political significance
and power that we must now struggle to recover and maintain" (hooks 1984, p.
23). Praise to those media outlets that do open up spaces for alternative voices
and perspectives - like those few spaces opened up to feminism in the newspapers
analyzed for this study - may lead to more complex conceptions of the issues
that influence our lives.
Further research in this area would strengthen this study. For example, in
order to understand the political effects of textual ideologies, one must
research the casual and random reading of these texts by their consumers. Only
an audience study will show how typical readers - rather than a trained critic -
perceive of these textual messages. After all, consumers of news are not
passively consuming the cultural product. As Radway explains in her research
about women reading romance novels, the notion that the textually processed
package is swallowed whole is wrong (Radway 1984). Another shortcoming of this
research is the fact that the analysis does not include photographs or images.
Follow-up research should analyze pictures and art work presented with analyzed
text. Unfortunately, data base searches on Lexis-Nexis only note whether
graphics accompanied text but do not include these images. In order to further
improve this study television news texts should also be added to the analysis.
My assumption is that such an inclusion would offer a contrast to the newspaper
analysis - texts would give less voice to the audience and more to the news
producers.
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CITED ARTICLES
1998
New York Times
"Liberties; Dear Clarence." Feb. 1, section 4, p. 17, Editorial Desk.
"Feminists and the Clinton question." March 22, section 4, p. 15,
Editorial Desk.
"Law in Clinton era: A feminist dilemma." March 24, section A, p. 22,
Editorial Desk.
"On my mind; murdered in the park." March 27, section A, p. 19,
Editorial Desk.
"Don't rush to judge Mrs. Clinton." Aug. 28, section A, p. 24,
Editorial Desk.
"Sex advice for the Clinton age." Oct. 25, section 6, p. 18, Magazine
Desk.
The Washington Post
"Tammbellary Clinton." April 12, section C, p. 1. Outlook.
"What was the fuss? Clarence Thomas, jurist of principle." Aug. 7,
section A, p. 25, Op Ed.
Los Angeles Times
"Friedan weighs in on White House scandal." May 13, section E, p. 3,
View Desk.
"The First Lady should resign." Sept. 13, section M, p. 5. Op Ed Desk.
USA Today
"Clinton's problems haunt Thomas critics." Feb. 13, section A, p. 15,
Commentary.
Time
"The week feminists got Laryngitis." Feb. 9, p. 68.
1997
The Washington Post
"In Jones-Clinton case, silence of the sisterhood stirs charges of
hypocrisy." Jan. 14, section A, p. 4.
1996
Los Angeles Times
"Perspectives on the Presidency." Jan. 11, part B, p. 9, Op Ed Desk.
"If Clinton is innocent, why not proceed?" June 25, part B, p. 7, Op Ed
Desk.
[1] For the search I used the keyword string "Clinton and Feminis*" which
ordered the data base to locate any articles in the specified publications that
included both Clinton and any variation of the word feminism or feminist.
[2] The search was conducted on December 2, 1998 and therefore does not include
the entire year of 1998.
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