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NEWSPAPER SIZE AS A FACTOR
IN USE OF COMPUTER-ASSISTED REPORTING
Bruce Garrison, professor
School of Communication, University of Miami
P.O. Box 248127, Coral Gables, FL 33124-2030
305-284-2846 (voice), 305-284-3648 (fax)
[log in to unmask]
A research paper presented to the Communication Technology and Policy Division
of the Association for Education in Journalism and Mass Communication,
Baltimore, August 1998.
NEWSPAPER SIZE AS A FACTOR
IN USE OF COMPUTER-ASSISTED REPORTING
ABSTRACT
This paper investigates the role of newspaper circulation as a factor in
use of computer-assisted reporting resources by U.S. daily newspapers in 1997.
The study analyzes the relationships between newspaper size and general computer
use in newsgathering, the number of staff people involved in computer-assisted
reporting, availability of training programs, use of portable computing, use of
online research services, online spending, and existence of World Wide Web
sites. The study found support for five of seven hypotheses and partial support
for a sixth hypothesis, suggesting that larger newspapers have a distinct
advantage in computer use in newsgathering.
NEWSPAPER SIZE AS A FACTOR
IN USE OF COMPUTER-ASSISTED REPORTING
The growing form of newsgathering commonly known as computer-assisted reporting
is experiencing change. At the time that Philip Meyer (1973, 1979) introduced
the term "precision journalism," only large daily newspapers with access to
mainframe computer systems, sufficient budgets to purchase databases, and the
requisite computer programming expertise regularly used computers for
newsgathering. Even nearly a decade later, when Demers and Nichols (1987)
offered their view of precision journalism, it remained a tool of larger
newspapers with time and resources to tackle computer-oriented database
projects. When Meyer (1991) revisited precision journalism at the beginning of
this decade, change was beginning to occur in use of computers in journalism. In
the 1990s, using precision methods in newsgathering evolved with the new, more
powerful tools. The process has become known as computer-assisted reporting and
journalists are using rapidly improving personal computers.
Originally a specialty approach reserved for investigative reporters and a
few other specialists in the newsroom, computer-assisted reporting has moved
toward wider use in newsrooms (Ciotta, 1996; Garrison, 1996). In some newsrooms
in 1998, computer-assisted reporting has become integrated into the newsroom and
its tools have become part of all reporters' approaches to their assignments
(Garrison, 1998). The new digital forms of newsgathering are changing, even
reshaping the basics of journalism (Moeller, 1995; Garrison, 1997). In other
newsrooms, the transition occurs when new computers and newsroom
The author would like to thank Dean Edward Pfister of the School of
Communication at the University of Miami for providing the resources necessary
for this study. He would also like to thank Dr. Michael Salwen, also of the
University of Miami, for his insightful suggestions for improving the
manuscript.
networks are installed to replace limited-task centralized computer systems
originally designed for writing, editing, and production. Usually,
re-computerization of a newsroom occurs because of desire to increase
productivity or to save money. Rarely do editors and publishers upgrade
technologies to increase quality or to compete (Brooks & Yang, 1993).
The purpose of this study was to determine the impact of the circulation
size of a newspaper on its use of computers in newsgathering. Research has shown
that newspaper size is associated with development of new resources in newsrooms
(Splichal, 1993; Garrison, 1996). Large metropolitan dailies were among the
first newspapers to use online research tools such as Lexis/Nexis and to build
their own in-house database archives that were accessible online (DeFleur,
1997). Splichal (1993) studied 42 Florida daily newspapers and found
computerized public records were more likely to be used by large newspapers than
small newspapers. That use, he observed, was often more sophisticated as well.
He also found that larger newspapers used more advanced computer systems for
online access and transfer of public information. Smaller newspapers, he said,
depended much more on paper copies of records than on digital forms such as tape
or diskette. Friend (1994) found that almost all editors recognized the value of
computers and their analytical potential and, if they were not using online
tools at the time of her study, would soon begin. She also determined a shift
from special project applications of CAR to more daily and routine types of
reporting. This was leading to a wider range of data sources and story subjects.
In their national study of the impact of computerization on newspaper
newsrooms that occurred at the beginning of growth period for computer-assisted
reporting, Brooks and Yang (1993) determined that "small newspapers lag far
behind their large and medium-size ones in newsroom computerization. While small
papers may do word processing on computers, the equipment is used for little
else_" (p. 16). They found differences in the length of time computers have been
in the newsroom, amount of hardware and software resources, training, advanced
applications of computing for reporting, and general use of CAR. They were able
to associate newspaper circulation, staff size, database use, use of CAR, and
the total number of computer functions to such things as use of databases.
