Do social norms and media coverage influence illicit drug trial among college
students? Implications for media practitioners and drug educators
Alyse Gotthoffer
Ph.D. Student
2000 Weimer Hall
University of Florida
Gainesville, FL 32611
(352) 392-4077
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Do social norms and media coverage influence illicit drug trial among college
students? Implications for media practitioners and drug educators
Introduction
Illicit drug use by college students is hardly a recent phenomenon.
According to an annual survey by the National Institute on Drug Abuse (NIDA),
31.4% of full-time college students had tried an illicit drug in the past year
(1994). The most prevalent of these drugs was marijuana, followed by
hallucinogens, LSD, and stimulants, respectively. In addition, 16% of these
students had used an illicit drug in the previous 30 days (1994).
The preliminary 1996 National Household Survey on Drug Abuse showed that
while rates of drug use are declining among teens (albeit slightly), consumption
among 18- to 25-year olds rose from 13.3% in 1994 to 15.6% in 1996. The biggest
jump was in heroin use, with the number of past-year users tripling since 1993.
In addition, past-month cocaine use among this age group also has increased,
from 1.3 percent to 2.0 percent (Table 1).
Table 1: Drug Use in U.S. Population, 18-25
Lifetime
Past year
Past month
1995/1996
1995/1996
1995/1996
Any Illicit Drug
45.8/48.0
25.5/26.8
14.2/15.6
Marijuana/hashish
41.4/44.0*
21.8/23.8
12.0/13.2
Cocaine
9.8/10.2
4.3/4.7
1.3/2.0*
Crack
2.9/3.0
1.1/1.3
0.3/0.6
Inhalants
11.2/10.8
3.2/3.0
0.7/1.0
Hallucinogens
14.1/16.3*
5.3/6.9**
2.3/2.3
PCP
3.0/2.3
0.4/0.5
0.0/0.1
LSD
12.0/13.9*
3.8/4.6
1.2/0.9
Heroin
0.7/1.3
0.3/0.9*
0.1/0.4
Stimulants
3.9/4.3
2.0/2.0
1.0/0.6
Sedatives
1.5/1.3
0.5/0.7
0.2/0.3
Tranquilizers
5.0/5.0
2.8/2.6
.07/.09
Analgesics
8.1/8.9
4.2/4.9
1.1/2.0*
IllicitDnot marijuana
23.5/26.6
12.5/12.7
5.7/6.3
Alcohol
84.4/83.8
76.5/75.3
61.3/60.0
"Binge" alcohol use
------
--------
29.9/32.0
Heavy alcohol use
------
--------
12.0/12.9
Cigarettes
67.7/68.5
42.5/44.7
35.3/28.3*
Smokeless tobacco
24.7/23.4
8.8/9.7
5.4/6.1
Taken from The National Household Survey on Drug Abuse, 1996 preliminary data
*significant at .05 level; **significant at .01 level
The data show that, for whatever reason, drug consumption is taking place on
our campuses. There are a variety of factors which may contribute to illicit
drug use among college students. This paper examines attitudes and behaviors
that surround drug consumption in this population, as well as the roles that
social norms and the mass media might play in students' drug use. Social norms
and agenda-setting theory both are applied in an attempt to explain the use of
drugs in the college student population.
Social norms
Social norms refer to a person's perception of what constitutes normal behavior
in a given situation (Sherif, 1936; Berkowitz, 1972; Fishbein & Ajzen, 1975).
Best stated by Cialdini, social norms posit that "if everyone is doing it, is
must be a sensible thing to do" (1988). The influence of social norms on
subsequent behavior has been examined in terms of subjective norms, social
influences, and perceptions of normal behaviors. Subjective norms refer to a
person's perception of how significant others think that they should behave,
which often, is one of the predictors of behavior. (Fishbein & Ajzen, 1975).
Social influences, identification with reference groups, and perceived norms
have been shown to play a significant role in the determination of one's
behavioral intentions, particularly in the case of drug use (Terry & Hogg, 1996;
Bearden et.al., 1994; Rose et.al., 1992).
Social learning theory also plays a role in the perception of social norms.
