The Women's Suffrage Movement Through the Eyes of Life Magazine Cartoons
by
J. Robyn Goodman
Department of Journalism
The University of Texas at Austin
Submitted to the Commission on the Status of Women
AEJMC 1999
Contact the author:
J. Robyn Goodman
2630-B Gwendolyn Lane
Austin, TX 78748
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Abstract
This article explored how cartoons in the humor magazine Life reflect suffragist
and antisuffragist ideologies during the women's suffrage movement and why
certain suffragist and/or antisuffragist ideologies were reflected and others
ignored. Finally, it looked at what the implications of the cartoons may be.
In investigating these questions, this study incorporated the theoretical
framework of cultural studies and used ideological criticism as its methodology.
The analysis revealed that more than 80 percent of the cartoons reflected
antisuffragist ideologies. Thus, these cartoons clearly support the dominant
ideology during this era. Moreover, the prevalence of cartoons mirroring
antisuffragist ideologies suggests that the dominant ideology is continually
renewed, reinforced, defended, and constructed, which is required for an
ideology to maintain dominance (Foss, 1996, p.295).
The Women's Suffrage Movement Through the Eyes of Life Magazine Cartoons
The beginning of the nineteenth century marked a massive change in the economic
and social order of the United States. The country moved from a home-based
economy in which both men and women worked inside the home to a market-based
economy in which the men left the home to work in the burgeoning manufacturing
industry while the women stayed at home to tend the household. Because men and
women's economic roles and work spheres splintered, the social order was
changed. Home was now a place of leisure and family. Women became economically
dependent on men and took the primary role in raising the children[1].
By end of the nineteenth century, the separation of the spheres was in full
force. With women's sphere being the home, they were isolated from most
political, intellectual, and social life. Although their political role was
greatly limited, affluent, white women found an opportunity to express
themselves through the various women's clubs that supported suffrage and through
the ideology of the republican mother[2]. Using the argument that motherhood
gave them a special moral responsibility, and therefore, they should have a
larger role in setting public policy, women's suffrage organizations greatly
excelerated their activity and membership during this period[3]. From
1870-1910, 480 campaigns were conducted in 33 states (Flexner, 1975).
Membership in the National American Women Suffrage Association increased from
13,150 in 1893, to more than 75,000 in 1910 (Kraditor, 1981).
Coinciding with the increase in women's agitation for suffrage was the rise
of American humor magazines including the three largest, Puck, Judge, and Life.
These humor magazines "were read and widely quoted, and they popularized humor
to such an extent that many other periodicals found it advisable to maintain
departments consisting entirely of original humorous matter" ("Century of
American Humor," 1901, p. 490). Due to breakthroughs in printing techniques
after the Civil War, humor magazines were able to offer diverse cartoons
(Sloane, 1987, p. xxvii). The humor magazines and their cartoons are
particularly interesting sources to use in studying an era because they are "_an
index of the state of affairs in any given society" (Boskin, 1979, p. 11), and
they "_portray social trends, reflect attitudes, and reproduce phases of
universal culture" (Meyer et al., 1980, p. 21).
By examining the cartoons found in humor magazines, one may better
understand the role of cartoons in reinforcing political, cultural, social, and
gender ideologies at the turn of the century. The purpose of this paper, then,
is to explore how cartoons in the humor magazine Life reflect suffragist and
antisuffragist ideologies during the women's suffrage movement. Furthermore,
this paper will argue why certain suffragist and/or antisuffragist ideologies
were reflected and others ignored as well as on what the implications of the
cartoons may be.
In investigating these questions, this study incorporates the theoretical
framework of cultural studies. Cultural studies situate media as molding
people's ideas of themselves and the world (Cramer, 1998, p. 3). Key to
cultural studies is Gramsci's notion of hegemony. Hegemony refers to the
naturalization of the Establishment's values and ideas to form a kind of
accepted social order (McQuail, 1983; Kellner, 1995). Because hegemony wants to
reproduce itself and maintain the ruling class's power, it "_tends to define
unacceptable opposition to the status quo as dissident and deviant" (McQuail,
1983, p. 99). However, challenges to the ruling class occur, which is known as
counter-hegemony, because hegemony cannot simply be imposed on society (Kellner,
1995; Lindlof, 1995, p. 53). When the majority embraces these challenges, a new
social order is often formed.
To place suffragist and antisuffragist arguments in context, it is
necessary to look at an abridged history of the suffragist and antisuffragist
movements.
The Suffrage and Antisuffrage Movement at the Turn of the Century
Historians cite the 1848 Seneca Falls meeting as the beginning of the
women's suffrage movement because part of these women's proposed reforms were
the demand for the vote. Although there were many women's rights conventions
after the initial Seneca Falls meeting, these women's activities were
interrupted by the Civil War. Following the war, the Fourteenth and Fifteenth
Amendment to the U.S. Constitution, which among other things gave
African-American males suffrage, became a fundamental aspect of the suffragists'
debates. Due to fights over whether the amendments should be defeated and
whether they should seek suffrage on a federal versus a state level, the
suffragists split into two organization in 1869Dthe National Woman Suffrage
Association led by Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Susan B. Anthony and the American
Woman Suffrage Association led by Lucy Stone (Scott & Scott, 1975; Kraditor,
1981).
By 1890, many of the suffrage pioneers had died or retired; therefore, a
new generation of leaders took over the two organizations. These new leaders no
longer saw the need for separate organizations, so they merged the two factions
into the National American Woman Suffrage Association (NAWSA) (Scott & Scott,
1975; Kraditor, 1981). NAWSA was able to gain full women's suffrage in
Colorado, Utah, and Idaho between 1890 and 1896. Although suffragists mounted
hundreds of state campaigns for state suffrage and 19 national campaigns from
1896 to 1910, suffragists were unable to win the vote in any additional states
or receive genuine support for a federal amendment (Flexner, 1975; Kraditor,
1981). Therefore, many historians refer to these years as the "doldrums" of the
movement (Scott & Scott, 1975; Kraditor, 1981; Simon & Danziger, 1991).
