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Anti-Drinking and Driving PSAs: Do They Have Any Meaning to Underage College
Students?
Implications for PSA designers
Although the United States has one of the safest highway systems in the world,
the National Highway Traffic Safety Administration (NHTSA) reports that the
portion of U.S. accidents involving alcohol is one of the highest in the world.
Each year, more than two million drunk driving collisions occur in the United
States. Many of these accidents involve young drivers. According to the U.S.
Department of Transportation, "Although young people make up only ten percent of
the driver population and account for only six percent of the vehicle miles
traveled in this country, they represent 17 percent of all drivers involved in
accidents and 16 percent of all alcohol-impaired drivers in accidents" (NHTSA
1985, p. 2).
In 1992, the Department of Transportation reported that more than 40 percent of
the deaths of 15-to 20-year olds resulted from motor vehicle crashes, and that
about half of these fatalities were alcohol-related crashes. In 1989, there
were 1,607 of 100,000 drivers arrested for DUI between the ages of 18 and 20
(Cohen, 1992). There certainly exists the problem of underage drinking and
driving on U.S. highways. Much of this underage drinking occurs among college
students. A study of college students' drinking patterns and behaviors found
that younger students drank more heavily and exhibited more problems related to
drinking than the older students, who "are also more likely to drink in
moderation as they progress through college" (Engs 1988, p. 669).
The consumption of alcoholic beverages in college is not a recent phenomenon;
it dates back as far as the 18th century. In a 1987-'88 survey of 2,657 college
students at 4-year colleges and universities across the United States, Engs and
Hanson found that: (1) 34% had driven a car after having several drinks, (2)
49.2% had driven a car when they knew they had drunk too much, (3) 37.3% had
driven a car while drinking, and (4) 1.6% had been arrested for driving while
intoxicated (1988). Although the legal drinking age is 21, it is not difficult
for underage college students to obtain alcoholic beverages (Wagenaar et al.,
1993). Most college students begin drinking in high school; yet the freshman
year in college is becoming known as "an increasingly popular rite of passage"
(Roan, 1994, p. E-3).
Another drinking behavior prevalent on college campuses is binge drinking.
This is a term which refers to "the consumption of five or more drinks in a row
for men, and four or more drinks in a row for women" (Weschler et al., 1994, p.
1672). Binge drinking has emerged as one of the unhealthiest aspects of college
life, particularly for freshmen, who drink just to get drunk (Roan, 1994). The
high incidence of binge drinkers on college campuses equates to higher rates of
drinking and driving. Frequent binge drinkers often refuse to see their
drinking behaviors as a problem, and thereby fail to recognize the potential
consequences to their actions. Many binge drinkers learn to drink and drive
simultaneously, even though independently, they might not do either particularly
well (Landstreet, 1977).
To combat the problem of drinking and driving, mass media campaigns have been
employed. Public service advertising is a highly visible communications
strategy used often to promote health issues such as drinking and driving
(Dorfman & Wallack, 1993). Brewing companies have also run campaigns to promote
responsible drinking. Anheuser Busch's "Know When to Say When," Coor's "Now,
Not Now," and Miller's "Think When You Drink" campaigns all attempt to
discourage drinking and driving. However, these campaigns have been met with
limited success. These responsible drinking campaigns do increase people's
awareness of the drinking and driving problem; yet at the same time, many of
them communicate mixed messages. In most of the slogans, the message is
ambiguous (Jacobs, 1989). Critics of these ads feel that they fail to emphasize
that driving after any amount of alcohol can be fatal. Instead, they reinforce
the public perception that the problem is not drinking and driving, but rather
drinking too much and then driving (DeJong et al., 1992).
As a potential solution to the drinking and driving problem, the concept of the
designated driver arose. For the most part, college students have adopted the
use of a designated driver, and this strategy does help with the immediate
problem of keeping alcohol-impaired drivers off the road (DeJong et al., 1992).
But in many cases with college students, either of age or underage, the
designated driver is not someone who abstains from drinking. Rather, the
designated driver is the person who drinks the least. This benefits the alcohol
industry, but does not necessarily combat the drinking and driving problem
(Ross, 1992).
In addition, many organizations, such as MADD and the Ad Council, have tried to
curb the drinking and driving problem by designing campaigns which display the
fatal results that can occur upon drinking and driving. Many use fear appeals
as a possible deterrent. Yet in order for fear appeals to be effective, the ad
must elicit the intended emotions from the receiver of the message, and the
receiver must feel that the consequence presented in the ad is likely to occur
(Chu, 1966). This coincides with Rosenstock's Health Belief Model (1974), which
can be used as a framework for this study.