Social learning theory asserts that behavior is learned through the observation
of others, such as role models and peer groups, and thus, can influence
subsequent behaviors (Bandura, 1977; Bandura, 1986). Social learning has
significant implications for drug use, particularly when it is perceived that
drug consumption constitutes normal and accepted behavior (Akers et al., 1979;
Akers, 1985). "The more individuals define drug behavior as good or at least as
justified or excusable rather than holding to general beliefs or specific
attitudes counter to a drug, the more likely that they are to use that drug"
(Akers, 1992, p. 12).
There are other dimensions to social norms and influences beyond than
subjective norms. In an attempt to further refine normative conduct, Cialdini
et.al. (1990) differentiate between descriptive and injunctive norms.
Descriptive norms refer to those actions which typically are performed: "It is
what most people do, and it motivates by providing evidence as to what will
likely be effective and adaptive action" (p. 1015). Injunctive norms, on the
other hand, refer to those things that ought to be performed, i.e., "rules or
beliefs as to what constitutes morally approved and disapproved conduct" (p.
1015).
Cialdini et.al. (1990) studied how descriptive and injunctive norms
affected behavior, using littering as the relevant behavior. Subjects in their
experiment tended to litter according to their interpretation of how others
around them behaved, i.e., according to what they felt to be the descriptive
norm in that situation. Similarly, the researchers found that as the
descriptive norms changed, so did subsequent behavior. In addition, they
determined that injunctive norms also had an effect on behavior, in that when
presented with a message promoting an injunctive norm (an anti-littering
message), subjects were less likely to litter. In a follow-up study, Reno
et.al. (1993) found that while both descriptive and injunctive norms are of
value in understanding behavior, "an injunctive norm focus proved decidedly more
robust in its impact across situations that a descriptive norm focus" (p. 109)
Applying such normative theories to drug consumption may prove useful in
understanding this behavior, particularly among college students. Although the
consumption of most drugs is illegal, often the use of these substances is
considered to be the norm. Many times, actual norms differ from those that are
perceived to be true. Studies have shown that perceived norms surrounding
substance use and abuse are accurate predictors of consumption (Beck & Treiman,
1996; Wood et.al.,1992; Baer et.al., 1991; Downs, 1987). However, these
perceived norms often are not indicative of what really occurs among one's peers
in a given population (Baer et.al., 1991). Even so, many college students have
a tendency to rely on these perceptions to justify their behaviors (Berkowitz &
Perkins, 1986).
Many young people, particularly college students, have a need for affiliation
with their peers and spend a lot of time with friends. This often is manifested
by conformity to social and group norms, as well as through pressure by members
of the peer group (Brown et al., 1986). It has been documented that friends
exert a strong influence over each other, and that this influence often is
translated to shared drug and alcohol consumption (Rose et al., 1992).
The mass media and agenda setting
The power of the press was expressed well by Bernard Cohen: "The press is
significantly more than a purveyor of information and opinion. It may not be
successful much of the time in telling people what to think, but it is
stunningly successful in telling its readers what to think about" (1963, p.
13). This accurately defines what is meant by agenda setting. Agenda setting
theory states asserts that:
The audience learns what issues are important from the priorities
of the news media and incorporates a similar set of weights in their
own personal agendas. Agenda setting is a relational concept
specifying a positive connection between the emphases of the news media
and the perceived importance of these topics to the news audience
(Protess & McCombs, p. 2).
In essence, agenda setting theory argues that the media decides which
issues to cover, and thus leads the public to believe that these issues are
important. The media exert a powerful influence over their audiences, and by
deciding what issues will receive coverage, have the ability to shape the
public's attitudes about these issues.
McCombs and Shaw (1972) first tested the agenda-setting hypothesis in the
presidential campaign of 1968, and they determined that the media had a
significant effect on what the public perceived as the important issues of the
campaign. Since then, numerous studies have continued to confirm this
hypothesis (Shaw & McCombs, 1977; Iyengar, Peters, & Kinder, 1982; Iyengar &
Kinder, 1978; Wanta, 1988).
Agenda setting by the mass media has appeared to affect the public's perception
of the nation's drug problem. In 1986, when crack cocaine was being presented
by the media as a major drug menace to society (Akers, 1992), New York Times
writer Peter Kerr wrote: "In recent weeks, as the intense attention to drugs
has faded, some have asked if the reaction to drugs was appropriate, and how it
is that the press and Congress sometimes suddenly discover and then dismiss a
major national problem" (p.1). Once the initial hype had begun to fade, others
began to question the nature of drug coverage.