Despite the suffragists problems winning support, their agitation was
enough of a threat to motivate the opposition's organization (Scott & Scott,
1975, p. 25). Beginning in the 1870s with the founding of the first state
antisuffrage group, the antisuffrage movement grew rapidly and reached its peak
of power and influence between 1895 and 1907Dthe doldrum years for the
suffragists (Scott & Scott, 1975; Camhi, 1994, p. 2). Finally in 1911, a
national organization, National Association Opposed to Woman Suffrage (NAOWS),
was formed. Unlike NAWSA, who continually campaigned all over the country for
their cause, NAOWS actively campaigned only when specific types of situations
arose in specific areas of the country (Camhi, 1994). For example,
antisuffragists would rush to a state that was holding a referendum on women's
suffrage.
Besides antisuffrage organizations, various economic groups such as brewers
and textile manufacturers organized to oppose suffrage in state referenda (Scott
& Scott, 1975, p. 25). These groups were concerned with what women might do
with the vote including outlawing alcohol and child labor.
The antisuffrage movement began to weaken around 1910, while the suffrage
movement strengthened due, in part, to changes in women's place in society.
Recent household inventions and declining birthrates gave women more time for
outside activities. More women were attending college. There was an increase
in the numbers of women factory workers. These women began to organize and saw
the ballot as a way to improve their bargaining power (Scott & Scott, 1975;
Kraditor, 1981). "Economic and social changes were drawing the spheres of men
and women together; women's political status changed accordingly" (Kraditor,
1981, p. 6).
The change in women's political status and the suffragists' efforts
throughout the country helped women gain the vote in Washington in 1910. In the
following two years, California, Oregon, Kansas, and Arizona enfranchised women.
In 1917, New York approved a constitutional amendment for full women's suffrage.
Congress passed the constitutional amendment two years later, and all the states
ratified it in 1920 (Kraditor, 1981; Scott & Scott, 1975; Simon & Danziger,
1991).
Arguments of the Suffragists and Antisuffragists
Throughout the fight over women's suffrage, both sides used various
arguments to support their position. From 1890-1920, suffrage and antisuffrage
arguments fall into six general categoriesDreligion, biological/anthropological,
sociological, race/ethnicity, women not wanting the vote, and its relationship
with other "isms."
Regarding the religious reasoning, antisuffragists often evoked the chapter of
Genesis. They used the version of creation in which Eve was created from Adam's
rib. Antisuffragists said this story showed men were meant to be the superior
being since they were created first (Kraditor, 1981). Related to the rib story,
the antisuffragists used God's statement to Eve that her husband was to rule
over her (Kraditor, 1981). Therefore, the antisuffragists argued that women's
suffrage was going against the will of God ("The Argument Against Woman
Suffrage," 1913).
In response to these arguments, suffragists used several tactics. First, they
would show the contradictions in the creation stories as well as citing the rib
story as "a petty surgical operation" (Stanton, 1895, p 20). They addressed
God's statement that the husband was to rule over the wife by citing other
places in the Bible where women were equal to men or women acted in heroic ways
(Kraditor, 1981).
Aside from the creation story, antisuffragists used St. Paul's statement that
women were not to speak in church (Kraditor, 1981). They said this statement
showed women were meant to be men's subordinate and did not have a voice in
public areas. Suffragists responded by stating there was an error in
translation of St. Paul's statement. Translators used the word "speak" rather
than "babble." Thus, St. Paul was showing his dislike at Corinthian women's
tendency to gossip during church rather than stating women were not allowed a
public voice (Kraditor, 1981). In addition, the suffragists argued that St.
Paul was only stating his opinion and not God's wishes (Kraditor, 1981).
The second form of debate used was biological, which either consisted of
women's physical or mental nature. In terms of the physical arguments,
antisuffragists insisted that the right to vote is based on physical strength
since one must have the power to enforce the laws. Men voted because they had
the strength to enforce the laws and to go to war for their country's rights
(Blackwell, 1895; Putnam-Jacobi, 1894; Cooper, 1890; Abbott, 1903).
Furthermore, women's health was too delicate to withstand the mental strain and
physical exertion caused by political life (Kraditor, 1981; Camhi, 1994). In
fact, some antisuffragists argued that voting would place such a strain on women
that they were apt to go insane (Camhi, 1994).
Based on these premises, then, suffragists said only men capable of entering
military service should be allowed to vote. However, this was clearly not true.
Elderly and feeble men were allowed to vote even though they did not have the
physical strength to withstand the exertion or defend the country (Blackwell,
1895). In addition, some men were prevented from voting due to illiteracy
(Blackwell, 1895); therefore, this point was dubious.
Antisuffragists also argued that voting would cause women's sexual
degeneration. According to neurophysiologists such as Charles Dana, women's sex
organs would atrophy causing women to become men, and thus, they would no longer
desire being a wife and mother (Camhi, 1994). With women becoming men and the
separate spheres merging, antisuffragists expressed concerns that women's voting
meant an end to progress and racial suicide (Benjamin, 1991; George, 1913;
Camhi, 1994).
Besides the physical arguments, antisuffragists also used mental arguments
claiming that women were too emotional, illogical, and irrational to vote
(Kraditor, 1981; Moody, 1898; Collins, 1912). "Woman is impulsive; she does not
inform herself; she does not study; she does not consider the consequences of a
vote. In her haste to remedy one wrong she opens the way to many. The ballot
in her hands is a dangerous thing" (Bock, 1913, p. 3).
Suffragists' response to women being too emotional and illogical to vote
was two-fold. First, they provided illustrations of men's irrationality and
emotionalism. For example, in a series of Woman's Journal articles, Alice Stone
Blackwell cited the riots in the French Chamber of Deputies, fistfights in the
House of Commons, and beard-pulling in the Nebraska Senate as cases of men's
irrational behavior (Blackwell in Kraditor, 1981). In addition, suffragists
compared men's "political" behavior to women's "political" behavior. Anna
Howard Shaw used examples of men screaming at each other and knocking off each
others hats during political conventions and stated women would never act in
such outlandish manners (Shaw in Kraditor, 1981). As for the argument that
women were mentally inferior, suffragists pointed out that women did not have
the intellectual training that men had so it would be unjust to compare the two
sexes' intellect (Kraditor, 1981).
Beyond the biological/anthropological arguments, suffragists based their right
to vote on sociology. Suffragists cited they had a natural right to suffrage
that was the same as men'sDthe want and competence for self-government and
self-protection (Stanton, 1889). Because both wanted and were capable of
self-government, then the principles of the Declaration of Independence must
apply to women as well (Kraditor, 1981, p. 49). Furthermore, suffragists
pointed out that woman had the ballot under the colonial constitutions (Stanton,
1889).