The Health Belief Model purports that in order for a person to change a
health-related behavior, that person must believe the problem is serious and
that he is personally susceptible, that changing the behavior will reduce the
risks involved, and that the benefits of behavior change will outweigh the
costs. Because so many college students drink and drive, it can be assumed that
they do not believe that they are susceptible to the risks, and therefore, have
no reason to change their behaviors.
A PSA will be effective only if it is geared toward a specific audience, and if
the message contained within it is one with which the desired audience can
relate. There have been periodic public education campaigns against drunk
driving for decades, particularly directed toward college students. Yet
college students continue to be overrepresented in the number of drinking and
driving accidents that occur in the United States. In other words, they still
drink and drive despite advertising against it (Stearn, 1987).
Taking these factors into account, perhaps the Health Belief Model can be used
as a guide for PSA designers. It can be inferred from the research that if PSAs
are to change underage students' drinking and driving behaviors, they must
address all of the factors in this model. In order to do this, it is first
necessary to determine underage students' reactions to drinking and driving,
what they perceive the risks to be, and whether or not they think themselves
susceptible to the negative consequences that car occur.
The purpose of this exploratory study, then, is to determine what college
students actually fear when they drink and drive, and what messages, if any,
would have relevance to them. Again, before we can apply the Health Belief
Model, we must first understand underage college students' perceived risks,
susceptibility, and fears about drinking and driving.
Method
This study takes a qualitative look at underage college students' drinking
habits and their feelings and attitudes toward drinking and driving. It employs
an interpretive method of examining at college students' drinking behaviors and
the concerns that are important to them. According to Thomas Lindlof,
"Qualitative researchers strive to understand their objects of interest" (1995,
p. 9). Qualitative methods rely heavily on the assumption that in order to
produce anti-drinking and driving PSAs that will mean something to college
students, it is first necessary to find out what their drinking behaviors are,
whether or not they drink and drive, and what meanings, if any, anti-drinking
and driving PSAs have to them.
Participants for the study were obtained from a large lecture class taught at a
southeastern university. Participant selection was based on responses given in
a preliminary questionnaire to assess drinking behaviors. The categories used
in selection were gleaned from a breakdown contained in a 1988 study of college
students' drinking patterns (Engs & Hanson, 1988). To be eligible for the
study, participants had to (1) drink alcoholic beverages at least twice a month,
(2) drink at least three drinks at a time, and (3) be between the ages of 18 and
20.
Eighteen students participated in four focus groups. Focus groups were used as
the initial form of research because they are useful in "generating hypotheses
based on informants' insights," and in "developing interview schedules and
questionnaires" (Morgan, 1988, p. 11). Focus groups are an excellent method of
fostering group discussion and therefore were chosen as a research method for
this study. The groups were homogenous with respect to sex; two groups were
male, two were female. Each gender category was then further divided into
"heavy" and "light" drinkers. Light drinkers were defined as those students who
drank more than twice a month, but less than once a week, and who drink less
than five drinks per sitting. Heavy drinkers were defined as those who drink
more than once a week, and consume five or more drinks at one sitting.
Once the focus groups were analyzed, eight in-depth interviews were conducted.
Interviews were chosen as a research method because an interview "gives us the
opportunity to step into the mind of another person, to see and experience the
world as they do themselves" (McCracken, 1988, p. 9). This was especially
relevant to this study, because in order to portray meanings in PSAs that are
relevant to college students, it is first necessary to see the world as they see
it, and find out what is important to them. Four of the interviews were with
male participants, and four were with female participants. All were labeled
heavy drinkers. Based on the focus group findings, the information that heavy
drinkers could provide would be more pertinent to the study, for they are more
likely to drink and drive.
The research guide for the focus groups served as a "rough travel itinerary"
with which to moderate (McCracken, 1988, p. 37). The researcher used a
combination of grand-tour questions, floating prompts, and planned prompts. The
grand-tour questions, defined as "opening, non-directive questions," allowed the
respondents to tell their stories in their own words. Floating prompts are
spontaneous questions that arise from a need to clarify something the respondent
has said. Planned prompts were used to guide each question to a desired topic
and were "not asked, until and unless, the material they are designed to elicit
has failed to surface spontaneously" (McCracken, 1988, p. 35).
The research guide was developed using a funnel-like technique. This method
allowed for a more thorough discussion of relevant background information by
beginning in an exploratory fashion and becoming more directed as the research
progressed. The focus groups and interviews began with very broad questions
about drinking and became more specific. The discussion eventually progressed
to the topic of interest, anti-drinking and driving PSAs. Additional questions
were added to the interview guide once the focus groups were completed. Topics
that emerged from the focus groups were explored more thoroughly in the
interviews.