Edwin Diamond and his News Study Group at NYU (1987) reported that
television "had begun to reflect on its drug coverage over the summer,
questioning whether it had been exaggerated, and media treatment of cocaine
became a story itself" (p. 6). They reported that although the media's
coverage of drug abuse increased during this period, there was no evidence that
the levels of drug abuse actually changed (Shoemaker et.al., 1989). What
change did occur was positive. In fact, there is evidence to suggest that by
the time the media hype began concerning cocaine in 1986, the problem already
was on the decline (Johnston, 1989).
Often it is the "elite media," such as The New York Times and The Washington
Post who set the agenda for other media on this issue. (Massing, 1984). In
other words, if these papers are running the story, then it must be news. Reese
and Danielian (1989) confirmed this. In 1985 and 1986, they found that news
stories about cocaine increased as the elite papers increased the number of
stories they ran about this issue. In fact, they discovered that The New York
Times actually set the agenda for network news.
Essentially, the more media coverage drugs receive, the more important the
public perceives the problem to be (Shaw & McCombs, 1989). This coverage often
is due to agenda setting, rather than to actual news events spurring them
(Danielian & Reese, 1989). The next logical question is whether this increased
media coverage has any influence on drug consumption. While the effects of
anti-drug campaigns have been studied (Forman & Lachter, 1989), very little
research has been done to determine whether media coverage of drugs,
particularly "new" drugs, has any influence on trial among college students, who
are an experimental population by nature.
In general, both social norms and agenda setting may influence people's
attitudes and/or decision-making about whether to use or try drugs. Because the
rates of illicit drug use are highest among college students (NHSDA, 1996), this
study seeks to examine these factors with respect to this population.
Specifically, it attempts to answer the following research questions: Are
students who believe drug use to be the norm (i.e., they think everyone around
them uses drugs) more likely to use illicit drugs? If a student's friends or
peers do use drugs, does that student also use drugs? Do perceptions of social
norms surrounding drug use influence drug trial? Does media coverage of a drug
influence a student's intentions to try that drug? Do social norms and the
media work together to influence drug use?
This study strives to answer these questions using a survey to measure
students' drug trial, their conceptions of social norms surrounding drug use,
and their attitudes about media coverage on drugs. Based on the literature, the
following hypotheses were generated:
H1: Students who report that their friends use drugs are more likely to have
tried
at least one illicit drug than those who do not believe that
their friends use
drugs.
H2: Students who agree that drug trial is normal in college will
be more likely to
have tried an illicit drug than those who do not see drug
trial as the norm.
H3: Those students who have ever used an illicit drug are more
likely
to try new drugs that are covered by the media than those who
have not used an illicit drug.
H4: There is a positive relationship between students' attitudes
toward media
coverage of drugs and the use of illicit drugs.
H5: There is a positive relationship between perception of social
norms
and illicit drug use.
Methodology
A six-page questionnaire was developed in an attempt to measure social norm and
agenda setting variables and substance use. Items in the questionnaire
addressed the following topics: (1) illicit drug consumption (2) students'
perceptions of friends' drug use; (3) perceptions about the media's coverage of
drug use and (4) the media's influence on drug consumption. Each attitudinal
item consisted of a statement followed by a five-point Likert response scale
that ranged from 1 (strongly agree) to 5 (strongly disagree). Behavioral items
required the respondent to indicate whether or not he/she had performed the
given behavior. The questionnaire also asked demographic questions of each
respondent, including gender, age, year in school, race, and religious
affiliation.
In addition, the questionnaire addressed students' consumption of specific
drugs. Respondents were asked when or if they had last used alcohol or tobacco
as well as the following illicit drugs: marijuana, cocaine, crack, heroin, GHB,
Ecstacy, ice or other amphetamine derivatives, LSD, PCP or other hallucinogens,
and barbiturates or other depressants. They were asked to indicate whether they
had ever used the drug, and if so, whether their most recent consumption
occurred longer than a year, within the past year, within the month, within the
past week, or within the past two days. The independent variable measured
whether the respondent had ever tried an illicit drug. Therefore, if the
respondents indicated that they had ever used one or more of the illicit drugs,
they were included in the trial group. Those who had never tried any of the
illicit drugs were part of the non-trial group.