In response to the natural rights argument, antisuffragists said a review
of U.S. history made it clear that the Founding Fathers saw voting as an
inalienable right for men only (Harper, 1906). Therefore, the suffragists
interpreted natural rights and the Declaration of Independence principles
incorrectly.
Antisuffragists also used the natural rights thesis. They said "women
should remain in the sphere naturally and divinely marked out for them," and
voting was not a part of their customary or natural sphere (Kraditor, 1981, p.
51). However, suffragists twisted this point and questioned whether women had
yet found their "natural" sphere. They suggested that women should be allowed
to discover if their sphere was indeed natural (Kraditor, 1981).
Associated with natural rights, suffragists claimed they were being taxed
without representation and, consequently, they needed the ballot for
self-protection. Because more women were wage earners, NAWSA conventioneers
said working class women needed the vote to protect their interests and increase
their bargaining power (Kraditor, 1981; Stanton, 1882). They argued that their
wages were low because wages are dependent on one's position in society. With
women being politically inferior to men, working women cannot compete with
voting men (Kelley, 1898). "By impairing her standing in the community the
general rating of her value as a human being, and consequently as a worker, is
lowered" (Kelley, 1898, p. 368). Moreover, if women are injured at work or
become unemployed, they cannot protect their interests without the vote and are
often forced into prostitution (Lowe, 1912).
Antisuffragists countered the taxation without representation and
self-protection justification in four ways. First, they showed that few women
pay taxes. Second, the colonists cry of taxation without representation was
related to their desire for national representation and not representation of
each individual citizen (Benjamin, 1991). Also, men already indirectly
represent women's interests, and "men cannot misrepresent women's interests
without misrepresenting their own" (Benjamin, 1991, p. 200). Furthermore, women
already had great influence over men through the home and raising their sons
(Scott & Scott, 1975). Suffragists countered this last argument in terms of
working women. Because working women live by themselves, they are not
represented by their fathers, brother, and husbands (Lowe, 1912). Finally,
antisuffragists cited women's advancing condition without the vote such as
securing the first tenement house laws, the establishment of kindergartensand
detention homes, and aiding in the passage of pure food laws (Camhi, 1994).
Besides self-protection, suffragists contended that women's moral
superiority would prevent political corruption and boast men's moral development
(Kraditor, 1981; Stetson, 1896; Spencer, 1898). Moreover, women's morality
would help with the government taking on new educative and charitable roles such
as treatment of the insane, social welfare, and securing better moral and
sanitary conditions (Spencer, 1898).
Antisuffragists refuted the argument by citing instances of women's
immorality. For example, they showed how women bribed men with gifts in order
to vote on their behalf (Winston, 1896). Moreover, they used history to show
the immoral acts women did when they had political power such as Catherine de
Medici giving the order to massacre St. Bartholomew and the women who ruled in
Louis XV court doing nothing to help the poor (Benjamin, 1991). Another
antisuffragist tactic was to show what conditions occurred because of women
gaining the vote in certain states. Politicians just as corrupt, women had not
voted to better women's working conditions, no legislation to help children
(Camhi, 1994). Antisuffragists also contended that it was women's fault if men
in politics were corrupt because women's duty as mothers was to instill morality
into their sons (Camhi, 1994).
In addition to superior morality, suffragists insisted that the vote would
help them in their roles as wives and mothers. Mothers needed the vote and the
knowledge of the inner workings of the government in order to make their
children "loyal and patriotic citizens" (Drukker, 1897, p. 260). Without the
vote, women "_cannot possibly be capable of transmitting the enlightened ideas,
the breadth of vision, the power of calm judgment, which come with the exercise
of this civic function in a free government" (Drukker, 1897, p. 260).
Furthermore, suffragists said the vote would help them protect the home from
immorality (Winston, 1896).
Antisuffragists met suffragists' arguments in several manners. First, they
stated that women's voting would lead to the destruction of the home and family
as institution, which is already disintegrating with the blurring of the spheres
(Collins, 1912; Gibbons, 1902). They supported their affirmation by comparing
divorce rates in suffrage versus non-suffrage states (Thompson, 1900; Benjamin,
1991). Moreover, they claim that men do immoral things and children are left
motherless when women are not participating in politics (Tarbell 1912). As for
the vote helping women protect the home, antisuffragists said women protect the
home by molding children who will not become immoral once they grow up (Winston,
1896). Finally, antisuffragists point out that with equality of the sexes women
will have to go to war and sacrifice chivalry (Ramee, 1909; Winston, 1896).
Related to improving women's roles in the household, suffragists said they
needed the vote to repair urban morassDunsanitary conditions, juvenile crime,
poor working conditions, crowding, prostitution, and drunkenness. Because women
are trained in the fine art of housekeeping and men are not, women are the only
ones who will be able to clean it up (Addams, 1906). "The very multifariousness
and complexity of a city government demand the help of minds accustomed to
detail and variety of work, to a sense of obligation for the health and welfare
of young children and to a responsibility for the cleanliness and comfort of
other people" (Addams, 1906, p. 371).
The final sociological argument, which was antisuffrage argument, was voting
created mannish, unattractive women (Benjamin, 1991; "The Argument Against Woman
Suffrage," 1913; "The Present Legal Rights of Women," 1890). Therefore, many
descriptions of typical suffragists called them "two-thirds men" or
"biologically belonging to neither sex" (Benjamin, 1991, p. 82). Because these
women were mannish, antisuffragists urged men not to marry these types of women
("The Argument Against Woman Suffrage," 1913).
Beyond the sociological justifications, suffragists were fond of using
African Americans and foreigners as reasons why women should vote. With the
passage of the Fourteenth Amendment, suffragists argued that they were now
politically inferior to the former slaves (Kraditor, 1981). Because of the
large number of African-American males, suffragists said they should be allowed
to vote in order to maintain racial supremacy (Kraditor, 1981; Scott & Scott,
1975). In regards to foreigners, suffragist point out that more foreigners vote
in many states than Americans (Brown, 1889). According to suffragists, the
foreigners' votes were dangerous because most foreigners were Catholic and would
attempt to overpower American Protestant votes and most were illiterate, which
placed "an impoverished and ignorant balance of power in the hands of wily
politicians" (Stanton, 1902, p. 347; Brown, 1889). Since there are three times
as many literate, American-born women, women's votes would outnumber the
negative influences of the foreigners' votes (Brown, 1889). Another
controversial solution to the foreign and African-American vote that only some
suffragists supported was to impose a literacy test on voters (Stanton, 1902;
Kraditor, 1981).
