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RETHINKING THE UNINTENDED CONSEQUENCES: THE PURSUIT OF INDIVIDUALISM IN AMERICAN
PRIMETIME TELEVISION ADVERTISING
Joyce M. Wolburg
Marquette University
and
Ronald E. Taylor
University of Tennessee
Submitted to the Qualitative Division -- AEJMC
August 1997, Chicago
RETHINKING THE UNINTENDED CONSEQUENCES: THE PURSUIT
OF INDIVIDUALISM IN AMERICAN PRIMETIME TELEVISION ADVERTISING
Abstract
A long-standing, unresolved issue concerns whether advertising messages merely
reflect existing cultural values or construct new values. To reconsider the
issue, this study examined primetime television advertising for expressions of
individualism, the most basic cultural value in American society.
Using a document analysis approach, four types of main message strategy and
eight contextual categories emerged as elements that express individualism.
These expressions showed that advertising portrayals often misrepresent what we
know of the culture from census data. Conclusions were offered regarding
advertising's ability to construct new values.
INTRODUCTION
The advertising literature of the 1980s shows an interest in one of the
"unintended consequences" of advertising -- the transmission of cultural values.
Much of this research has concerned two issues: (1) advertising's role in either
constructing new values or reflecting existing values within a culture, and (2)
the need for a better understanding of cultural values so that creative strategy
can accurately depict a given culture, whether it is one's own culture or a
target culture for international advertising.
Pollay (1986; 1987) and Holbrook (1987) have addressed the first issue in a
philosophical debate concerning the role of advertising in society. Two well
articulated but conflicting views emerged with Pollay advancing the
"constructionist" role and Holbrook defending the "reflectionist" role; however,
the issue has gone unresolved.
The American Association of Advertising Agencies has clearly taken the position
that advertising merely reflects values. In fact, the organization ran a 1984
campaign that used the tagline "Advertising. Another Word For Freedom Of Choice"
which included one ad that specifically addressed the issue. The ad used the
headline, "Is Advertising A Reflection Of Society? Or Is Society A Reflection Of
Advertising?" and after a series of statements, asked consumers to conclude that
"advertising is a mirror society's tastes. Not vice versa." The ad used a
humorous illustration that makes the ad entertaining, but the flawed logic of
the statements "tries to mislead us about the nature of the mirror relationship
in the advertising text" (Goldman 1992, p. 5).
Many researchers have addressed the second issue by attempting to identify the
cultural values in advertising messages. Significant strides in identifying
cultural differences have been made; however, the research has been hindered by
disagreement over which values are worthy of investigation, vastly different
approaches to the study of values, an underestimation of the complexity of
cultural values, and the use of different theoretical frameworks. From 1980
through 1996 the major advertising and marketing journals published 20 content
analyses of cultural values in ads. These studies attempted to provide a better
understanding of values to create more effective ads but rarely touched on
issues associated with the role of advertising in society.
Of these studies, ten examined values within a single country -- one in Poland
(Sayre 1994), one in the People's Republic of China (Cheng 1994), and eight
within the U.S. (Belk and Pollay 1985a; Belk and Pollay 1985b; Gross and Sheth
1989; Pollay 1983, 1984; Pollay and Gallaher 1990; Zinkhan, Hong, and Lawson
1990; Zinkhan and Shermohamad 1986). The other ten studies examined values
cross-culturally. U.S. advertising was compared to that of Brazil (Tansey,
Hyman, and Zinkhan 1990), China (Cheng and Schweitzer 1996), Great Britain
(Frith and Wesson 1991), Japan (Mueller 1987; Belk and Bryce 1986; Belk and
Pollay 1985c), Mexico (McCarty and Hattwick 1992), and Sweden (Wiles, Wiles and
Tjernlund 1996). One study compared the advertising of the PRC, Hong Kong, and
Taiwan (Tse, Belk, and Zhou 1989), and another compared values across 11
countries (Albers-Miller and Gelb 1996).
This study examines the expressions of individualism as a cultural value in
primetime television advertising and departs from past research in two ways: it
uses a different methodology from previous advertising studies of cultural
values to identify taken-for-granted elements that can aid advertisers in
crafting more effective messages, but more importantly, it offers a different
way to evaluate the role of advertising in society through a comparison of
advertising portrayals with portrayals from census data.
Of all cultural values, the role of the individual (individualism versus
collectivism) has been identified as the most important dimension of cultural
differences (Hofstede 1991; Lodge 1975; Triandis 1989) although it has been the
main focus of only six of the 20 advertising studies (Albers-Miller and Gelb
1996; Cheng 1994, 1996; Frith and Wesson 1991; McCarty and Hattwick 1992; and
Mueller 1987). The political scientist George Lodge defines individualism as the
belief that "fulfillment lies in an essentially lonely struggle in what amounts
to a wilderness where the fit survive -- and where, if you do not survive, you
are somehow unfit" (1975, p. 10). Like all values, individualism is thought to
be pervasive and reflected in society's institutions as well as in its cultural
products such as novels, films, television programs, popular music, and
advertising. Yet the pervasive, taken-for-granted nature of values can make them
nearly invisible to the members of a given culture.
This study does not argue the advantages and disadvantages of individualism,
for the value is firmly ingrained in U.S. culture. Nor does it examine messages
of collectivism since an earlier study (Wolburg and Taylor 1994) found only one
example of a collectivistic message in the sample. Instead, the study attempts
to explicate the ways in which messages of individualism appear in American
network primetime television advertising. It begins with an historical overview,
proceeds to an interpretive analysis of advertising content, and concludes with
a discussion of advertising's role in constructing cultural values.
The Historical Evolution of an Idea
Individualism is a political idea that has developed after the 15th century.
During medieval times each person was equated with his place in the social
hierarchy. Any separation from the social roles assigned by God, society, and
family was unthinkable (Baumeister 1987). The 16th century marked increased
social mobility and the cessation of the fixed social hierarchy which shifted
the basic unit in society from the community to the individual, forming the
foundation for individualism. The blacksmith's son, for example, was no longer
tied to the moral duty to become a blacksmith himself (MacIntyre 1981).
John Locke became England's most prominent spokesman for the religious,
political, and economic freedoms of man. All men were regarded as inherently
good, endowed with inalienable rights by God, and were of equal privilege in the
pursuit of rank. Each man shaped his own destiny. Locke's ideas came to fruition
in the U.S. during the fight for independence. The Declaration of Independence
states
We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal,
that they are endowed by the creator with certain unalienable Rights, that
among
these are Life, Liberty, and the pursuit of Happiness.
Arensberg and Niehoff (1975) speculate that the driving force for individualism
in the U.S. was the commitment to progress, which in turn was derived from
westward expansion. It wasn't until 1830 that the word "individualism" was
coined by the French philosopher, Alexis de Tocqueville, who defined
individualism as
...a calm and considered feeling which disposes each citizen to isolate
himself from the mass of his fellows and withdraw into the circle of family
and
friends; with this little society formed to his taste, he gladly leaves the
greater society to look after itself. (de Tocqueville 1969).