Respondents in this study were recruited from three introductory communications
courses at a large southeastern university. The questionnaire was administered
by the researcher during class time. Between 180 and 230 students were enrolled
in each of the three classes. Students were given extra credit points in the
class for their participation; therefore, all of the students in each class
participated. Because many of the questions required students to admit to
activities that are against the law, confidentiality was stressed in order to
ensure honest answers. Data was analyzed using SPSS for Windows.
Results
Descriptive statistics
Gender. A total of 461 people participated in the survey. Males comprised
54.7% of the responses (n=252), and females made up 45.3% (n=209).
Race. Just over 78% (n=360) were Caucasian, 5.9% (n=27) were
African-American, 3.7% (n=17) were Asian, 9.8% were Hispanic/Latino, and the
remaining 2.6% (n=12) were of another race.
Religion. The majority of the sample was Christian (37.3%; n=172).
Catholics comprised 31.9% (n=147), while 17.4% (n=80) were Jewish, and 13 were
either Muslin, Islamic, Buddhist, or other.
Age. Most of the respondents (94.3%; n=435) were between the ages of 18
and 25. Twenty-five were older than 25 (5.4%), and only one respondent was
under 18.
Year in school. About 50% (n=228) of the respondents were juniors.
Seniors made up 26.2% of the sample (n=121), sophomores, 21% (n=97), and
freshmen, 2.8% (n=13). Only two people in the sample were graduate students.
Greek affiliation. A little more than 30% (n=140) of respondents reported
being a member of a fraternity or sorority. The remaining 321 (69.6%)
respondents were not Greek-affiliated.
Drug consumption. Table 2 summarizes drug usage among members of the
sample. Usage was defined by whether respondents had ever used the drug, or
whether their most recent use of the drug was in the past year, month, week, or
two days.
Table 2: Drug Consumption
DRUG
Never used
Past year
Past month
Past week
Past 2 days
ALCOHOL
10 (2.2%)
27 (5.9%)
84 (18.2%)
158 (34.3%)
182 (39.5%)
BARBITURATES
382 (82.9%)
46 (10%)
16 (3.5%)
10 (2.2%)
7 (1.5%)
COCAINE
397 (86.1%)
36 (7.8%)
16 (3.5%)
10 (2.2%)
2 (0.4%)
CRACK
456 (98.9%)
4 (0.9%)
0
0
1 (0.2%)
ECSTACY
349 (75.7)
61 (13.2%)
38 (8.2%)
7 (1.5%)
6 (1.3%)
GHB
412 (89.4%)
38 (8.0%)
5 (1.1%)
5 (1.1%)
2 (0.4%)
HEROIN
447 (97.0%)
10 (2.2%)
2 (0.4%)
1 (0.2%)
1 (0.2%)
ICE
451 (97.8%)
6 (1.3%)
4 (0.9%)
0
0
LSD
350 (75.9%)
81 (17.6%)
24 (5.2%)
4 (0.9%)
2 (0.4%)
MARIJUANA
181 (39.3%)
91 (19.7%)
57 (12.4%)
37 (8.0%)
95 (20.6%)
PCP
387 (83.9%)
42 (9.1%)
24 (5.2%)
5 (1.1%)
3 (0.7%)
TOBACCO
140 (30.4%)
95 (20.6%)
55 (11.9%)
40 (8.7%)
131 (28.4%)
As the table shows, alcohol was the most readily consumed substance, followed
by tobacco and marijuana. Almost 98% of respondents had used it at least once
in their lives, with 40% of respondents (n=182) having most recently used it in
the past two days. A little under 70% have tried tobacco at least once, and
almost 30% of those had used a tobacco product in the past two days. Over 60%
had ever tried marijuana, and 20 percent of respondents had used marijuana in
the past two days (n=95). Ecstasy and GHB, two popular drugs of the 1990s, also
were used by a number of respondents. Almost 25% (n=112) had tried Ecstasy, and
11% (n=49) had tried GHB. In addition, 14% (n=64) had tried cocaine, 17% had
tried barbiturates (n=79), and about 25% (n= 111) had tried LSD. Although the
majority of students had never tried any these drugs, certainly there still
appears to be a reasonably significant number of users.