Technology is the heart of most industries today, particularly the
information industries. No information industry is more dependent on technology
than newspapers, Lacy and Simon (1993) argue. They observe that some of the
effects of technological changes embraced by newspapers have been intended, but
others were unanticipated. Lacy and Simon note that there are numerous factors
that affect adoption of new technology, including cost, existing investments in
equipment, the business's market and competition, and ownership type. The
pattern of adoption of technology generally follows variations of the classic
"S" pattern of diffusion of innovations, they stated, with few companies
investing in new technologies when prices are high at introduction (Lacy &
Simon, 1993; Rogers, 1995). After a slow start, adoption accelerates and then
levels off as all users eventually adopt. Early adopters, they note, are
companies with resources that can afford investment risks. In the newspaper
business, these are usually large newspapers or groups or small or medium-size
newspapers.
Larger newspapers have been regarded as resource rich compared to smaller
newspapers (Gladney, 1990). This, in general, means more staff, more equipment,
larger budgets, greater expertise, higher salaries, greater autonomy, more
specialization, more experience, and prestige among the advantages (Demers,
1994). It also means a greater willingness to try and adopt new technologies.
Larger news organizations are better equipped to adapt and survive in a rapidly
changing environment (Demers, 1994). Large news organizations that are parts of
groups are, perhaps, even better prepared in terms of financial and management
resources (Busterna, Hansen, & Ward, 1991). Lacy and Fico (1991) found that
there is a strong relationship between the amount of newspaper circulation and
editorial quality.
In terms of computer-assisted reporting, availability of resources has
usually meant availability of money and people that can acquire and use computer
hardware, software, and databases (Houston, 1996; Brooks & Yang, 1993; Martin,
1994). It has also meant availability of expertise in use of the computer
resources as well as in areas of reporting (DeFleur, 1997; Martin, 1994).
Furthermore, larger newspapers have "deep pockets" to purchase new equipment as
it is introduced, to test new products, to hire consultants or new full-time
staff members to fill expertise voids, and to pay for expensive databases or
pay-as-you-go online resources (Garrison, 1996; Martin, 1994; Brooks & Yang,
1993). "Some [small newspapers] may use their small size and relative lack of
resources as an excuse not to hire competent news professionals or provide
adequate newsroom budgets," wrote researcher George Gladney (1990, p. 70).
Use of computing tools in businesses such as newspapers may not be a
function of size, other analysts have noted. For example, businesses and
governments of all sizes use the most common database tools such as spreadsheets
and relational database management systems in their daily activities (Houston,
1996). It is also commonly thought that computerization leads to reduction in
jobs and downsizing in some industries such as manufacturing. While
computerization had a similar effect when newspapers first added computers for
production (Garrison, 1980), this may not be the case for computerization in
newsgathering. Within journalism, there is a school of thought that computers
may have a different impact in the newsgathering process. For example,
newspapers have created positions and added specialists in computer-assisted
reporting instead of reducing staff size (Ciotta, 1996).
Often, small newspaper journalists have stated that these tools help them
to be competitive with their neighboring metro dailies (Walsh, 1995; Kohlstrand,
1995; Napolitano, 1995). With the relative low cost of personal computers, there
is an incentive for smaller news organizations to use them in newsgathering,
because of the obvious savings in time and travel costs, among other, more
journalistic reasons. Davenport, Fico, and Weinstock (1996) found that more than
half of the newspapers they studied in Michigan that had adopted online research
or other computer-assisted reporting approaches were small newspapers with less
than 50,000 circulation. This suggested "that this trend is hardly confined to
just the biggest and richest news organizations," they concluded (p. 26).
Small newspapers have typically been less bound by structure and are more
innovative in use of resources and fewer rules and regulations for use of those
resources (Demers, 1994). They tend to be staffed by younger, more
computer-oriented staff members. They have been leaders in adoption of some
personal computer-based technologies in the newsroom, especially those related
to typesetting, pagination, and other aspects of production because they have
not been bound to large, centralized computing systems (Aumente, 1989). Small
newspapers also have been found to approach quality issues differently from
their larger counterparts, largely because of their limited resources (Gladney,
1990).