Hofstede's view of Individualism/Collectivism
Individualism has been extensively examined by Hofstede (1980), who enumerated
the many ways in which individualism and collectivism affect family life,
occupations, education, and relationships in the workplace (see Table 1). Most
collectivist families consist of extended families (parents, children,
grandparents, uncles, aunts -- even servants), and a lifetime of loyalty to
one's extended family is the only secure protection one has against the
hardships of life. Breaking this loyalty is among the most severe offenses a
person can commit.
Within individualist societies, everyone is expected to look after themselves
and their immediate family while other relatives often live at quite a distance.
The nuclear family encourages children to be independent and to leave the
parental home once they reach adulthood, and at that point they often reduce
their relationships with the parents. Hofstede ranks the U.S. as the most
individualistic country in the world.
A popular misconception is that group behavior is evidence of collectivism;
however, it is not the presence of a group but the relationship of the
individuals within the group that is important. On the surface an athletic team
may seem to be a clear example of a collective unity, but within an
individualistic culture each individual will not only participate for the good
of the team, but will perform at optimum capacity to receive individual
recognition. This behavior is reinforced by the running commentary on the
performance of specific individuals by sports commentators, the choosing of the
most valuable player, and the use of personal names on team uniforms for easy
identification of the individual. The fittest go on to professional careers in
which they (individually) earn high salaries. In contrast, collectivist groups
prize humility and shun individuals who attract too much attention to themselves
because their behavior is considered boastful.
METHODOLOGY
Obtaining the sample
A sample of commercials from 14 hours of primetime network television
programming (8:00 p.m. to 11:00 p.m. ET) was obtained by taping all programming
on ABC, CBS, NBC, and FOX on a single night with additional hours from these
networks on subsequent nights. Network
TABLE 1
HOFSTEDE'S KEY DIFFERENCES BETWEEN
COLLECTIVIST AND INDIVIDUALIST SOCIETIES
Collectivist
Individualist
People are born into extended families or other ingroups which continue to
protect them in exchange for loyalty.
Everyone grows up to look after him/herself and his/her immediate (nuclear)
family only.
Identity is based in the social network to which one belongs.
Identity is based in the individual.
Children learn to think in terms of 'we.'
Children learn to think in terms of 'I.'
Harmony should always be maintained and direct confrontations avoided.
Speaking one's mind is a characteristic of an honest person.
High-context communication.
(Much communication is implicit.)
Low-context communication.
(Most communication is explicit.)
Trespassing (infractions of rules) leads to shame and loss of face for self and
group.
Trespassing (infractions of rules) leads to guilt and loss of self-respect.
Purpose of education is learning how to do.
Purpose of education is learning how to learn.
Diplomas provide entry to higher status groups.
Diplomas increase economic worth and/or self-respect.
Employer--employee relationship is perceived in moral terms, like a family link.
Employer -- employee relationship is a contract supposed to be based on mutual
advantage.
Hiring and promotion decisions take employees' ingroup into account.
Hiring and promotion decisions are supposed to be based on skills and rules
only.
Management is management of groups.
Management is management of individuals.
Relationship prevails over task.
Task prevails over relationship.
Hofstede 1991, p. 67
programming was preferred to cable to reach a broader, mass audience, and
primetime was chosen because it is the daypart that attracts the largest
audience.
The sample was created in order to obtain an adequate number of unduplicated
national ads from a representative mix of situation comedies (sitcoms), 2-hour
movies, 1-hour dramas, 1-hour news programs, 1-hour reality programs, and 2-hour
sports programs. A total of 272 ads were taped, which resulted in 198 national
ads after eliminating local advertising and repetitions. Local ads were
eliminated since no control over content differences was possible across
localities.
As a further check against a possible bias for a disproportionate number of ads
within product categories, a comparison of the percentage of ads by product
category from the sample was made against the yearly summary percentages of ads
by product category from the Television Bureau of Advertising (percentages were
converted from dollars). The similarity in figures suggests that the number of
ads within each product category in the sample are typical for their respective
categories.
The Interpretive Approach
This study deviates from the traditional content analysis by utilizing a
qualitative approach through document analysis -- a method essentially
overlooked by advertisers -- in hopes of gaining a different level of insight
given the complexity of the values.
One of the limitations of past research is the lack of explanation given for
identifying complex values. Individualism and other values are usually defined
at high levels of abstraction; yet, an examination of ads for incidence of
cultural values requires a knowledge of a given value at the concrete level.
Document analysis was chosen as the best method for identifying the more
concrete elements that are associated with the value at the abstract level.
The appropriateness of ads as qualitative data was discussed by Denzin (1978)
who identified mass-media products, including advertisements, as one of several
public records available for document analysis. Like other forms of qualitative
research, document analysis utilizes the inductive approach, which allows the
theory or pattern to emerge from the data.
Using transcripts of the ads in the sample, the two authors applied analytic
induction and comparative analysis to identify common patterns or categories
that were neither too inclusive nor too restrictive (Glaser and Strauss 1967;
Strauss and Corbin 1994). This process required a continuous interplay between
data and analysis in which the tentative categories were tested and refined. The
categories were considered adequate when they could account for all data, a step
that is otherwise known as reaching the point of redundancy (Taylor 1994).
The study developed through a series of stages beginning with the posing of
research questions, identification of categories, and the counting and
description of elements within categories.
The Research Process
The study asked two research questions concerning how individualism is depicted
in advertising. Through an initial screening of the ads, the researchers noted
that individualism could be expressed two ways -- through main message strategy
and through context. This finding generated two research questions regarding
individualism, each of which directed a stage of the research process that
resulted in the identification of elements. These elements were later included
in a coding sheet that enabled the researchers to gain a numerical count of
elements.
The study first asked:
RQ1 When it appeals to individualism, how does advertising depict individualism
in the main message strategy?
Stage 1. Based on Hofstede's characteristics of individualist and collectivist
cultures (1980), each commercial was examined for the presence or absence of a
main message element incorporating individualism. The main message element was
defined as the intended overall impression to be gained from viewing the
commercial, and most often it could be deduced by asking after viewing the
commercial, "What will happen if I buy and use the advertised product?" Possible
answers to the "What will happen" question related to individualism included,
among many others:
1. I can develop my personality; become more "me."
2. I can gain self-respect; elevate my status to others/elevate a family
member's status (make my child feel special).
3. I can be more efficient at accomplishing tasks including work and
recreation.
4. I can win a promotion, increase skill level, learn to learn.
5. I can make better use of time including staying well to continue working.
6. I can make better use of money including caring for family finances.
7. I can be more attractive.
8. I can be healthier.
9. I can use products to identify my personality to others.
10. I can demand products to suit me.
By regrouping related elements, the authors collapsed the ten original elements
into four broader main message strategies -- "The Esteemed Individual," "The
Efficient Individual," The Physically Attractive Individual," and the "I Am Me
Individual."