Refuting the suffragist arguments, antisuffragist cited that women's voting
hurt white supremacy because African-American women would be able to vote as
well (Benjamin, 1991). Some suffragists refuted other suffragists' argument.
Harriet Stanton Blatch pointed out that the foreign working class are important
voters for their knowledge of urban conditions and possible ability to remedy it
(Blatch, 1897).
Besides race/ethnicity, a popular antisuffrage theme was most women did not
want the vote (Collins, 1912; Benjamin, 1991). Often, antisuffragists used
statistics to support this argument. For example, the Massachusetts Association
Opposed to the Further Extension of Suffrage to Women said "only 22,204 women,
out of a possible 575,000 qualified to register and vote, voted in favor of
municipal suffrage" (Benjamin, 1991, p. 4). Therefore, most women were
indifferent to voting, and "it would be unjust to impose the burdens of
government on women at the request of a comparatively few women without first
ascertaining that the majority of women consent to assume them" (Benjamin, 1991,
p. 5).
In addition to women not wanting to vote, antisuffragists equated suffrage
with other radical movements such as bolshevism, feminism, and socialism.
Typical of this argument, an annual report of the Illinois Association Opposed
to Woman Suffrage called suffrage a European import, "an offshoot of the rising
agitation for Communism and Socialism. (Camhi, 1994, p. 70) "It has been
agitated in the East by a growing number of radicals often with atheistic
tendencies" (Camhi, 1994, p. 70). Moreover, antisuffragists stated women's
suffrage was "the Socialist's most important tenet" (Camhi, 1994, p. 71).
Suffragists did not answer these accusations. Instead they said they welcomed
socialist votes and socialist funds (Camhi, 1994).
In summation, suffrage and antisuffrage justifications fell into six
categories. Antisuffrage arguments tended to use religion, biology, women not
wanting the vote, and suffragists' relationship with other "isms." In addition,
they used one sociological justificationDsuffrage created mannish women. On the
other hand, most of the suffragists' contentions were sociological including
working women, women's superior morality, role as mother, self-protection,
taxation without representation, and natural rights, or they used
race/ethnicity.
Why Analyze Cartoons?
Cartoons are a socially significant part of many cultures including early 20th
century American culture. These cartoons "_captured the age and chronicled its
transformation_" (Sloane, 1987, p. xxv). Cartoons and humor in general
reflected "the inner mechanisms and energies of society. [They] classified and
distinguished, separated and integrated, and served as a unifying fulcrum"
(Boskin, 1979, p. 11). Furthermore, the humor magazine cartoons were filled
with social commentary (Sloan, 1987) and, therefore, are a valuable resource in
determining cultural, social, and gender ideologies.
Aside from their social significance, cartoons and humor magazines were
influential in the early 1900s. These magazines and their cartoons sought to
influence public opinion (Fisch high levels of certainty than among those with
low levels of certainty.H6: The negative relationship between the number of
news-to-fiction confusions and beliefs will be stronger among those with high
levels of certainty than among those with low levels of certainty.Supported.
Greater certa
inty of
fiction-to-news confusions was associated with higher scores on the three
social reality measures. Explained a small amount of variance. H7: Levels of
source confusion will be lower in the visually distinct ssue from January 1909
to December 1914 and collected every cartoon that referred to women's suffrage.
Thus, this analysis is based on 214 cartoons. Regarding the time period, I
chose it for two reasons. First, there were no suffrage cartoons prior to 1909.
Second, World War I began in the summer of 1914 and the war began to dominate
cartoons by 1915. Therefore, the end of 1914 seemed like an appropriate end
point for the sample.
Life magazine was chosen over Judge and Puck, its counterparts, for three
reasons. First, Puck's influence and circulation began to decline during the
1890s, whereas both Life and Judge's were increasing (Sloane, 1987; Peterson,
1964). Second, magazine historians cite Life as one of the most influential.
"It ultimately succeeded so well that it became the most influential cartoon and
literary humor magazine of its time, and_served as the model for another humor
magazine, The New Yorker" (Sloane, 1987, p. 142). Life's peers support
historians assertions. The editor of Harper's Weekly, George Harvey, called
Life "_the most successful 10 cent weekly" (Horn, 1980, p. 743). Furthermore,
Life began to publish viewpoints different from their editorial stance in the
early 1900s; therefore, Life would probably have a wider range of societal views
in its cartoons (Sloane, 1987).
Because the purpose of this research is to examine the role of Life
cartoons in articulating and/or reinforcing suffrage and antisuffrage ideologies
during the women's suffrage movement, and what the implications of these
ideologies might be on public opinion, ideological criticism was used to
interpret the cartoons. Ideological criticism is informed by several different
perspectives and philosophies including Marxism, cultural studies, semiology,
and feminism (Foss, 1996, p. 292). Its primary goal "_is to discover and make
available the dominant ideology or ideologies embedded in an artifact and the
ideologies that are being muted in it" (Foss, 1996, p. 295-296).
According to Foss (1996), there are three primary concerns involved in an
ideological analysisDidentification of the ideology's nature, the interests
included, and the strategies that support the ideology. Based on these
concerns, two questions will guide the interpretation: (1) what suffrage and
antisuffrage ideologies are reflected in the cartoons, and (2) were there any
additional themes reflected in the cartoons? These questions will be further
illustrated by detailing examples of the various ideologies. After discovering
the most prominent suffrage and antisuffrage arguments, this paper will address
what the dominant ideology embodied in these cartoons is and what the
implication of this ideology is.
In analyzing the ideologies reflected in the cartoons, the author examined
all texts, the characters' facial expressions, postures, actions, and
appearances, and the unfolding scene in general. The visuals were studied
because they reflect shared values and ideologies (Wagner, 1979). In addition,
their highly coded discourse seduces audiences into concurring with the
producer's signification and induce the audience to agree with the ideological
formation (McCracken, 1993). The author looked at all the texts because
captions guide the reader toward the dominant system's preferred, coded meaning
and away from alternative meanings (Barthes, 1977).