Some authorities have argued that computer-based news reporting tools have
"leveled the playing field" when it comes to coverage of communities (Feola,
1993; Miller, 1997). These proponents have argued that even the smallest of news
organizations can use these tools in an effective manner and compete at advanced
levels for news with their larger neighbors. Former Waterbury
Republican-American news systems editor Chris Feola recently wrote: "[T]he
60,000-circulation Connecticut paper where I work isn't among the nation's
dominant dailies. But that's just the point: It demonstrates that far from being
the exclusive province of big-city outlets, computer-assisted reporting has
finally allowed small players to compete in the big leagues (Feola, 1993, p.
26). In her overview of computer-assisted reporting, Miller (1997) demonstrates
the wide appeal of computers in newsgathering, especially with smaller news
organizations, by offering a wide range of examples of stories and projects from
small and medium-sized dailies.
The literature tends to suggest that large newspapers have an advantage and
will use computer-assisted reporting more than small newspapers even though
there is some discussion of a "leveling" effect. Because there are numerous
aspects of computer-assisted reporting to consider, the focus of this paper is
to summarize findings of exploratory research involving seven variable setsD the
impact of circulation size on use, staff, training, portability, online access,
online spending, and online news distribution (Garrison, 1995; DeFleur, 1997).
Therefore, it is hypothesized that:
H1DLarge daily newspapers will have a larger proportion of general
computer use for newsgathering than small daily newspapers.
H2DLarge daily newspapers will use more total individuals assigned
to CAR work than small daily newspapers.
H3DLarge daily newspapers will have a greater proportion of CAR
training programs available to staff than small daily newspapers.
H4DLarge daily newspapers will use more portable computing resources
for CAR than small daily newspapers.
H5aDLarge daily newspapers will use more expensive online resources
than small daily newspapers.
H5bDLarge daily newspapers will use fewer inexpensive online
resources than small daily newspapers.
H5cDLarge daily newspapers will use more total online resources than
small daily newspapers.
H6DLarge daily newspapers budget more money for online resources
than small daily newspapers.
H7DLarge daily newspapers will host a World Wide Web site more often
than small daily newspapers.
STUDY METHODS
To test these hypotheses, a national mail survey was conducted. In January
1997, self-administered questionnaires were mailed with postage-paid return
envelopes to the computer-assisted reporting supervisor, managing editor, or
executive editor at 510 daily newspapers with circulation 20,000 or more copies
on Sundays. Circulation figures were based upon those reported in the 1997
edition of the Editor & Publisher International Year Book (Editor & Publisher,
1997). No sampling frame was used because the study group constituted the entire
population. A larger population, including newspapers with circulation less than
20,000 daily, could not be included because of budget limitations. It was also
believed that, from earlier research described above, very small newspapers were
less likely to be using computer-based information gathering and analysis tools
than their larger counterparts. Questionnaires were developed from interviews
with journalists and from group discussions at national conferences focusing on
investigative reporting, computer-assisted reporting, and news research.1
When sent to a general editor, recipients were asked to respond or to
forward the questionnaire to individuals in their newsroom who were most
qualified to respond. This resulted in a mix of specialists serving as
respondents, including reporters, investigative reporters, CAR specialists, news
librarians, news researchers, and editors. Two follow-up mailingsD one in
February 1997 and one in March 1997D were used to increase the response rate. A
total of 226 usable questionnaires were returned, a 44.3% response rate.
Response patterns represent all regions of the country. The mean weekday
circulation was 100,431 copies (SD=130,674). Respondent newspaper demographics
were consistent with other similar studies conducted during the previous three
years (Garrison, 1998).
The circulation size of the newspaper was recorded as the weekday circulation
reported on the questionnaire by each respondent newspaper. Circulation ranged
from 10,000 to 1 million with a mode of 40,000. For this study, the median
circulation was 50,000 and it was used to divide the newspapers into two groups
of "smaller" (50,000 or less, n=113) and "larger" (more than 50,000, n=113)
circulation. The Statistical Package for the Social Sciences for Windows, Ver.
8.0.0, was used to analyze data (SPSS, Inc., 1998). Martin (1994), who studied
online research approaches of small dailies, also used 50,000 as the dividing
point in defining small and large newspapers.
General use of computers was defined as use for newsgathering beyond basic word
processing and other production-oriented tasks. The total number of individuals
involved in computer-assisted reporting was operationalized as reporters,
editors, librarians, and other full-time equivalent news personnel involved in
CAR work on a regular basis. The simple existence or non-existence of a training
program of any type defined the training variable. This included both internal
and external training programs. Respondents were also asked whether reporters
and editors used portable computers, such as laptop and notebook PCs, when
reporting from the field. This defined the portable variable.