Social norms and drug use in college
Twelve survey items questioned students about the social norms and activity
surrounding drug use in a college atmosphere. Interaction with friends, as well
as belief's about drug use were included as social norm variables, as they may
be factors associated with perceptions of norms. Table 3 summarizes these
results.
Table 3: Social norms and drug use in college
Statement
Agree
Don't know
Disagree
If I use drugs, my friends usually are using them, too
186 (33.8%)
24 (5.2%)
251 (54.5%)
It's pretty normal to try drugs when you're in college.
292 (63.4%)
54 (11.7%)
115 (24.9%)
There's pressure to try drugs when you're in college.
159 (34.5%)
63 (13.7%)
239 (51.9%)
Using drugs in college isn't the same thing as using them when you're out in the
126 (27.3%)
68 (14.8%)
267 (57.9%)
real world.
College is an experimental time. If you're going to try drugs, this is the time
to do it.
213 (46.2%)
55 (11.9%)
193 (41.9%)
I think that using drugs is bad.
255 (55.3%)
78 (16.9%)
128 (27.8%)
There's a difference between people who use drugs all the time and people who
315 (68.4%)
51 (11.1%)
95 (20.6%)
only use them once in a while.
Some of my good friends use drugs.
340 (73.7%)
18 (3.9%)
103 (22.4%)
Taking drugs in college is not a big deal.
142 (30.8%)
79 (17.1%)
240 (52.1%)
if I do use drugs, it's only when I'm partying with my friends.
182 (39.5%)
36 (7.8%)
243 (52.7%)
If everyone around me is using drugs, it's hard not to use them also.
87 (18.9%)
44 (9.5%)
330 (71.6%)
I often have a tendency to follow what my friends do, even though/ I may not
31 (6.8%)
26 (5.6%)
404 (87.6%)
always agree with what they're doing.
*Because of rounding, percentages may not add up to 100.
**The survey actually was based on a five-point Likert scale. Strongly agree
and agree were collapsed into one category, as were disagree
and strongly disagree.
A majority of the students in this survey (n=292; 63.4%) agreed that drug use
is a normal college behavior, yet about 56% (n=255) believe that drug use is
wrong. Almost 75% of respondents reported that some of their good friends use
drugs, while only seven percent (n=31) say they follow their friends' negative
behaviors. About 34% (n=186) use drugs with their friends.
Students in this study believe that drug consumption in college is
different from drug consumption outside of the college atmosphere. Thirty-one
percent do not feel that drug use in college is a big deal. Almost 35% (n=159)
think that there is pressure to try drugs when you're in college and 19% (n=87)
say it's difficult to abstain from drug use if your friends are using drugs.
About 46% (n=213) agreed that if one is going to try drugs, college is the place
to do it. A little over 27% (n=126) said that using drugs in college is not the
same thing as using them in the real world. While the majority of students do
not see drug use as a normal behavior, a many of those students who are users
have deemed drug use as acceptable in college.
Hypothesis one stated that students who thought their good friends use
drugs are more likely to have ever tried an illicit drug than those who thought
their good friends do not use drugs. This is confirmed by the data (table 4).
Of the 461 total respondents, 284 (61.6%) had ever tried an illicit drug
(including marijuana). Of that 284, 255 (89.8%) agreed that they thought some
of their good friends also use drugs. Those students who had never tried an
illicit drug (n=177) were less likely to think that their friends use drugs
(n=85, 48%). Essentially, those students who have tried drugs are much more
likely to think their friends use drugs. A chi-square test confirms a
significant relationship between these variables (gamma = .64; r=.46; X2=104.8,
df=4, 2-tailed p<.0001).
Table 4: Drug trial vs. friends' drug usage
Good friends use
EVERUSE
agree
don't know
disagree
TOTAL
yes
255
5
24
284
no
85
13
79
177
TOTAL
340
18
103
461
Hypothesis two posited that those students who agree that trying drugs in
college is normal would be more likely to have tried an illicit drug than those
who do not see drug use as the norm. The data support this hypothesis. Of the
284 students who had ever tried an illicit drug, 235 (82.7%) agree that trying
drugs is normal in college. Only 18 respondents (6.3%) who had tried illicit
drugs did not see this behavior as normal. A chi-square test revealed that
there is a significant relationship between a student's perceived norm about
drug trial and whether that student has ever tried an illicit drug (gamma =.814;
r=.561; X2=147.05, df=2, 2-tailed p<.0001). In other words, if a college
student thinks that it is normal to try drugs in college, then that student will
be more likely to engage in this behavior.