Analysis of Cartoons
This section begins with a general summary of findings and follows with
detailed findings in the order of the research questions. Among the 214
cartoons, three of the six categories of suffrage and antisuffrage arguments
were foundDbiology, sociology, and race/ethnicityDconstituting almost 75 percent
of the cartoons. The remaining cartoons showed suffragists as militant or going
to jail, states that passed women's suffrage, the whole
antisuffragist-versus-suffragist debate, the suffrage movement as silly or "just
noise," positive depictions of the suffrage movement, or other (see Appendix A
for breakdowns of the cartoons). Based on whose ideology the cartoon reflected,
the vast majority (83 percent) support antisuffragist ideology. Only 10 percent
bolstered suffragist ideology, and the remaining six percent bolstered both or
neither group's ideology.
Regarding the biological argument, less than 10 percent of the cartoons
reflected it, and only one reflected women's physical nature (see Appendix B).
The physical cartoon showed women hurling objects at the court house and unable
to break a window. This cartoon reflects the antisuffragist argument that women
are physically inferior. Although this cartoon does not state that women's lack
of physical strength precludes them from the vote, this argument is implicit
considering society's knowledge of the suffragist and antisuffragist arguments
at the time. Therefore, this cartoon reinforces the antisuffragist belief that
the right to vote is based on physical strength since one must have the power to
enforce the law. Because these women are throwing objects at a government
building, moreover, this cartoon also depicts suffragists acting as militant.
Aside from the physical nature cartoon, cartoons reflecting biological
arguments also depicted women as being emotionally fragile (see Appendix C). In
this cartoon, two mice discuss going in and "busting up" a women's suffragist
meeting. Obviously, this cartoon plays upon the myth that women are afraid of
and overreact to the presence of rodents. Because the cartoon depicts women as
emotional, it supports the antisuffragist belief that women would not be able to
withstand the rigors of voting and would not be able to vote objectively.
Another popular biological type of cartoon reflected women's illogic and
triviality by depicting their love for shopping and fashion (see Appendix D).
In this example, women are shown rushing to the poll to vote and some carrying
out packages. Signs in the windows include "special bargain" and "selling out."
Although the selling out sign could be read as the "store" selling out of all
their merchandise, it is likely that the sign had a double meaning. The sign
also implies these women are betraying their sex, their role in society, their
role as wives and mothers, and the human race because societal norms at the time
dictated women's role was in the home and not in politics (Evans, 1989). When
women left this sphere, antisuffragists believed that immorality raged, progress
ended, and women became man-like and no longer married and had children causing
racial suicide to ensue.
Although biological ideologies were reflected in the cartoons, most cartoons
reflected sociological ideologies. The most common sociological argument
tackled issues related to the separation of the spheres and constituted
one-third of all the cartoons. Many cartoons reflected role reversals in which
men were left to care for home and children while women participated in politics
(see Appendix E). In this example from 1910, the cartoon depicts the
"husbandette" in the kitchen washing dishes with his children standing along
side. His wife is walking out the door to join a march, and one of the marchers
has a sign reading, "Man is tyrant." This cartoon clearly supports the
antisuffragist conclusion that women in politics continued to blur the spheres
and eventually lead to the destruction of the home because family is built upon
the separation of the spheres (Abbott, 1903; Collins, 1912). According to Camhi
(1994), moreover, antisuffragists believed that the family was the basic link to
government. Without one head of household, anarchy would ensue.
Related to role reversal, another popular type of separation of spheres cartoon
showed women's suffrage causing divorce (see Appendix F). Representative of
this type of cartoon is a 1910 cartoon depicting a rooster and a hen. The
rooster instructs his suffragette wife to "cut out all this suffragette nonsense
and go home and set on those eggs or [he'll] get a divorce." Again, this
cartoon represents antisuffragist sentiments because they argued that women's
suffrage led to higher divorce rates (Thompson, 1900; Benjamin, 1991). Because
the rooster is ordering the hen, it also reinforces men's dominance over women.
The third theme portrayed as the result of the spheres blurring was women
taking over the power. For example, a 1913 cartoon shows a speaker asking those
in favor of women's suffrage to raise their hand (see Appendix G). A woman
raises her hand and her scared husband's hand. This cartoon also defends
antisuffragist ideologies. Antisuffragist believed suffrage made men more
woman-like (Benjamin, 1991). Furthermore, as men became more woman-like,
antisuffragist thought this led to civilization's decadence (Benjamin, 1991, p.
81) and downfall.
Finally, a few separation of spheres cartoons characterized men's
disenfranchisement by women (see Appendix H). For example, a 1909 cartoon shows
a female police officer arresting a man carrying a "votes for men" sign. Behind
the arrested man is a small group of men. One is orating, and another carries a
"votes for men" flag. The crowd also includes a monkey pushing a baby carriage.
Although neither suffragists nor antisuffragists argued that women would
disenfranchise men, this cartoon better bolsters antisuffragist beliefs.
Antisuffragists in particular feared that "men will gradually come under the
power of women [if women's suffrage is passed], who will tyrannize over them and
degrade them" ("The Present Legal Rights of Women," 1890, p. 28). The inclusion
of the monkey further maintains antisuffragist ideology. Antisuffragists argued
that the breakdown of the spheres was retrogressive (Camhi, 1994). Therefore,
it follows that antisuffragists would believe the breakdown of spheres also lead
to man devolving to ape since Darwin's Origin of Species implied that man
evolved from apes, and Darwin's theory had great influence over people in the
early 1900s.
Besides separation of spheres issues, the sociological cartoons often revolved
around marriage themes. The first marriage theme was that marriage was more
desirable than suffrage as exemplified in this 1914 cartoon (see Appendix I).
The cartoon depicts three circus tentsDfeminism, suffrage, and matrimony.
Representatives from the feminist and suffragist tents are desperately trying to
draw customers. The matrimony tent with a sign calling it "the big show" has a
crowd around the entrance. The caption reads: "Only side shows after all."
Explicit in this cartoon is that feminism and suffragism are lesser attractions
for women, and therefore, women's main purpose in life is to marry and act as
wife and mother. Clearly, these types of cartoons support the antisuffragist
argument that marriage and family are women's true Natures (Abbott, 1903).
Other marriage themes stress the undesirability of marrying a suffragist (see
Appendix J). An illustrative cartoon shows cupid stopping a group of
suffragists. The caption reads: "The ban." This cartoon also sustains
antisuffragist ideologies. Antisuffragists urged men not to marry suffragists
because they "go against the will of God" by appropriating men's roles ("The
Argument Against Woman Suffrage," 1913, p. 302).