Three of the strategies require little explanation. The "Esteemed Individual"
is made up of all esteem related message elements including developing
personality, becoming more "me," gaining self-respect, and elevating my own (my
nuclear family's) status. The "Efficient Individual" is made up of all message
elements including being more efficient, winning a promotion, increasing skill
level, learning to learn, and making better use of time and money. The
"Physically Attractive Individual" captures all message elements related to
being more attractive and being more healthy.
The "I Am Me Individual" is an extension of the "becoming more me" element of
the "Esteemed Individual." The need for separate categories occurred because
some products promise to help the consumer reach a state of "me-ness" previously
not attained while others do not. Esteemed Individual messages imply that
without the product, the individual has not yet succeeded in attaining the
quality and, perhaps, never will. The "I Am Me" appeal is used when the state of
"me-ness" is already assumed. The product or service becomes a way of
symbolically representing rather than achieving this state. Some ads that use
this message strategy claim that the product can identify the user's personality
to others, while others claim that the user can demand products to suit his or
her needs.
Main message elements that focused only on product performance, demonstration,
uses, and applications without a promise to enhance the individual were not
regarded as messages of individualism because the emphasis is on the product --
not the user.
Additionally, the study asked:
RQ2 How does advertising depict context to convey information regarding
individualism?
Stage 2. Contextual elements were defined as "secondary characteristics of the
commercial that reflect an individualistic society but are not part of the main
message strategy." The contextual elements identified for analysis were: gender,
race, ethnic group, age, occupation, recognition ceremonies, presence of nuclear
family, and camera techniques that support individualism. The eight categories
were not chosen to provide an exhaustive list of information about the cast
members, but instead to provide the most easily observable yet significant
contextual information. Presence of gender and occupation are straightforward
coding elements, but the other categories require some explanation.
Race. According to the U.S. Census Bureau, the racial categories for
statistical reporting are: American Indian or Alaska Native, Asian or Pacific
Islander, black, and white. Within the sample of ads, no American Indians,
Alaska Natives, or Pacific Islanders appeared, leaving Asians as the only race
present other than blacks and whites.
Ethnic Group. According to Census data, ethnic origin refers to country of
origin, regardless of race. For example, those of Spanish/Hispanic origin are
Mexican, Puerto Rican, Cuban, or Other Spanish/Hispanic origin regardless of
race.
Age. An estimate of the age of each individual was made according to the
following four age categories: (1) Child and Teens (infancy to 19 years), (2)
Young Adult (20 to 39 years old), (3) Middle Adult (40 to 59), and (4) Older
Adult (60 and over). Age designations were approximations since determining the
age of a cast member with certainty was impossible; e.g., the difference between
age 39 and 40 is not readily apparent.
Nuclear Family. Presence of nuclear family was noted when either a married
couple was portrayed, or a couple with children were shown. One parent and child
were sufficient to be counted as nuclear family. Portrayals that included
relatives beyond the parent-child relationship such as grandparents, cousins,
and aunts and uncles were excluded.
Recognition Ceremonies. Within an individualistic society, people strive to be
recognized for their own merits. In order to grant them the recognition they
deserve for their accomplishments, certain opportunities for recognition must
exist within the culture. Both formal award ceremonies, such as college
graduations, and informal celebrations, such as eating a special meal with the
family, were noted.
Camera Techniques. American advertising texts typically instruct copywriters to
use first person point-of-view in writing the ads.
When people read your copy, they are alone. Pretend you are writing each of
them a letter on behalf of your client. One human being to another; second
person singular (Ogilvy 1985, p. 80).
The manner in which commercials are filmed can also support individualism by
offering a first person point-of-view. The "subjective camera" in film
terminology facilitates identification and is a technique that has been used in
film since the 1920s (Cook 1985).
Coding Decisions
For any given commercial, the possible codings were (1) does/does not have a
main message of individualism, (2) does/does not contain one or more contextual
cues related to individualism. For ads expressing individualism, the single best
main message category was chosen per ad, but all contextual cues that applied
were noted and described. Thus, many ads contained information on not one but
several contextual cues.
While most commercials with main messages of individualism presented the
message within a context that further supported individualism, some did not.
Others used contextual support of individualism without a main message. The
independent occurrence of main message and context required independent coding
decisions for the two. For example, a financial planning ad used both elements
with the main message claim that the product can help parents provide better,
i.e. more efficiently, for their child's future education and a contextual
element of nuclear family with a mother and daughter together at home. Other
ads, including one for a breakfast cereal, lacked main messages of individualism
by speaking only of the taste of the product but produced a contextual cue of
nuclear family by showing a mother and daughter eating breakfast together at
home.
FINDINGS, EXAMPLES, AND FREQUENCIES
The two-stage process resulted in the identification of categories that emerged
from the data and the creation of a coding sheet (see the Appendix). A third
stage required the counting of frequencies within categories using the coding
sheet. The findings are given below with examples from each category.
Individualism -- Main Message Strategy
A total of 155 of 198 ads (78%) contained main messages of individualism, and
192 of 198 ads (97%) supported individualism through the context. The ads
specifically outlined four ways in which one can stand out and be recognized as
an individual within U.S. culture: The Esteemed Individual, The Efficient
Individual, The Attractive Individual, and The "I Am Me" Individual.
The Esteemed Individual. Ads in this group hold a promise to consumers that the
product will enhance their self-esteem, a strategy used by 7% of the ads. For
example, a McDonald's ad opened with a female African-American teacher
introducing the first place essay winner, Jerri Bell, an African-American girl
about 8 years old.
When I'm a parent I hope I won't have to be a single parent. You have to
work all day, spend time with your kids, and take them places like
McDonald's
for a Happy Meal so they feel special. When I have kids, I hope my husband
lives
forever, but if I have to be a single parent, I want to be just like my
Daddy.
The ad tells parents that treating a child to a McDonald's Happy Meal will raise
self-esteem by making the child feel "special," which also enhances adults by
making them feel they are good parents.
Using a different approach, a Pizza Hut ad shows that the product can win
friends in tough situations. On the drive to school, a mother (white, early 30s)
talks to her 10-year-old son who is nervous about changing schools:
Mom: I know it's a new school, honey, but you'll make lots of friends. (Scene
changes to classroom.)
Teacher speaks to students who look cold and unfriendly: Meet our new student,
Timothy Hayes... Lunch break, class.
Mom (at home on the phone): His name is Timmy. It's sort of a surprise.
Pizza Hut delivery person (at the cafeteria where Timmy is sitting alone): Hi.
Timmy Hayes?
Timmy: Yes?
Deliveryperson: Your pizzas are here. (Timmy looks surprised.)