In an attempt to test the hypothesis that there is a positive relationship
between perception of social norms and drug use, the mean for the social norm
items was calculated and an index was formed for this variable. Chi-square tests
and Pearson correlations then were run with these indices on the drug trial
variable. The tests showed a significant, positive relationship between whether
a student ever tried an illicit drug and the social norm index, confirming
hypothesis five (gamma = .988; r=.795; X2=93.6, df=1, 2-tailed p<.0001; r=.795).
An ANOVA then was run with drug trial as the dependent variable. The
effect of the social norm index on drug trial was significant (F=251.03, df=1,
p<.0001). In other words, one's perception of the norms surrounding drug use
may predict whether one will try an illicit drug.
Media attitudes about illicit drugs
The survey contained nine items to media coverage of illicit drugs. Table 5
summarizes the frequencies with which respondents agreed with the given
statements.
Table 5: Media and illicit drug consumption
Statement
Agree**
Don't know
Disagree
I hear a lot of bad things about drugs in the media.
407 (88.2%)
26 (5.6%)
28 (6.1%)*
Drugs aren't as big a deal as the media makes them out to be.
125 (27.2%)
91 (19.7%)
245 (53.1%)
I have tried drugs out of curiosity because I heard about them in the media.
79 (17.2%)
29 (6.3%)
353 (76.5%)
The more the media talks about a drug, the more dangerous that drug is.
74 (16.1%)
100 (21.7%)
287 (62.3%)
The media decides which drugs are a problem in our society.
179 (38.8%)
79 (17.1%)
203 (44%)
Reporters have a tendency to exaggerate when they write about how serious drug
171 (37.1%)
132 (28.6%)
158 (34.3%)
use is
The more the media talks about a drug, the more people will want to try it and
see
182 (39.5%)
126 (27.3%)
153 (33.2%)
what the fascination is.
I have tried drugs such as GHB, Ecstasy, and cocaine because I was hearing so
14 (3%)
29 (6.3%)
418 (90.7%)
much about them in the media, I wanted to see what the big deal was.
If I read about a new drug that was making its way into [the local] party scene,
I
22 (4.8%)
57 (12.4%)
382 (82.9%)
would want to try it and see what it was like.
*Because of rounding, percentages may not add up to 100.
**The survey actually was based on a five-point Likert scale. Strongly agree
and agree were collapsed into one category, as were disagree
and strongly disagree.
The results show that a number of students believe that the media exerts an
influence on society's perceptions of drug use. About 27% (n=125) of the
respondents agreed that the media makes coverage of drug use more pertinent than
necessary, and more than 37% (n=171) feel that reporter may exaggerate the
seriousness of drug consumption. Almost 40% (n=182) believe that media coverage
of a drug increases students' curiosity, and may lead to trial. However, only
three percent (n=14) agreed that coverage had actually led to drug trial, and
only five percent (n=22) said that they would try a new drug that they had read
about.
The third hypothesis stated that students illicit drug trial may be related to
media coverage, and this relationship would be more prevalent for those who had
tried drugs. This is suggested by the data, (table 6) but the relationship is
not significant (gamma = .204; r=.08; X2=3.568, df=2, 2-tailed p<.168). Only 14
total respondents agreed that they would try a drug based on media coverage. Of
those, 12 had ever tried an illicit drug. In addition, only 22 said that they
may have tried a new drug because of media coverage, and of those, all of them
had tried an illicit drug. The data suggest that a student who has already
tried drugs is much more likely to be influenced by media coverage than non-drug
users. However, the media is not a reason for drug use. About 74% of
respondents who had ever tried a drug also reported that they would not try a
drug based on media coverage. The chi-square test on these variables revealed a
significant relationship (gamma = .849; r=.29; X2=41.96, df=2, 2-tailed
p<.0001).