Associated with marriage themes, several cartoons depicted suffragists as
ignoring their home and children. For example, this 1912 cartoon shows a young
girl asking her grandfather, "What's the news in the papers about mother?"(see
Appendix K). Again, this defends antisuffragist beliefs that suffragists
abandon their children in pursuit of politics and a life outside the home
(Camhi, 1994).
In addition to ignoring children, many sociological contentions portrayed
suffragists as unattractive (see Appendix L). An exemplar cartoon showed a
suffragist with a large, hooked nose asking "The Bearded Lady" how she managed
to grow a beard. A young girl points at the two women while her father smirks.
Because antisuffragists argued that suffragists were unattractive and mannish
(Benjamin, 1991; "The Argument Against Woman Suffrage," 1913; "The Present Legal
Rights of Women," 1890), these types of cartoons seem to support antisuffragist
ideology. In addition, it is important to note that many of the cartoons from
1909-1914 depict suffragists as hag-like, old maids with glasses, or dowdy, fat
women even though this study did not primarily categorize them under
"unattractive" (Sheppard, 1985).
Sociological arguments represented in cartoons also included women's influence
upon male voters (see Appendix M). In this particular example, a woman is shown
kissing each man as they enter the polls. Although antisuffragists argued that
women already had indirect political influence through their husbands and sons
(Benjamin, 1991), they never explicitly stated that women's political influence
involved women's sexuality. However, these cartoons seem to support
antisuffragist arguments more than suffragist arguments. Suffragists claimed
they had NO ability to influence politics, whereas antisuffragists claimed
indirect influence, which kissing could be considered.
An additional sociological argument involved chivalry and women going to war.
An example of this theme came from a 1910 cartoon depicting a group of hens
boarding a train (see Appendix N). The hens with numerous packages look at the
roosters who are not yielding their seats to the "ladies." The caption reads:
"The march of the suffragettes. Recognition of the equality of the sexes has
become quite general in public conveyances." Clearly, these types of cartoons
sustain antisuffragists' contention that women's suffrage means women will have
to sacrifice chivalry (Ramee, 1909; Winston, 1896).
Besides the chivalry argument, working women were cited as a reason for women's
suffrage. A few cartoons depict working women fighting for the vote (see
Appendix O). In one particular example, a group of women stand outside a
polling place holding various types of signs. Men are allowing women to file in
to vote. Because of the various signs in the crowd, it is hard to determine
whose ideology this cartoon maintains. A group of women hold a sign stating
that they want their rights including higher wages and shorter hours. This part
of the sign reflects suffragists' belief that working women needed the vote in
order to protect their own interests (Kraditor, 1981; Stanton, 1882). However,
the remainder of the aforementioned sign states that the women want fewer duties
and every evening out. Furthermore, other signs say, "Keep the missus out of
the kitchen" and " Force the upstairs girl to make the salad." Not only are
these signs mocking the suffragists, but they also reflect antisuffragists'
belief that women neglect their household duties when they are involved in
politics (Benjamin, 1991). Thus, this cartoon seems to send mixed messages.
Another single example of a sociological argument portrays the taxation without
representation debate (see Appendix P). This cartoon juxtaposes a 1776 patriot
knocking out the monarchy with a 1913 suffragist knocking out a man. Both point
to a "taxation without representation" sign, and the caption reads: "Sauce for
the gander." This cartoon upholds the suffragist belief that women were
unjustly being taxed without true representation (Kraditor, 1981). Furthermore,
it refutes antisuffragists' claims that "taxation without representation" can
only be applied in terms of national representation (Benjamin, 1991).
Aside from the "taxation without representation" justification, several
cartoons reflected the morality debate. For example, this 1913 cartoons shows
woman's vote creating a barrier between the idyllic city and the red-light
district (see Appendix Q). Clearly, this cartoon sustains suffragist ideology
that women's vote would bring morality into politics (Kraditor, 1981). In
particular, suffragists believed their vote would prevent corruption, boast
men's moral development, and help clean up immoral companies such as brothels
(Kraditor 1981; Stetson, 1896; Spencer, 1898).
The final sociological argument reflected in the cartoons dealt with the
opportunity equality of the sexes would bring to women. A representative
cartoon from 1914 portrays a suffragist sleeping in her chair. She is dreaming
about women becoming soldiers in the navy and army, Supreme Court Justices,
firefighters, and police officers. Again, this supports suffragists.
Suffragists wanted the vote, in part, to open up opportunities to them
(Kraditor, 1981). In addition, suffragists often cited the lack of equal
opportunity for women as a reason why women may be seen as mentally or
physically inferior (Kraditor, 1981).
Beyond the numerous sociological justifications, a few cartoons mirrored
the race/ethnicity contention. For instance, this 1913 cartoon shows a variety
of men casting their ballots. Among these are a foreign and an African-American
man. The caption reads: "Woman is not fit for the ballot." This cartoon
reflects two suffragist contentions. First, suffragist cited the injustice in
African-American males being able to vote and women not being able to vote
(Kraditor, 1981). Second, suffragists point out the unfairness of foreigners
having suffrage when women are "true" citizens of this country (Brown, 1889).
In addition, suffragist point to the undesirability of foreign voters because of
foreigners' religion and illiteracy (Brown, 1889).
Although the vast majority of the cartoons reflected suffragist and
antisuffragist ideologies, approximately 17 percent had other themes. Several
cartoons depicted suffragists in a positive manner (see Appendix R for an
example). These cartoons showed suffragists as generally feminine characters
and women's suffrage as something to hope for. A couple of cartoons depicted
the antisuffragist-suffragist debate (see Appendix S for an example). These
cartoons clearly favored neither side, so they cannot be classified as
bolstering either. A few cartoons also portrayed the states in which women's
suffrage was passed or on which referenda were being voted (see Appendix T for
an example). Although the example shows a female hunter killing two more
rabbits with states names inscribed on them, all of these types of cartoons
portray both sides in positive and negative ways.
Another theme not directly mirrored in antisuffragist and suffragist
rhetoric was women's suffrage as being just silly or noise. For example, this
1910 cartoon depicts a parade of animals in female dress with signs requesting
rights such as "Votes for dogs," and "Vivisection: Give us the ballot and we
will stop it" (see Appendix U). The caption reads: "Why not." This cartoon
mocks suffragist ideologies that women will be able to cure immorality with the
vote and women have a natural right to the vote (Kraditor, 1981; Stetson, 1896;
Spencer, 1898). Because these cartoons depict women's voting as silly or "just
noise," moreover, these cartoons seem to support antisuffragists more than
suffragists by diminishing women's desires for equality.