Each of the focus groups and interviews was transcribed by the researcher.
Information from the focus groups and interviews were analyzed for themes
emerging from the research. The transcripts were coded using the constant
comparative method. The constant comparative method is an inductive process in
which commonalties and differences are analyzed and formulated into categories
of interest (Lindloff, 1995). Each of the transcripts was analyzed by two
coders, who independently defined emergent themes.
Furthermore, to fulfill the qualitative criterion of credibility, member checks
were performed. Member checks are "opportunities for the researcher to test
hypotheses, concepts, interpretations, or explanations with members of the local
culture he or she is studying" (Lindlof, 1995, p. 240). To test the findings
in this study, eighteen underage college students were questioned about the
themes that emerged from the research. These students concurred with what
participants said about drinking behaviors, as well as attitudes toward drinking
and driving.
Results
Eight categories emerged from the data. Those categories were: drinking
behaviors, ease of alcohol acquisition, pressure, parental influence,
misconceptions, consequences, drinking and driving, and public service
announcements.
Drinking behaviors
Most underage drinkers began drinking alcohol when they are in high school.
Almost all of the participants in this study had begun drinking before they came
to college. Once participants left high school and entered college, their
drinking behaviors changed. The importance of drinking also changed as people
moved from high school into college. Participants saw drinking as being more
important in high school than in college because in high school, alcohol was not
as accessible. For many students, the newfound independence that goes along with
college leads to increased drinking, because at that time, drinking without
parental supervision is a novelty, and alcohol is more available.
Participants said that college students drink not only because they are free to
do so, but also because drinking makes it easier to be social. A few
participants differentiated between going out to clubs and being at a party.
They said there was a difference in whether or not you had to drink, depending
on where you go out. As one participant noted:
Like when you go to the clubs and stuff, everybody's drunk there, you're just
one of the crowd. You almost have to have a drink in your hand or you're looked
at like, why isn't she drinking? I think that people feel a lot more
comfortable, too, if they're drinking, or at least if they are holding a drink.
Also, when you're at a club, you can't be there sober when everyone else is
drinking. You can't deal with a crowd of drunk people when you're sober and
everyone else is drunk. It's really difficult (Female, heavy drinker).
One of the most common terms to emerge from the study was the term "big deal"
as it relates to drinking. Drinking in high school was a big deal because it
was not done as often, nor was it as easy to do. Drinking in college is a big
deal because students are free to do it. Some participants also believed that
in other countries, however, drinking is not seen as a big deal, because it is a
common practice overseas. One participant said:
In the States, parents really tend to watch over their kids and protect them
more. In other countries, kids mature faster, and they're given more
responsibility for their own actions. Plus, they're taught that drinking is
not a big deal, so they never look at it like that.
When you go out with your parents for dinner, there's a bottle of wine on the
table, and
everyone drinks it, including the kids, so it's not something that's as
restrictive as it is
here (Male, light drinker).
Ease of Obtaining Alcohol
Whether it be in high school or college, all of the participants reported that
getting alcoholic beverages is not difficult; on the contrary, it is easy. If
you are under 21, there is always a way to get alcohol if you want to drink.
Even though many places, including clubs and liquor stores, require you to show
proof of age, many participants say that this is not a problem. Many use fake
identifications, or get older friends to purchase alcohol for them:
It's like, really easy to drink here. I mean, we have a lot of friends that
work as bouncers at clubs, and if you know someone, you can get in like that.
I mean, it's so
easy, and nobody checks, they just look for your band, and that's
it. If you know
someone who works there, you're in (Female, heavy drinker).
Pressure
Whether it is direct or indirect, many participants feel that there is pressure
involved with drinking alcohol. The amount and type of pressure changes as one
moves from high school to college. Many feel that there is more pressure to
drink in high school, but that the pressure is there in college as well. One
female heavy drinker said, "It's not exactly peer pressure, maybe like social
pressure." In other words, participants felt that no one forces you to drink in
college, yet if you're not drinking, you don't feel like one of the crowd.
Drinking and Driving
Drinking and driving is a common practice among these college student drinkers.
Participants felt that knowing one's own drinking limit is important in deciding
whether or not to drive. Yet many students choose to drive even when they know
they have reached their limit.
Many overestimate their driving abilities after they have been drinking. Often,
students know they are not capable of driving. But many times, they find
excuses for driving under the influence. Even though other alternatives are
available, often the benefits of driving home outweigh the perceived costs. One
participant said, "I live real close to downtown, and I'm like, I can make
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