Table 6: Drug trial vs. media trial crosstabulation
Try b/c of media
EVERUSE
agree
don't know
disagree
TOTAL
yes
12
18
254
284
no
2
11
164
177
TOTAL
14
29
418
461
The mean of the media attitude items was calculated to form an index for this
variable. Chi-square tests and correlations showed a significant, positive
relationship between drug use and the media attitude index (gamma = .96; r=.59;
X2=43.4, df=1, 2-tailed p<.0001; r=.592). This confirms hypothesis four. The
use of illicit drugs by college students is positively related to media coverage
of drugs, such as GHB and Ecstasy, as well as to social norms, and friends'
behaviors.
In addition, an ANOVA was run on the media coverage index with drug trial as
the dependent variable. The results show the model to be significant (F=65.73,
df=1, p<.0001). Thus, media coverage may predict whether a person will try an
illicit drug.
Combining social norms and media attitudes to explain drug trial
The prior tests reveal that both perceptions of social norms and attitudes
about the media's coverage of drugs influence drug trial among members of this
population. However, it is not probable that only one of these factors leads to
the consumption of illicit drugs by college students. Rather, it may be that the
two factors work together to explain drug use. A simple factorial ANOVA (table
7) revealed that when both social norms and media attitudes were put into the
model, the effects were significant. (F=50.25, df=5, p<.0001). This suggests
that drug trial by college students may be explained not only by perception of
what is socially normal in college, but also by students' interpretation of
media coverage about drugs.
Table 7: Social norms and media attitudes
Discussion
The results of the survey indicate that college students have, indeed, tried
illicit drugs, and that many of them continue to so do on a regular basis.
Forty percent of the sample had last used an illicit drug (including marijuana)
in the past month, 17 percent had last used in the past week, and 26 percent had
last used in the past two days. The most commonly used illicit drugs were
marijuana, Ecstasy, and LSD.
Students use drugs for a number of reasons, including mood enhancement,
social purposes, and experimentation (Clifford et al., 1991). Certainly, these
reasons for drug consumption is not restricted to the sample in this study.
Numerous studies have shown that drug consumption occurs on many college
campuses (Pendergast, 1994; Werch et al., 1993; Campbell & Svenson, 1992; Pope
et al., 1990; Carlson & Davis, 1988; Patterson et al., 1988; Bachman et al.,
1984). Overall, the number of college students using drugs appears to have
dropped (NHSDA, 1996; Haberman, 1994). However, there are enough students still
using drugs to warrant concern.
The purpose of this study was to determine whether drug trial among college
students was influenced by students' perceptions of social norms as well as
whether students perceived media coverage to be an influence on drug use. The
data show that both factors predict whether or not a student has tried an
illegal drug. However, social norms appear to have a greater influence on
college students' drug trial than do attitudes about media coverage.
Indeed, recreational drug use in college consistently has been correlated
with social settings and connection with one's peers (Akers et al., 1979;
Johnston, 1973; Kandel, 1973, 1978). Longitudinal studies have shown that
association with drug users is predictive of subsequent trial (Jessor & Jessor,
1978; Kandel, Kessler, & Margulies, 1978). In addition, social context has been
shown not only to influence drug trial, but also continued use of drugs as well
(Bachman, O'Malley, & Johnston, 1984). Because social setting and peer
association both are factors associated with the construction of social norms,
the positive correlation between social norms and drug trial found in this study
could have significant implications for organizations and media practitioners
whose aim is the creation and dissemination of effective drug prevention
messages. These messages can be geared toward changing social norms about drug
use, particularly when trial is perceived to be normal.
The results of this study also showed that media coverage of illicit drugs
may influence drug trial. There was a positive correlation between a drug trial
and a student's interpretation of the media's role in drug coverage. From an
agenda setting perspective, this is an important finding. The literature shows
that media coverage of drug use often lags behind actual consumption rates and
often tends to exaggerate the extent of the problem. (Reese & Danielian, 1989;
Danielian & Reese, 1989; Edwin et al., 1987). Students who consistently see
coverage of drug use may begin to perceive this to be the norm when, actually,
this is not so. If social norms are positive predictors of drug trial and the
media have the power to create these norms about drug use, then newspaper
editors and television producers may want to be more careful in their coverage.
The media also have been successful in disseminating information about
"new" drugs to the public. In fact, it appears as if the media creates a "scary
drug of the year" (Akers, 1992). In the 1960s, PCP dominated the headlines.