Furthermore, 14 cartoons portray suffragists as militants. This 1913
example shows a group of women with a "united militants" sign in the theater
manager's office (see Appendix V). The lead suffragist says, "Unless you agree
to employ only our suffragette chorus girls, we will blow up your old theater."
Clearly, militant illustrations injure the suffragists' cause. According to
Flexner (1975), a few suffragists did use violent means such as breaking windows
and attacking government members with whips, but these women were not part of
the mainstream movement making a militant characterization unjust. Moreover,
all the women in the cartoon are drawn as unattractive women with glasses;
therefore, this characterization further advances antisuffragists' belief that
suffrage makes women mannish (Benjamin, 1991; "The Argument Against Woman
Suffrage," 1913; "The Present Legal Rights of Women," 1890).
The final non-suffragist/antisuffragist theme apparent in the cartoons
links suffrage activities with going to jail. For instance, this 1913 cartoon
depicts a suffragist in a jail cell (see Appendix W). Outside her cell are
three suffragists hollering and creating a disturbance. The caption reads: "A
safe and sane Fourth." These cartoons tend to favor antisuffragists. They do
not refer to whether or not the suffragists committed illegal acts, but by
implication, suffragist activity is against the law and Natural Law. The fact
that suffragists seem to desire jail time (a theme apparent in most of these
types of cartoons) makes the women and their cause insane.
Ideology embodied and implications
Considering that more than 80 percent of the cartoons either reflect
antisuffragist ideologies or favor the antisuffragist cause, these cartoons
clearly support the dominant ideology during this eraDseparation of spheres,
domesticity, Victorian values, and republican motherhood. Moreover, the
prevalence of cartoons mirroring antisuffragist ideologies suggests that the
dominant ideology is continually renewed, reinforced, defended, and constructed,
which is required for an ideology to maintain dominance (Foss, 1996, p. 295).
The nature, use, and purpose of humor further advances these contentions.
Cartoons portray human attitudes and "_reflect basic social values with intense
clarity" (Boskin, 1979, p. 7; Bogardus, 1945). Because the cartoons reflected
antisuffragist ideologies, basic social values at this time would include
maintaining separate spheres, women's submission to male authority, women's
inferiority to men, and women's primary role as wife and mother. In addition,
because these cartoons mocked suffragists more than antisuffragists and cartoons
portray human attitudes, then, society as a whole had a negative attitude toward
women's suffrage and a desire to maintain the status quo. Historians agree with
this last point. "Throughout the country generally,_the [suffrage] movement was
but a subject for ridicule" (Murrell, 1928, p. 18). When one ridicules and
belittles one's opponents, one is attempting to secure domination and control.
Since cartoons express this "wish for domination and control" (Bogardus, 1945,
p. 141), one may conclude that Life was supporting hegemony.
Besides the nature of humor, the use and purpose of humor bolsters this paper's
contention. Humor is used "as an essential form of social communication"
(Boskin, 1979, p. 5). Because it "is integrally related to a culture's code,"
humor thrusts societal members toward social coherence and control (Boskin,
1979, p. 5). In addition, humor is often used against upwardly mobile minority
groups such as suffragists (Boskin, 1979, p. 30). Through the mocking of social
groups, humor conveys accepted behaviors and attitudes to society. Furthermore,
when a social group threatens the dominant ideology, humor may be used to
subvert their message. Because suffragists were going against the dominant
ideology, suffrage cartoons subverted their message by reflecting antisuffragist
ideologies in order to maintain the status quo. Therefore, humor functions as a
corrective for societal outsiders, and humor "is tied to power, autonomy, and
aggression_" (Walker, 1988, p. 13).
In addition to humor, exploring the cartoonists themselves bolster the
contention that suffrage cartoons uphold the dominant ideology. Because most
cartoonists were men, it follows that they would reveal men's view of women,
which at this time was domestic, moral, submissive, motherly, chaste, and
dependent (Franzen & Ethiel, 1988, p. 13; Evans, 1989). "Rarely did early
cartoonists concern themselves with women's own feelings and desiresDespecially
for equality. They were far more concerned with the threat these desires posed
to their own comfortable way of life" (Franzen & Ethiel, 1988, p. 13).
Therefore, male cartoonists mocked suffragists because women's suffrage
threatened their position in society and the societal order.
Finally, the editorial content of Life supports the dominant ideology and
antisuffragist ideologies. During most of 1909, most suffrage editorial both
favored and disfavored women's suffrage. For example, Life ran an article that
said they had read both sides' arguments "_and come usually to the conclusion
that the strongest argument against it is 'Because,' and the strongest argument
for it the same" (Life, p. 220)[4]. However, 1910 marked vehement antisuffrage
editorial as exemplified by the birth of Priscilla Jawbones' weekly columns,
which mocked suffragists and their ideologies, and their essay contest on why a
man should not marry a suffragette. In addition, it is important to note the
characterization of Priscilla Jawbones corresponds with antisuffragists' belief
that suffragists are unattractive and mannish. She is depicted as a
gap-toothed, old hag who wears glassesDthe stereotype of a suffragist. The
Jawbones column continued through 1911.
In 1912, Life again ran a contest, but this time they asked if a
suffragette should marry. The winners answer to the question was "certainly
not. A man's wife should be his ideal, not his ordeal" (p. 2192)[5]. After
1912, the editorial was mixed again, but more was antisuffragist than
suffragist.
The implication of the cartoons bolstering dominant and antisuffragist
ideology is that the cartoons, as part of a mainstream medium, may have
negatively influenced public opinion toward the women's suffrage amendment.
According to Maurice and Cooper (1970), the primary purpose of cartoons was to
mold public opinion. Cartoons also sought "_to influence public opinion through
its use of widely and instantly understood symbols, slogans, referents, and
allusions" (Fischer, 1996, p. 122). Moreover, politicians abhorred cartoons
because they were able to solidify complex issues into simple metaphor, were
widely available, were able to depict issues in unflattering manners, and could
be understood by the illiterate (Harrison, 1981, p. 14; Fischer, 1996). In fact
Thomas Nast's cartoons of Boss Tweed helped sway public opinion and expel him
from office (Fischer, 1996).