The three "expensive" online resources variables were operationalized as those
with hourly fees or high flat-rate fees. The two "inexpensive" services
variables, in contrast, were those offering low, or less than $30 per month,
flat-rate subscriptions. For this study, the three expensive services included
Lexis-Nexis, Database Technologies' Autotrack Plus, and Dow Jones News Service.
The two inexpensive services were America Online and CompuServe. The variable
representing the total number of online services used was operationalized as the
total number of online services the newspaper "regularly uses" reported from a
list of 21 named online resources.2 Respondents were also asked to report the
total amount of money budgeted for use of online services in 1997. Finally,
respondents also were asked whether their newspapers had a World Wide Web site.
FINDINGS
For newspapers, computer use in newsgathering has grown steadily in the past
four years. The mean circulation was 100,431 and respondents were geographically
distributed around the country (20% in the East, 34% in the South, 27% in the
Midwest, and 20% in the West). The type of newsroom role held by respondents
also varied (42% were editors or supervisors, 27% CAR supervisors, and 31% held
other roles). Most findings reported here represent high points in the use of
computing as a newsgathering tool (Garrison, March, 1998). The increasing use
has occurred at several levels that will be discussed below.
Hypothesis 1D General computer use
The hypothesis that large newspapers will generally use computers more than
small newspapers is supported. Data in Table 1 show large newspapers generally
use computers more often than small newspapers for newsgathering. Almost 95% of
large newspapers used computers in 1997 while 81% of small dailies did. The
Chi-square test of the difference was statistically significant at the p<.01
level.
Hypothesis 2D Number of individuals involved in CAR
The hypothesis that large newspapers have more individuals involved in CAR is
supported. Data in Table 2 indicate a statistically significant difference in
the means of the large and small newspaper groups. The large newspapers reported
a mean of 11.01 (SD=19.22) full-time persons compared to a mean of 3.99
(SD=4.80) persons for small newspapers. The t-test of the mean difference was
significant at the p<.001 level (two-tailed test of significance). Daily
circulation and the number of individuals involved in CAR correlated at the
+.249 level (n=183). The Pearson correlation coefficient was statistically
significant at the p<.01 level (two-tailed test of significance).
Hypothesis 3D CAR training programs
The hypothesis that training would be more common at large newspapers is
supported. Data in Table 3 show that large newspapers have an important
advantage in computer training. Almost 72% of large newspapers provided some
type of training, while almost 35% of small newspapers did. The Chi-square test
of the difference was significant at the p<.001 level.
Hypothesis 4D Portable computing
The hypothesis that large newspapers would use portable computing more than
small newspapers is not supported. Data in Table 3 demonstrate there are almost
equal levels of use of portable computing at large and small newspapers. A total
of 90.0% of large newspapers use portable computers, but a total of 87.4% of
small newspapers also used them. The Chi-square test of the difference was
statistically insignificant and the hypothesis is refuted.
Hypothesis 5D Online resources
This group of hypotheses relating to use of online newsgathering resources
yielded mixed support. Data in Table 4 show all five measures indicate
significant differences in large and small newspapers' use of online news
research tools. Hypothesis 5a predicted that large newspapers would use
expensive online services more than small newspapers. Among the three measures
of expensive services, there is clearly greater use by large daily newspapers.
While almost half (47.8%) of large newspapers used Lexis-Nexis, few (3.5%) small
newspapers did. For Database Technologies' Autotrack Plus, 82.6% of large
dailies used it, but only 17.4% of small dailies had access in 1997. The third
expensive service, Dow Jones, was used by 28.3% of large dailies and by just
2.7% of small dailies. The Chi-square tests of these differences were in the
hypothesized direction and each was statistically significant at the p<.001
level.
Hypothesis 5b predicted that larger newspapers would use inexpensive online
services less often than small newspapers. In terms of the two inexpensive
online services, there was an increase in use by small newspapers, but not more
use than large newspapers. However, a larger number of large newspapers used
both of the inexpensive services than did small newspapers and this hypothesis
is not supported. A total of 54.0% of large dailies reported using America
Online, while 31.0% did. For CompuServe, 34.5% of large dailies reported using
this service, but 18.6% of small dailies used the service. The Chi-square tests
of the differences were each statistically significant at the p<.01 level, but
not in the hypothesized direction.