VO: Pizza Hut announces two one-topping pan pizzas for just 13 bucks.
Timmy invites the other students: Anyone want some pizza?
Students: I do. (They surround him, share the pizza, and accept him as their
new friend and classmate).
Girl Student: Hi. (She comes over to Timmy, puts her hand on his shoulder and
speaks to him coyly.)
VO: It's a class act.
(Sung) You'll love the stuff we're made of, Pizza Hut.
The ad shows viewers that by treating his classmates to Pizza Hut pizza, Timmy
instantly went from being a lonely outsider to everybody's new friend.
The Efficient Individual. By far the largest category of main message strategy
is the Efficient Individual (55%). Ads using this approach claim to make the
individual more efficient at work, at home, in recreational activities, etc.
An ad for the Navy focuses on two young men, one white and one black, playing
basketball aboard ship as the officers look on. The ad plays off viewers'
expectations that the men are good basketball players when, in fact, they are
comically inept. The ad tells how they can prepare for their future efficiently
by learning a skill and earning money for their college education.
Wayne Winfield and Ron Williams were two of the most heavily recruited high
school kids in the country. Of course, it wasn't for their game. It was for
their minds. And thanks to the Navy College Fund and the Montgomery GI Bill
they
have a chance to really use them. Because they can earn up to $30,000 for
college. So even if the NBA isn't in their future (Ron says 'I guess that's
game'), a BA is. For more information call 1-800-USA-NAVY.
While many of the efficiency ads were work related, a few were set at home. In
a Blockbuster Video ad set in a large Victorian home, visuals presented an
idyllic view of parenthood in a warm family scene with a young couple and their
children watching a video. The ad enumerated the many advantages of making it a
"Blockbuster night."
VO: We'd like to remind you that whenever you make it a Blockbuster night,
you never need a baby-sitter. The parking is always free, the atmosphere is
as
casual as the dress code, and you always get the best seat in the house.
With
over 9,000 Blockbuster videos to choose from, we'd like you to remember
that
when it comes to a great night with the family, there's no place like home.
There's no place like home. Make it a Blockbuster night.
The Attractive Individual. Ads for the Attractive Individual claim that the
product will make consumers healthier or more attractive. Ads offering
attractiveness were more often directed toward women than men, but ads for
health targeted both. A total of 14% of the ads used an attractiveness/health
main message strategy.
An ad for Ponds Age Defying Lotion introduced a spokeswoman at the Pond's
Institute who promises the product will deliver younger looking skin -- clearly
the look needed to be attractive.
Women ask me if there's really anything that can make them look younger. I
ask them "are you still just using a moisturizer?" I give them Pond's new
Age
Defying Lotion. It contains alpha nutrium. No age defying ingredient has
been
found that can beat it. They start to see the proof in two weeks, the look
and
feel of younger skin. Try getting that from a moisturizer. Age Defying
Lotion.
New from the Pond's Institute.
A second example used a health claim outside the realm of attractiveness. A
Florida Orange Juice ad opened with an alarm clock ringing while a young man
(white, late 20s) got up, put on running shoes, shorts, and a T-shirt, and
poured a glass of orange juice.
VO: Right now John Morrison isn't thinking about cancer. Or the medical
studies that conclude that foods rich in vitamin C like Florida Orange
Juice may
actually lower the risk of some types of cancer. So while he may not know
it,
he's doing something good for his body every morning. Even on those days
he's
not able to exercise. 100% pure Florida Orange Juice. To your health!
The "I Am Me" Individual. The "I Am Me" Individual is the smallest (3%)
category of individualism message strategy. It flatters the individual much like
the esteem category but differs because the person has already achieved the
state of individualism. The following example is an ad in which the individual
is so sure of his identity that he can demand products. In a Burger King ad, an
African-American spokesman about 35 years old is savvy enough to know exactly
what he wants, and he is not enticed by mere claims of convenience and price.
Look, I appreciate the fact that fast food is inexpensive (only 99 cents).
I know its convenient and all that, but if I'm going to give you 99 of my
cents,
you gotta give me more than just some burger. I mean is it a Whopper? Is it
flame broiled? Or is it fried? Can I get it how I want it or am I going to
be
scraping off gobs of secret sauce? I mean I can get a roll of duct tape for
99
cents. Doesn't mean I'm going to make it my lunch.
VO: The 99 cent Whopper, now at Burger King.
In a second example of this strategy an Aurora ad shows a group of people at a
cocktail party while a woman (white, late 30s) gazes at a painting beside her.
She "escapes" from the party and is driving the car in the picture, waving to
the others she left behind.
VO: When something fresh comes into your life at the exact moment you are
ready for it, it's not coincidence. Aurora, by Oldsmobile. See what happens
when
you demand better. Aurora.
Ownership of the car is presented as a natural outcome of being a
self-actualized person rather than as a possession to give her status. This is
quite different from the Pizza Hut ad in which the new student needed to treat
his classmates to pizza in order for them to accept him.
A total of 43 ads (22%) did not contain messages of individualism, but most
included information in the context that supports individualism. Table 2 shows
the frequency for each individualism category.
TABLE 2
MAIN MESSAGE STRATEGIES FOR INDIVIDUALISM
Individualism Category
Incidence
Percent
The Esteemed Individual
13
7
The Efficient Individual
109
55
The Attractive Individual
27
14
The "I Am Me" Individual
6
3
No Main Message
43
22
Total
198
100
Individualism -- Context
Information in the context that supports individualism was found in 192 ads
(97%). The message strategies show what paths can be taken to achieve
individualism, but the added information in the context defines how gender, age,
race, and ethnic group affect the pursuit of individualism. Additionally, the
ads show what types of occupations are most fitting, the occasions that are most
meaningful, and the definitions of family that are most accepted within the
individualistic culture.
One example that included contextual information without a main message
strategy was an ad for the beef industry. The visuals showed four different
slice-of-life scenarios of families and friends interacting, all of which were
rich in contextual information.
VO: When the Clay family dropped over unexpectedly, they had beef and pasta
primavera./ For the first ever straight A report card, it was stir-fried
beef
fajitas./ And for the upset victory on the bowling league tourney it was
bistro
steak sauce./ Of course, it's not that you need a special occasion to
appreciate
dinners like these. All you really need is half an hour, and your average
Wednesday will do just fine. Beef. It's what's for dinner.
By noting the activities of the cast members in this particular ad, one might
note that the way for adult men to express individualism within U.S. culture is
by having a wife who takes care of him, the home, and the family; having
friends; rewarding the scholastic achievement of one's children; and winning at
sports. Women excel by caring for the home, husband, and children; entertaining
friends; and, to a lesser extent than men, winning at sports. Whites appear to
be more successful at attaining these things than blacks or people of ethnic
background, and older people are largely absent from these occasions.