Conclusion
In summation, Life magazine cartoons reflected both suffrage and antisuffrage
ideologies, but more than 80 percent reflected antisuffrage arguments. The two
most prominent antisuffrage ideology mirrored in the cartoons were separation of
spheres and marriage issues, and these ideologies were akin to the dominant
ideology, which included separation of spheres, Victorian values, republican
motherhood, and domesticity. Therefore, the prevalence of antisuffrage
ideologies in the cartoons supports the dominant ideology and helps subvert
suffragists' counter-hegemony.
The purpose, use, and nature of humor, the editorial content of Life, and
the practices of male cartoonists further bolster the argument that Life
suffrage cartoons supported antisuffrage ideologies and, more importantly, the
dominant ideology. Furthermore, the reflection of antisuffrage ideologies and
the dominant ideology in the cartoons may have negatively influenced public
opinion toward the women's suffrage movement especially considering Life was
"the most influentia politics (Evans, 1989). When women left this sphere,
antisuffragists believed that
immorality raged, progress ended, and women became man-like and no longer
married and had children causing racial suicide to ensue. Although biological
ideologies were rof the cartoons bolstered suffrage ideologies and depicted
suffragists in a positive manner.
Finally, certain ideologies have changed little in 100 years. Media still
subject women to the femininity myth. According to the contemporary femininity
myth, women are self-sacrificing, self-denigrating (Jamieson, 1995), passive,
dependent, nurturing, beautiful, and most importantly pure (Freidan, 1963).
Because women are "naturally" the nurturers, the best place for them is at home
as mother, wife, and housekeeper. With this debilitating myth still in place,
women who go against this ideology such as feminists and politically powerful
women are characterized as unattractive and half man-half woman (Wolf, 1991)
just like antisuffragists depicted suffragists as mannish and unattractive.
The Women's Suffrage Movement Through the Eyes of Life Magazine Cartoons
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The Women's Suffrage Movement Through the Eyes of Life Magazine Cartoons
Appendix A
Argument
Number of Cartoons
Women physically and mentally inferior (Biological)
8
Women are trivial/shop for clothes (Bio)
10
Separation of spheres (Sociology)
64
Marriage (Soc)
27
Suffragists ignore their children (Soc)
6
Women's vote needed for morality (Soc)
3
Working women need the vote (Soc)
4
Women's influence on menDsexual (Soc)
4
Suffragists are mannish (Soc)
13
Equality of the sexes (Soc.)
3
Suffragists must give up chivalry and go to war (Soc)
9
Race/ethnicity
7
Antis vs. Suffragists
4
States that passed women's suffrage
4
Positive depictions women's suffrage
6
Suffragists as militant
14
Suffragism is silly or "just noise"
5
Suffragists going to jail
5
Other
18
Total
214
The Women's Suffrage Movement Through the Eyes of Life Magazine Cartoons
Appendix B
From Life (1910 June 9), vol. 60 (1441), p. 1062.
Appendix C
From Life (1913 February 13), vol. 64 (1581), p. 318.
The Women's Suffrage Movement Through the Eyes of Life Magazine Cartoons
Appendix D
From Life (1910 June 2), vol. 60 (1440), p. 1015.
The Women's Suffrage Movement Through the Eyes of Life Magazine Cartoons
Appendix E
From Life (1910 March 17), vol. 60 (1429).
Appendix F
From Life (1910 December 22), vol. 61 (1469), p. 1141.
Appendix G
From Life (1913 December 25), vol. 65 (1626), p. 1141.
Appendix H
From Life (1909 March 25), vol. 58 (1378).
Appendix I
From Life (1914 September 17), p. 476.
The Women's Suffrage Movement Through the Eyes of Life Magazine Cartoons
Appendix J
From Life (1910 September 22), vol. 61 (1456), p. 468.
Appendix K
From Life (1912 April 4), vol. 64 (1536), p. 702.
The Women's Suffrage Movement Through the Eyes of Life Magazine Cartoons
Appendix L
From Life (1911 February 9), vol. 62 (1476), p. 315.
The Women's Suffrage Movement Through the Eyes of Life Magazine Cartoons
Appendix M
From Life (1914 May 21), vol. 68 (?), p. 914.
The Women's Suffrage Movement Through the Eyes of Life Magazine Cartoons
Appendix N
From Life (1910 November 24), vol. 61 (1465), p. 918.
The Women's Suffrage Movement Through the Eyes of Life Magazine Cartoons
Appendix O
From Life (1909 March 25), vol. 58 (1378), p. 402-403.
The Women's Suffrage Movement Through the Eyes of Life Magazine Cartoons
Appendix P
From Life (1913 July 3), vol. 67 (1601), p. 14.
The Women's Suffrage Movement Through the Eyes of Life Magazine Cartoons
Appendix Q
From Life (1913 October 16), vol. 67 (1616), p. 646.
The Women's Suffrage Movement Through the Eyes of Life Magazine Cartoons
Appendix R
From Life (1914 June 14), vol. 68, p. 1009.
The Women's Suffrage Movement Through the Eyes of Life Magazine Cartoons
Appendix S
From Life (1912 September 5), vol. 65 (1558), p. 1725.
The Women's Suffrage Movement Through the Eyes of Life Magazine Cartoons
Appendix T
From Life (1914 December 3), vol. 69, p. 1009.
The Women's Suffrage Movement Through the Eyes of Life Magazine Cartoons
Appendix U
From Life (1910 May 19), vol. 60 (1438), p. 919.
The Women's Suffrage Movement Through the Eyes of Life Magazine Cartoons
Appendix V
From Life (1913 September 14), vol. 67 (1611), p. 382.
The Women's Suffrage Movement Through the Eyes of Life Magazine Cartoons
Appendix W
From Life (1913 July 3), vol. 66 (1601), p. 13.
[1] Works that address the separation of the spheres include Sara M. Evans,
Born for Liberty: A History of Women in America (New York: The Free Press,
1989); Louise Michelle Newman, Laying Claim to Difference: Ideologies of Race
and Gender in the United States Woman's Movement, 1870-1920, Unpublished
doctoral dissertation, Brown University (1992).
[2] A romanticism of domestic duties and motherhood where women's patriotic
duty was to educate their sons to be virtuous citizens.
[3] Works that address the women's political role and the Republican Motherhood
ideology include Sara M. Evans, Born for Liberty: A History of Women in America
(New York: The Free Press, 1989); Anne F. and Andrew M. Scott, One Half the
People: The Fight for Woman Suffrage (Philadelphia: J.B. Lippincott Company,
1975).
[4] From February 18, 1909 issue.
[5] From November 14, 1912 issue of Life magazine.
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