Hypothesis 5c predicted that large newspapers would use more total online
resources than small newspapers. The number of online resources ranged from zero
to as many as 15 (Fort Lauderdale Sun-Sentinel) of the 21 listed services. For
both groups, the mode was 2.0 services, median 3.0, and mean was 4.0 services
per newspaper. A total of 73.5% of the respondent newspapers used five or fewer
online services. As shown in Table 2, the t-test of the mean differences in the
number of online services in use by large dailies (5.57, SD=3.10) was
statistically significant from that of the mean of small dailies (2.43,
SD=1.77), p<.001 (two-tailed test). Daily circulation and the number of online
services used correlated at the +.636 level (n=226). The Pearson correlation
coefficient was statistically significant at the p=.01 level for a two-tailed
test.
Hypothesis 6DSpending on online services
The hypothesis that large newspapers spent more on online services is
supported. Data in Table 2 show a vast difference in annual spending levels in
1997. Large dailies spent a mean of $27,622 (SD=$52,407) on online services, but
small dailies could afford to spend only a mean of $2,137.32 (SD=$4,286). The
t-test of mean differences was significant at the p<.01 level (two-tailed test).
Daily circulation and spending in 1997 for online services correlated at the
+.829 level (n=78). The Pearson correlation coefficient was statistically
significant at the p=.01 level for a two-tailed test.
Hypothesis 7D World Wide Web sites
The hypothesis that more large newspapers than small newspapers would have
World Wide Web sites is supported. As shown in Table 5, a total of 76.1% (n=86)
of large dailies had their own World Wide Web sites, but only 58.4% (n=66) of
small dailies had some presence on the Web. The Chi-square test of the
difference was statistically significant (p<.01).
CONCLUSIONS
There is an element of common sense in the findings of this study. However,
this does not undermine the importance of these results. Individuals familiar
with the newspaper industry and the newsgathering culture of newsrooms may reach
the same conclusions as described here without the research evidence. However,
there are numerous subtleties involved in stating simply that larger daily
newspapers with more resources will use computers in newsgathering more
extensively and in a more sophisticated manner. This is the common sense
dimension of the study.
There is much more to the issue. This study analyzed the finer points of
the influences of these more extensive resources in terms of how computers are
being used for newsgathering. There are significant differences in all areas
studiedD in general use of computers in newsgathering, in terms of the number of
individuals assigned to work with computers in their reporting, in the existence
of CAR training programs of any form or type, in the use of both expensive and
inexpensive types of online resources, in the amount of money spent on online
services, and in the existence of World Wide Web sites.
The only area in which there was no difference found was in the use of
portable computing tools such as laptop and notebook computers. This is an
interesting finding in that portable personal computers are more expensive, more
fragile, and, in some cases, less powerful than their desktop counterparts. The
finding may be due to the fact that not everyone in the newsroom uses portable
computers and there are fewer in use at smaller newspapers, but they are still
used. Perhaps a better measure of this variable would have reflected the number
of portables in use instead of the simple use or non-use of this type of
personal computer.
A number of studies and commentaries by experts in the literature suggested
that use by small publications might equal that of large publications (Walsh,
1995; Kohlstrand, 1995; Napolitano, 1995). While longitudinal data are needed
for conclusive evidence, the "leveling" in terms of newsgathering does not seem
apparent from the data in this study. However, there is use by small
publications in some places across the nation and growth of use will likely
continue in the manner of the classic "S" model of adoption of innovation (Lacy
& Simon, 1993; Rogers, 1995). Small newspapers are, apparently, those adopters
in the middle or top half of the "S" that begin to use new technologies later,
rather than sooner, in the process.
The study has several weaknesses. Circulation is only one measure of the
size of a newspaper, for example. There are other ways to view and analyze size,
such as the market served, number of journalists on staff, number of specialists
involved in CAR, number of editions, space devoted to news, and so forth.
Perhaps a major unanswered question involves whether there are other
variables that may help us understand use of computers in newsgathering and news
analysis. Measurement of the variables used should be refined and several other
variables should be added. For example, it would be useful to know the entire
news-editorial staff size of each newspaper in addition to the number of
individuals involved in CAR. This would permit calculation of proportion of
staff devoted to CAR. There may be differences in large and small newspapers in
that variable. Further, there may be subtle differences in size groupings that
the large-small dichotomy does not reveal. For example, there may be usage
differences in very large newspapers that are different from medium-sized or
smaller ones.