A count of the 703 people cast in the 198 ads provided detailed contextual
information about gender, age, occupation, race, ethnic group, family
constellation, and recognition ceremonies. When the composition of contextual
elements was compared to the general population through census data, the
representations in the ads consistently provided a disproportionate view of
reality. Generally, men were overrepresented (men comprised 56% of those in the
ads but represent 49% of the population, while women comprised 44% of those in
the ads but represent 51% of the population); gender roles depicted very few
women working in occupations outside the home when in fact they represent 43% of
the full-time work force; people 20-39 years old were vastly overrepresented
(66% in the ads but 32% of the population); ethnic groups were underrepresented
(only 3% of the people in ads showed signs of ethnicity while 9.5% of the
population is Hispanic, not to mention other ethnic groups); and whites were
slightly overrepresented (89% in the ads and 85% of the population). See Table 3
for specifics.
Aside from the numerical representations, the ads provided other insights into
certain categories.
Gender and Occupation. In addition to underrepresenting women who work outside
the home, the ads showed a narrower choice of occupation (19 different
occupations for women cf 33 occupations for men). Men and women also differed in
their leisure-time activities -- men most often spent their leisure time
participating in sports or attending sporting events while women went shopping,
spent time with friends and family, and participated in beauty rituals such as
having their hair styled.
Men were highly credible spokespersons for technical products, long distance
and financial services and automobiles. Women were credible spokespersons for
cleaning products, health and beauty aids, and OTC drugs that wives or mothers
dispense to family members. In a reversal of traditional gender roles, a Mop &
Glo ad cast a man cleaning the kitchen floor; however, he lacked the
characteristics of attractiveness usually associated with idealized depictions
of masculinity in the media, which can convey the idea that "real men" don't do
domestic chores. Another gender reversal TABLE 3
A COMPARISON OF CONTEXTUAL INFORMATION FROM TWO SOURCES:
SAMPLE VERSUS U.S. CENSUS INFORMATION
Group
Sample
U.S. Census
Gender
Males
56%
49%
Females
44%
51%
Age
Children/Teens
21%
29%
Young Adults
66%
32%
Middle Adults
9%
22%
Older Adults
4%
17%
Race
White
89%
85%
Black
10%
12%
Asian
1%
3%
Ethnic Group
Hispanic
1%
10%
White Family Composition:
Percent of Children Under 18 Years Old Living in Household
Two Parents
50%
79%
Father Only
31%
4%
Mother Only
19%
18%
Black Family Composition:
Percent of Children Under 18 Years Old Living in Household
Two Parents
17%
38%
Father Only
50%
3%
Mother Only
33%
58%
ad cast a single mother in a financial planning situation. She says:
I never wanted to grow up. Much less get older. A daughter. Even the word
used to scare me. Now I have commitments -- that she would have an
education --
that my parents will always be o.k. love is expensive.
The ad continued with a male voiceover explaining that a plan from Merrill Lynch
can show you how to take control of the future. The woman engaged in an activity
more commonly assigned to men; however, she exhibited childlike anxieties and
fears. Gender role reversals were limited to a small number of ads, but they
suggested that advertising is most comfortable placing people in traditional
gender roles, and it subtly penalizes those who venture into new ones.
Age. As noted from the earlier reported frequencies, young adults were
overrepresented to such an extreme that all other age groups were
underrepresented. When children were present in ads, they were fed, nurtured,
cared for when sick, entertained, protected, and provided for financially.
Teenager boys played video games, teenage girls talked on the phone, and
teenagers of both genders worked in fast food restaurants and attended school.
The overrepresented young adult group was composed of active, interesting,
attractive, capable, productive people who were most often shown at work or
caring for children. The underrepresented middle adult group generally held
positions of authority and appeared successful and affluent. Older adults only
appeared in 4% of the ads and were usually depicted as retirees with time on
their hands, parents to be cared for by their adult children, people to stay in
touch with by phone, and comic figures that served primarily for humor.
While advertising is not the only institution that privileges youth and
perpetuates stereotypes, as a whole the sample provided an inaccurate view of
the distribution of age and depicted limiting associations of success and
failure tied to age.
Race and Ethnic Group. The primetime network ads generally overrepresented
whites and underrepresented ethnicity. Exceptions were usually ads that had a
large cast, and the inclusion of non-whites and people with observable ethnic
characteristics served to show that the product is for everyone.
The misrepresentation of race and ethnicity did two things: (1) discounted the
role non-whites and those of ethnic background play in society, and (2) offered
too few portrayals of everyday life to correct stereotypes. Ads that included
cast members of ethnic origin sometimes used a comical, stereotypical role such
as an emotional Italian hairdresser who communicated by waving his hands and
sputtering in Italian.
Nuclear Family. A total of 26% of the ads presented people in nuclear family
constellations, which differed by race. White families showed children with two
parents in 50% of the nuclear family ads, but black families only showed
children with two parents in 17% of the ads. For both races, if only one parent
was present, it was more often the father than the mother. While the absence of
a parent does not necessarily represent a single parent household, it is one
interpretation that viewers can make.
For example, Quaker Instant Grits depicted two families in the same ad -- one
black family and one white. The ad opened with an African-American mother and
daughter eating breakfast while hurrying to leave for work and school, and it
cut to the scene of a white family (father, mother, and son) sitting down to eat
breakfast. The absent father in the black family does not necessarily mean that
he does not live in the household, but at the same time his absence "looked" as
natural as the inclusion of the father in the white family. If a higher
incidence of absentee fathers in black families carries across to other
television advertising, this can send a negative message regarding the
constellation of black families to viewers. With these and other contextual
elements, what was missing from the ads was often as important was what was
present.
Recognition Ceremonies. Twenty percent of the ads showed people receiving some
form of praise or recognition. Among the personal accomplishments recognized in
the ads were attaining physical attractiveness (losing weight, having beautiful
skin, being younger looking, and getting the closest shave), excelling in sports
(making the winning play in the basketball playoffs, winning at bowling),
achieving scholastically (winning an essay contest, earning straight As, and
graduating from college), and surpassing others on the job and in hobbies
(owning a great restaurant, winning a cooking contest, having the best recycling
ideas, and singing a solo in a chorus). The ads not only convey that being the
best deserves special recognition, but they define what is worthy of
recognition.
Camera Techniques. In advertising, the first-person point of view is seen in a
variety of ways, e.g., by showing products such as food in close-ups from the
viewpoint of one person eating it, or by presenting spokespersons talking
directly to each viewer. This reinforces the individualistic tradition that
allows consumers to make decisions based on what is good for "me" rather than
for what is good for the group.
CONCLUSIONS
Summary
When looking at ads as a whole, individualism is an important, attainable goal
in American society. Efficiency is by far the most common way to achieve
individualism, and it reinforces the belief in a "monochronic" time system --
that time is a finite commodity that can be spent, saved or lost (Hall 1959).