In the 70s, it was LSD and in the 80s, it was cocaine and crack. The 1990s has
seen an increased coverage of designer drugs, such as Ecstasy, as well as other
drugs such as GHB (Gamma Hydroxy Butyrate). Ecstasy is an oral amphetamine
derivative used as a psychoactive agent (Cuomo et al., 1994). GHB is a central
nervous system depressant whose primary users include nightclub and partygoers.
It also has been used as a "date rape drug" (Gamma hydroxy butyrate, 1997).
GHB and Ecstasy are two drugs of the 90s that have received quite a bit of
media coverage and college students in this study may have responded to this.
During the administration of this survey, the researcher instructed the
respondents to ask if they had not heard of any of the drugs on the
questionnaire. A number of students asked about the nature of ice and
barbiturates. Not one of the 461 total respondents asked about GHB or Ecstasy.
Further analysis of the data showed that of the 112 students who had tried
Ecstasy, 31 (27.7%) agreed that they have tried a drug because the media made
them curious about it. Among those who had tried GHB, 31% agreed that media
coverage had made them curious enough to try a drug. Again, this has
significant implications for newspaper editors who choose to cover new drugs
continually in their papers.
The introduction and coverage of new drugs also has appeared to influence
the use of more traditional drugs. One study found that as consumption of drugs
such as Ecstasy increased, the use of cocaine and other amphetamines decreased
significantly (Cuomo et al., 1994). This may be due to similar changes in drug
coverage. This also coincides with the trial rates found in the current study.
Almost 25% of the sample had ever tried Ecstasy, compared with only 14% who had
tried cocaine. Of those who had tried Ecstasy, 13% had used it in the past year
and eight percent had used it in the past month. In fact, Ecstasy was the most
widely used illicit drug among members of the sample, indicating that media
coverage of this drug may have some influence over trial.
A majority of respondents in this study agree that the media have a
tendency to overplay the consumption of illicit drugs and that the more the
media talks about a drug, the more prevalent they perceive use of that drug to
be. Media coverage leads the public to become alarmed, which, in turn, leads to
a drug scare, as was the case with ice in the early 1990s. A study by
Lauderback and Waldorf (1993) showed that ice gained national notoriety in the
media in 1989, which led many people to believe that this drug was going to
become a public threat. This threat never panned out, and the scare became
nothing more than a passing phase. This is indicated by the results of the
present survey, as only 2.2% of respondents had ever tried ice.
This study suggests that both perceived social norms and interpretation of
drug coverage may influence drug trial independently among college students.
However, it may be more useful to examine drug use as a function of both of
these factors combined. In other words, it can be assumed that increased media
coverage of illicit drugs leads the public to believe that usage is widespread.
This may lead to the belief that drug consumption is the norm in specific
populations. For example, if the media continues to cover new drugs such as GHB
and Ecstasy disproportionately and this, in turn, may lead college students to
believe that trying these drugs is normal, and usage rates may increase as a
result.
This assumption could prove to be helpful, particularly for newspaper
editors and television producers who decide which stories receive coverage. As
the agenda setting research shows, the media often decide what important issues
face our country, and can generate awareness and knowledge of those issues
(McCombs & Shaw, 1972). In the case of drugs, newspaper editors and TV
producers should be aware that curiosity and drug trial among experimenters like
college students may be a negative, unintended consequence of putting drugs on
the media's agenda.
The findings in this study also have implications for drug educators, who
often use the media for the dissemination of health messages (Wallack, 1990).
Because the media is such an important influence in society, it certainly should
be considered an outlet for further drug education. If we understand how
college students perceive social norms surrounding drug use, then effective
messages can be developed to address them. In addition, the results of this
study indicate that perhaps drug education programs should include a media
literacy component to educate people about how and why the media reports issues
such as drug consumption.
Future research
Social norms and attitudes about media coverage on drugs seem to be an
important predictors of drug trial among college students. Future research
should take a closer look at drug users. Focus groups and interviews with
current drug users could provide useful information about why college students
use illicit drugs, as well as why certain factors influence their drug
consumption. Experimental studies also should be performed to test whether
extensive media coverage of drugs causes curiosity and trial. Although this
study shows that social norms and media attitudes about drug coverage appear to
relate to drug trial, more rigorous methods could be employed to determine
whether causal relationships may exist.
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