Longitudinal analysis of data would have permitted study of the "leveling"
theory offered by some researchers and practitioners. This remains a prospect
for additional research. It is clear that the study needs to reach further.
There are other elements of computer-assisted reporting that have not been
addressed in this analysis. For example, the study does not analyze the types of
hardware and software in use, newspaper ownership type, levels of computer
expertise or computer literacy, and the approach taken toward integrating CAR
into the newsroom. Another area of interest is the impact of such technology on
content. For example, it would be useful to study whether there are differences
in the types of stories being done that varies according to the size of the
newspaper. It is also possible that large newspapers take on stories of larger
scope, greater depth, and larger databases. Or, it could be that small
newspapers tend to use computer resources for local or community-oriented
stories instead of state, regional, or national views. This study has been
exploratory in several ways, but its conclusion that newspaper size matters in
use of computers in newsgathering is useful toward understanding how
computer-assisted reporting fits into the practice of contemporary journalism.
FOOTNOTES
1 National conventions included those of the Investigative Reporters and
Editors (IRE), National Institute for Computer-Assisted Reporting (NICAR), the
Special Libraries Association (SLA), and Society of Professional Journalists
(SPJ) during 1994-97. Copies of the questionnaire may be obtained from the
author or from the University of Miami CAR Research Project World Wide Web site
at http://www.miami.edu/com/car/index.htm.
2 The listed services were America Online, Autotrack Plus (DBT), bulletin board
services, CompuServe, DataTimes, Dialog/Knowledge Index, Dow Jones
News/Retrieval, Delphi, FedWorld, GEnie, Information America, Lexis/Nexis, local
government online, Microsoft Network, NewsNet, PACER, Prodigy, credit
information services, U.S. Datalink, Westlaw, and the World Wide Web/Internet.
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Walsh, M. G. (1995, September 22). "Computer-assisted reporting in smaller
newsrooms," unpublished presentation, National Institute for Computer-Assisted
Reporting conference, Cleveland.
TABLE 1
COMPUTER USE IN NEWSGATHERING
Large newspapers Small newspapers
Yes 107 94.7% 92 81.4%
No 4 3.5 20 17.7
Don't know 2 1.8 1 0.9
n=226, X2=12.131, df=2, p=.002.
TABLE 2
PERSONNEL AND ONLINE SERVICES MEANS COMPARISONS
Large newspapers Small newspapers
Mean full-time equivalent individuals 11.01 (n=101) 3.99 (n=82)
n=183, t=3.226, p=.001.
Mean number of online services used 5.57 (n=113) 2.43 (n=113)
n=226, t=9.341, p=.000.
Mean online spending in 1997 $27,622 (n=37) $2,137 (n=41)
n=78, t=3.104, p=.003.
TABLE 3
USE OF TRAINING PROGRAMS, PORTABLE COMPUTERS
Large newspapers Small newspapers
TRAINING
Yes 78 71.6% 38 34.9%
No 31 28.4 70 64.2
Don't know 0 0.0 1 0.9
n=218, X2=29.853, df=2, p=.000.
PORTABLE COMPUTERS
Yes 99 90.0% 97 87.4%
No 10 9.1 14 12.6
Don't know 1 0.9 0 0.0
n=221, X2=1.683, df=2, p=.431.
TABLE 4
USE OF ONLINE SERVICES
Large newspapers Small newspapers
LEXIS-NEXIS
Yes 54 47.8% 4 3.5%
No 59 52.2 109 96.5
n=226, X2=57.984, df=1, p=.000.
AUTOTRACK
Yes 38 33.6% 8 7.1%
No 75 66.4 105 92.9
n=226, X2=24.565, df=1, p=.000.
DOW JONES NEWS
Yes 32 28.3% 3 2.7%
No 81 71.7 110 97.3
n=226, X2=28.432, df=1, p=.000.
AMERICA ONLINE
Yes 61 54.0% 35 31.0%
No 52 46.0 78 69.0
n=226, X2=12.242, df=1, p=.000.
COMPUSERVE
Yes 39 34.5% 21 18.6%
No 74 65.5 92 81.4
n=226, X2=7.352, df=1, p=.007.
TABLE 5
USE OF WORLD WIDE WEB SITES
Large newspapers Small newspapers
Yes 86 76.1% 66 58.4%
No 27 23.9 47 41.6
Don't know 0 0.0 0 0.0
n=226, X2=8.037, df=1, p<.01.
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