Attaining attractiveness is also a strong path, but it is narrowly defined,
dependent upon youth, and is somewhat more important for women than men.
Healthiness is important for both men and women, and two types of esteem
messages hold still other ways to succeed in attaining individualism. The
context teaches viewers that people who do achieve individualism are
predominately white, non-ethnic, 20-39 years old, and who maintain the most
traditional gender roles.
Impact on the Culture
In light of the findings of this study, it is important to rethink the issue of
whether advertising merely reflects values in the culture already in place, or
constructs new values either by promoting change or by inaccurately reflecting
what is there. According to Pollay:
A common defense of advertising against criticisms of its cultural role is
that it must, of necessity, be in harmony with its culture; messages must
employ
symbols and cultural values that are readily understood and accepted by the
intended audience. In this view, advertising is seen as a mirror that only
reflects and exposes existing cultural values and behaviors (1986, p. 32).
If advertising reflects what already exists, then the expression of
individualism and the contextual information found in the study should be an
accurate depiction of the culture. However, a comparison of the reality of the
ads with the reality of census data showed that ads are not always true to the
culture. It is correct to say that the ads used culturally relevant messages,
but by reflecting values disproportionately, the ads privileged some expressions
over others.
For example, the four paths to individualism are a limited set when considering
the number of other ways to express individualism. In U.S. culture, some people
stand out and are recognized for their humanitarian pursuits without personal
gain, and others find recognition through intellectual pursuits and artistic
endeavors. Very little evidence of this, if any, was found in this sample.
Advertising also presented a restrictive view of gender roles, reinforcing
traditional roles and penalizing those who venture outside the boundaries. As
the work force continues to employ more women and, consequently, more families
have to shift the household duties to other members, the stereotypical division
that holds women responsible for domestic duties and men responsible for
finances does a disservice to both men and women. Similar concerns can be raised
for other contextual categories.
Perhaps the limited set and stereotypical expressions are not entirely
surprising. According to Pollay:
Not all values are equally suited for use in commercials. Some are more
plausibly linked to the products in current production, some are more
dramatically visualized, and some are more reliably responded to by the
consuming public. Thus, in the aggregate, some of our cultural values are
reinforced far more frequently than others. Hence, while it may be true
that
advertising reflects cultural values, it does so on a very selective basis,
echoing and reinforcing certain attitudes, behaviors, and values far more
frequently than others (1986, pp 32-33).
The depictions in this study support Pollay's position that certain values are,
in fact, reinforced on a selective basis. When some but not all depictions are
presented, they are legitimized and reinforced at the expense of others. Over
time, new values replace others.
Schudson (1984) agrees to the lack of fit between advertising and the real
world:
Advertisements pick up and represent values already in the culture. But
these values, however deep or widespread, are not the only ones people have
or
aspire to, and the pervasiveness of advertising makes us forget this.
Advertising picks up some of the things that people hold dear and
re-presents
them to people as all of what they value... (p. 233).
The reality for advertisers is that products are not targeted to all members of
the population proportionately by age, gender, race, etc. The television
programs and the ads they carry are intended to reach the specific demographic
groups that are the target market for the products. This constraint makes the
content of advertising as a whole an unlikely source for "balanced" portrayals,
either in their numerical representation or in the role depictions. It stands to
reason that advertisers sometimes take a conservative, middle of the road
approach when depicting people in order to avoid controversy, and outside of the
very narrowly targeted media choices, advertising is more likely to use a safe,
conservative portrayal that lags a step behind the culture.
Consumers who know the constraints of the industry and recognize the likelihood
of the unintended consequences of advertising can defend against some of the
messages, but to place this responsibility on consumers is unfair given the
pervasiveness of ads across all media, the repetition of messages, the level of
professional skill in the creation of messages, and the detachment of many
consumers from other sources of cultural influence (Pollay 1986).
Ultimately this raises questions concerning the responsibility of advertisers.
This study asks advertisers to abandon the more comfortable position that
advertising merely reflects values and recognize that they have the power to
construct values. This could hardly be otherwise since certain targeting
strategies make some consumers more desirable than others and certain
advertising appeals more effective than others. The study asks that advertisers
become more aware of the general characteristics of the population and become
more self-conscious in the ways they depict values so that whenever possible
they show the use of products by people who more accurately reflect the true
population. In other words, advertisers are asked not only to tell the truth
about products but about the culture.
REFERENCES
Albers-Miller, Nancy and Betsy D. Gelb (1996), "Business Advertising Appeals as
a Mirror of Cultural Dimensions: A Study of Eleven Countries," Journal of
Advertising, 25 (4), 57-70.
Arensberg, Conrad M. and Arthur H. Niehoff (1975), "American Cultural Values,"
in The Nacirema, eds., James P. Spradley and Michael A. Rynkiewich, Boston:
Little, Brown, and Co., 363-377.
Baumeister, Roy F. (1987), "How the Self Became a Problem: A Psychological
Review of Historical Research," Journal of Personality and Social
Psychology, 52
(1), 163-176.
Belk, Russell W. and Wendy J. Bryce (1986), "Materialism and Individual
Determinism in U.S. and Japanese Print and Television Advertising," in
Advances
in Consumer Research, Vol. 13, ed. Richard J. Lutz, Provo, UT: Association
for
Consumer Research, 568-572.
________ and Richard W. Pollay (1985a), "Images of Ourselves: The Good Life in
Twentieth Century Advertising," Journal of Consumer Research, 11, 887-897.
________ (1985b), "Materialism and Magazine Advertising During the Twentieth
Century," in Advances in Consumer Research, Vol. 12, eds. Elizabeth C.
Hirschman and Morris B. Holbrook, Provo, UT: Association for Consumer
Research,
394-398.
________ (1985c), "Materialism and Status Appeals in Japanese and US Print
Advertising," International Marketing Review, Winter, 38-47.
Cheng, Hong (1994), "Reflections of Cultural Values: A Content Analysis of
Chinese Magazine Advertisements from 1982 and 1992," International Journal
of
Advertising, 13, 167-183.
________ and Schweitzer John (1996), "Cultural Values Reflected in Chinese and
U.S. Television Commercials," Journal of Advertising Research, May/June,
27-45.
Cook, Pam (1985), The Cinema Book, New York: Pantheon Books.
Denzin, Norman (1978), The Research Act, New York: McGraw-Hill Book Company.
de Tocqueville, Alexis (1969), Democracy in America, translated by George
Lawrence, New York: Doubleday.
Frith, Katherine T., and Wesson David (1991), "A Comparison of Cultural Values
in British and American Print Advertising: A Study of Magazines,"
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Quarterly, 68 (1/2) Spring/Summer, 216-223.
Glaser, Barney G. and Anselm L. Strauss (1967), The Discovery of Grounded
Theory: Strategies for Qualitative Research, Chicago: Aldine.
Goldman, Robert (1992), Reading Ads Socially, New York: Routledge.
Gross Barbara L. and Jagdish N. Sheth (1989), "Time-oriented Advertising: A
Content Analysis of United States Magazine Advertising, 1890-1988," Journal
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Marketing, 53, 76-83.
Hall, Edward T. (1959), The Silent Language, New York: Doubleday.
Hofstede, Geert (1980), Culture's Consequences: International Differences in
Work-related Values, Beverly Hills, CA: Sage Publications.
_______ (1991), Cultures and Organizations--Software of the Mind, London:
McGraw-Hill Book Company.
Holbrook, Morris B. (1987), "Mirror, Mirror, on the Wall, What's Unfair in the
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Lodge, George C. (1975), The New American Ideology, New York: Alfred A. Knopf.
MacIntyre, A. (1981), After Virtue, Notre Dame, IN: University of Notre Dame
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McCarty, John A., and Patricia M. Hattwick (1992), "Cultural Value Orientations:
A Comparison of Magazine Advertisements from the United States and Mexico,"
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Advances in Consumer Research, Vol. 19, eds., John F. Sherry, Jr. and B.
Sternthal, Provo: UT, Association of Consumer Research, 34-39.
Mueller, Barbara (1987), "Reflections of Culture: An Analysis of Japanese and
American Advertising Appeals," Journal of Advertising Research, 4, 51-59.
Ogilvy, David (1985), Ogilvy on Advertising, New York; Vintage Books.
Pollay, Richard W. (1983), "Measuring the Cultural Values Manifest in
Advertising," Current Issues and Research in Advertising, 1, 71-92.
________ (1984), "The Identification and Distribution of Values Manifest in
Print Advertising 1900-1980," in Personal Values and Consumer Psychology,
eds.
Robert E. Pitts, Jr. and Arch G. Woodside, Lexington, MA: D. C. Heath and
Company, 111-135.
________ (1986), "The Distorted Mirror: Reflections on the Unintended
Consequences of Advertising," Journal of Marketing, 50, 18-36.
________ (1987), "On the Value of Reflections on the Values in 'The Distorted
Mirror,'" Journal of Marketing, 51, 104-109,
________ and Katherine Gallagher (1990), "Advertising and Cultural Values:
Reflections in the Distorted Mirror," International Journal of Advertising,
9,
359-372.
Sayre, Shay (1994), "Images of Freedom and Equality: A Values Analysis of
Hungarian Political Commercials," Journal of Advertising, 23 (1), 97-109.
Schudson, Michael (1984), Advertising, The Uneasy Persuasion: Its Dubious Impact
on American Society, New York: Basic Books, Inc.
Strauss, Anselm and Juliet Corbin (1994), "Grounded Theory Methodology: An
Overview," in Handbook of Qualitative Research, eds. Norman K. Denzin and
Yvonna
S. Lincoln, Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.
Tansey, Richard, Michael R. Hyman, and George M. Zinkhan (1990), "Cultural
Themes in Brazilian and U.S. Auto Ads: A Cross-cultural Comparison,"
Journal of
Advertising, 19 (2), 40-48.
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Harper & Brothers Publishers.
Taylor, Ronald E. (1994), "Qualitative Research," in Mass Communication Research
by Michael W. Singletary, New York: Longman, 265-279.
Triandis, Harry C. (1989), "The Self and Social Behavior in Differing Cultural
Contexts," Psychological Review, 96 (3), 506-520.
Tse, David, Russell W. Belk, and Nan Zhou (1989), "Becoming a Consumer Society:
A Longitudinal and Cross-cultural Content Analysis of Print Ads from Hong
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of Advertising: The United States and Sweden," Journal of Advertising
Research,
May/June, 57-66.
Wolburg, Joyce M. and Ronald E. Taylor (1994), "What You Want is What You Get:
Individualism in Primetime Television Advertising," Paper presented at the
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Communications, Atlanta, GA.
Zinkhan, George M. and Ali Shermohamad (1986), "Is Other-Directedness on the
Increase? An Empirical Test of Riesman's Theory of Social Character,"
Journal of
Consumer Research, 13, 127-130.
________, Jae W. Hong, and R. Lawson (1990), "Achievement and Affiliation
Motivation--Changing Patterns in Social Values as Represented in American
Advertising," Journal of Business Research, 20, 135-144.
APPENDIX
CODING SHEET FOR INDIVIDUALISM
Main Message:
yes_____ 1. Esteemed Individual
no______ 2. Efficient Individual
3. Attractive Individual
4. I Am Me Individual
Context: 1. Gender
yes_____ 2. Occupation
no______ 3. Age
4. Race
5. Ethnic Group
6. Appearance of Nuclear Family
7. Recognition Ceremonies
8. Camera Technique
TABLE 1
MAIN MESSAGE STRATEGIES FOR INDIVIDUALISM
Individualism Category
Incidence
Percent
The Esteemed Individual
13
7
The Efficient Individual
109
55
The Attractive Individual
27
14
The "I Am Me" Individual
6
3
No Main Message
43
22
Total
198
100
TABLE 3
A COMPARISON OF CONTEXTUAL INFORMATION FROM TWO SOURCES: SAMPLE VERSUS U.S.
CENSUS INFORMATION
Group
Sample
U.S. Census
Gender
Males
56%
49%
Females
44%
51%
Age
Children/Teens
21%
29%
Young Adults
66%
32%
Middle Adults
9%
22%
Older Adults
4%
17%
Race
White
89%
85%
Black
10%
12%
Asian
1%
3%
Ethnic Group
Hispanic
1%
10%
White Family Composition:
Percent of Children Under 18 Years Old Living in Household
Two Parents
50%
79%
Father Only
31%
4%
Mother Only
19%
18%
Black Family Composition:
Percent of Children Under 18 Years Old Living in Household
Two Parents
17%
38%
Father Only
50%
3%
Mother Only
33%
58%
Old reference list
REFERENCES
Albers-Miller, Nancy and Betsy D. Gelb (1996), "Business Advertising Appeals as
a Mirror of Cultural Dimensions: A Study of Eleven Countries," Journal of
Advertising, 25 (4), 57-70.
Arensberg, Conrad M. and Arthur H. Niehoff (1975), "American Cultural Values,"
in The Nacirema, eds., James P. Spradley and Michael A. Rynkiewich, Boston:
Little, Brown, and Co., 363-377.
Baumeister, Roy F. (1987), "How the Self Became a Problem: A Psychological
Review of Historical Research," Journal of Personality and Social
Psychology, 52
(1), 163-176.
Belk, Russell W. and Wendy J. Bryce (1986), "Materialism and Individual
Determinism in U.S. and Japanese Print and Television Advertising," in
Advances
in Consumer Research, Vol. 13, ed. Richard J. Lutz, Provo, UT: Association
for
Consumer Research, 568-572.
____________ and Richard W. Pollay (1985a), "Images of Ourselves: The Good Life
in Twentieth Century Advertising," Journal of Consumer Research, 11,
887-897.
____________ and Richard W. Pollay (1985b), "Materialism and Magazine
Advertising During the Twentieth Century," in Advances in Consumer
Research,
Vol. 12, eds. Elizabeth C. Hirschman and Morris B. Holbrook, Provo, UT:
Association for Consumer Research, 394-398.
____________ and Richard W. Pollay (1985c), "Materialism and Status Appeals in
Japanese and US Print Advertising," International Marketing Review, Winter,
38-47.
Bond, Michael H. and The Chinese Culture Connection (1987), "Chinese Values and
the Search for Culture-free Dimensions of Culture," Journal of
Cross-Cultural
Psychology, 18 (2), 143-164.
Cheng, Hong (1994), "Reflections of Cultural Values: A Content Analysis of
Chinese Magazine Advertisements from 1982 and 1992," International Journal
of
Advertising, 13, 167-183.
___________ and Schweitzer John (1996), "Cultural Values Reflected in Chinese
and U.S. Television Commercials," Journal of Advertising Research,
May/June,
27-45.
Cook, Pam (1985), The Cinema Book, New York: Pantheon Books.
Denzin, Norman K. (1978) The Research Act, New York: McGraw-Hill Book Company.
de Tocqueville, Alexis (1969) Democracy in America, translated by George
Lawrence, New York: Doubleday.
Frith, Katherine T. and David Wesson (1991), "A Comparison of Cultural Values in
British and American Print Advertising: A Study of Magazines," Journalism
Quarterly, 68 (1/2) Spring/Summer, 216-223.
Glaser, Barney G. and Anselm L. Strauss (1967), The Discovery of Grounded
Theory: Strategies for Qualitative Research, Chicago: Aldine.
Gross Barbara L. and Jagdish N. Sheth (1989), "Time-oriented Advertising: A
Content Analysis of United States Magazine Advertising, 1890-1988," Journal
of
Marketing, 53, 76-83.
Hall, Edward T. (1959), The Silent Language, New York: Doubleday.
Han, Sang-Pil and Sharon Shavitt (1994), "Persuasion and Culture: Advertising
Appeals in Individualistic and Collectivistic Societies," Journal of
Experimental Social Psychology, 30, 326-350.
Hofstede, Geert (1980), Culture's Consequences: International Differences in
Work-related Values, Beverly Hills, CA: Sage Publications.
____________ (1991), Cultures and Organizations--Software of the Mind, London:
McGraw-Hill Book Company.
Kluckhohn, Francis R. and Fred L. Strodbeck (1961), Variations in Value
Orientations, Evanston, IL: Row, Peterson and Co.
Lodge, George C. (1975), The New American Ideology, New York: Alfred A. Knopf.
MacIntyre, A. (1981), After Virtue, Notre Dame, IN: University of Notre Dame
Press.
McCarty, John A., and Patricia M. Hattwick (1992), "Cultural Value Orientations:
A Comparison of Magazine Advertisements from the United States and Mexico,"
in
Advances in Consumer Research, Vol. 19, eds., John F. Sherry, Jr. and B.
Sternthal, Provo: UT, Association of Consumer Research, 34-39.
Moriarty, Sandra E. (1991), Creative Advertising Theory and Practice, 2nd.
Edition, Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice Hall.
Mueller, Barbara (1987), "Reflections of Culture: An Analysis of Japanese and
American Advertising Appeals," Journal of Advertising Research, 4, 51-59.
Ogilvy, David (1985), Ogilvy on advertising, New York; Vintage Books.
Pollay, Richard W. (1983), "Measuring the Cultural Values Manifest in
Advertising," Current Issues and Research in Advertising, 1, 71-92.
____________ (1984), "The Identification and Distribution of Values Manifest in
Print Advertising 1900-1980," in Personal Values and Consumer Psychology,
eds.
Robert E. Pitts, Jr. and Arch G. Woodside, Lexington, MA: D. C. Heath and
Company, 111-135.
____________ (1986), "The Distorted Mirror: Reflections on the Unintended
Consequences of Advertising," Journal of Marketing, 50, 18-36.
____________ and Katherine Gallagher (1990), "Advertising and Cultural Values:
Reflections in the Distorted Mirror," International Journal of Advertising,
9,
359-372.
Riesman, David (1950), The Lonely Crowd, New Haven, CT: Yale University Press.
Rokeach, Milton (1973), The Nature of Human Values, New York: The Free Press.
Sayre, Shay (1994), "Images of Freedom and Equality: A Values Analysis of
Hungarian Political Commercials," Journal of Advertising, 23 (1), 97-109.
Schudson, Michael (1984), Advertising, The Uneasy Persuasion: Its Dubious Impact
on American Society, New York: Basic Books, Inc.
Strauss, Anselm and Juliet Corbin (1994), "Grounded Theory Methodology: An
Overview," in Handbook of Qualitative Research, eds. Norman K. Denzin and
Yvonna S. Lincoln, Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.
Tansey, Richard, Michael R. Hyman, and George M. Zinkhan (1990), "Cultural
Themes in Brazilian and U.S. Auto Ads: A Cross-cultural Comparison,"
Journal of
Advertising, 19 (2), 40-48.
Taylor, Ronald E. (1994), "Qualitative Research," Chapter 12 in Mass
Communication Research by Michael W. Singletary, New York: Longman.
Tse, David, Russell W. Belk, and Nan Zhou (1989), "Becoming a Consumer Society:
A Longitudinal and Cross-cultural Content Analysis of Print ads from Hong
Kong,
the People's Republic of China, and Taiwan," Journal of Consumer Research,
15,
457-472.
Triandis, Harry C. (1989), "The Self and Social Behavior in Differing Cultural
Contexts," Psychological Review, 96 (3), 506-520.
U.S. Bureau of the Census. Statistical Abstract of the United States 1994.
Prepared by the Economics and Statistics Administration, Bureau of the
Census,
US Department of Commerce. Washington, D.C., 1994.
Wiles, Charles R, Judith A. Wiles, and Anders Tjernlund (1996), " The Ideology
of Advertising: The United States and Sweden," Journal of Advertising
Research,
May/June, 57-66.
Wolburg, Joyce M. and Ronald E. Taylor (1994), "What You Want is What You Get:
Individualism in Primetime Television Advertising," Paper presented at the
national conference of the Association for Education in Journalism and Mass
Communications, Atlanta, GA.
Zinkhan, George M., J. W. Hong, and Robert Lawson (1990), "Achievement and
Affiliation Motivation--Changing Patterns in Social Values as Represented
in
American Advertising," Journal of Business Research, 20, 135-144.
____________ and Ali Shermohamad (1986), "Is Other-Directedness on the Increase?
An Empirical Test of Riesman's Theory of Social Character," Journal of
Consumer
Research, 13, 127-130.
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