Learning News Through the Mind's Eye: The Impact of Supporting Graphics in
Television News
Visual Communication DivisionAEJMC Convention, 1997Chicago
Learning News Through the Mind's Eye:
The Impact of Supporting Graphics in
Television News
Stefan A. Jenzowsky, Thomas Knieper & Klaus B. Reginek
Contact:
Thomas KnieperInstitut f r Kommunikationswissenschaft
(ZW)Ludwig-Maximilians-Universtit t M nchen[Dept. of Communication Studies at
the University of Munich]Oettingenstr. 67D-80538 M nchen
[Munich]GermanyPhone: +49-89-2178-2435Fax: +49-89-2178-24
29e-mail: [log in to unmask]
Learning News Through the Mind's Eye:The Impact of Supporting Graphics in
Television News
Seventy-Five Word Abstract
The purpose of this paper is to investigate how we process supporting graphical
inserts in television news and which learning processes are involved in watching
everyday news programs. Data is presented from a laboratory experiment in which
two independent variables were manipulated: (a) the graphic visualization of
news presentations, and (b) the graphic representation in recognition tasks.
Results suggest a high acceptance of supporting graphics and a picture
superiority effect for any condition of retrieval, while no encoding specificity
effect was found for most conditions.
Learning News Through the Mind's Eye:The Impact of Supporting Graphics in
Television News
Abstract
The purpose of this paper is to bring together two separated areas of research
in order to gain a clearer understanding on how we process supporting graphical
inserts in television news and which learning processes are involved in watching
everyday news programs. For this purpose, we examine and try to integrate the
research areas of cognitive psychology and mass communication research. Data is
presented from a laboratory experiment in which two independent variables were
manipulated: (a) the graphic visualization of news presentations, and (b) the
graphic representation in recognition tasks. The data suggest a link between use
of visual elements in news programs and performance in recall and recognition as
well as attributed importance of the issues presented during the newscast. In
the examined population a high acceptance of supporting graphics in television
news could be ascertained. A picture superiority effect was found for any
condition of retrieval, while - for most conditions - no encoding specificity
effect could be demonstrated.
Learning News Through the Mind's Eye:The Impact of Supporting Graphics in
Television News
Content:
Introduction
A Taxonomy of Mass Media Graphics
Pictograms and Pictorial Symbols
Graphical Adaptations
Visualized Elucidations
Mass Media Maps
Charts and Quantitative Diagrams
Final Observation
Learning Theories in Cognitive Psychology
The Dual Coding Theory of A. Paivio
Propositional Models of Z.W. Pylyshyn, G.H. Bower and J.R. Anderson
Encoding Specificity
Empirical Tests of Picture Superiority Effects
Previous Research on Mass Media Graphics
Research on Mass Media Graphic Effects
Research on the Acceptance of Mass Media Graphics
Hypotheses
Method
Respondents
Procedure
Experimental Programs
Measures
Questionnaire variation
Results
Hypothesis 1: Picture Superiority
Hypothesis 2: Effect of Dynamic Graphics
Hypothesis 3: Interaction Effect of Encoding and Retrieval Mode
Hypothesis 4: Acceptance of Infographics in Television News
Discussion
References
Learning News Through the Mind's Eye:The Impact of Supporting Graphics in
Television News
Introduction
News programs are existent in the television networks of almost all countries
around the globe while their format varies very little. Therefore, recent
developments that have changed the production modes of news programs have had
impact on newscasting virtually everywhere. Examples for these recent
developments that have become increasingly popular with the reduction of
computer costs and the increase in microprocessor performance are the virtual
television studios and the use of supporting graphical elements. Due to the
increase in computer power and usability, computer graphics that visualize news
stories can, today, be produced within minutes. An example for the in-time
production of supporting news graphics could be a story about the hijacking of a
Russian airliner. Within seconds, the graphics editor in the newsroom can
assemble a map showing the current position of the plane, as well as take off
location, original destination and new destination, thereby eliminating the use
of archived video footage of planes in the air from this newscast.
Still graphics have been in use for many years. A new dimension has been added
by making these graphics active e.g. by showing the flightpath of the hijacked
airliner dynamically. The results are informative dynamic mass media graphics.
They can be used to visualize events, incidents, or processes, in particular if
there are no photographs, films, or any other real life images. Mass media
graphics lighten the mediation of statistical data, technical details, and many
other things too complicated or too complex to be explained by text (only). In
all of these cases mass media graphics are an important journalistic tool. Mass
media graphics enable journalists to explain events and incidents, to processes
easily and to give the recipients better and more effective information by using
helpful redundancy (Knieper 1996a, 1996b).
One of the lesser asked questions concerns the processes of learning from the
news stories produced in this fashion. In cognitive psychology the different
modes of verbal and visual learning are a topic that has been addressed
frequently (an overview is provided by Salomon 1989).
Mass media graphics, also known under a large range of names like supporting
graphics, instructional graphics, newspaper graphics, editorial graphics, news
graphics, communication graphics, cognitive graphics, informational graphics, or
- in short - infographics, etc., are a research topic not only for cognitive
psychologists, cartographers, or statisticians, but in particular for
researchers in the fields of journalism and mass communication. Most of the
scientists did their research in the field of newspapers concerned with the
effects of different kinds of infographics and their effects on news reception
(an overview is provided by Knieper 1995).
In advance of a research review, we have to look on the subject of research, the
mass media graphics, first. This is necessary, because a general accepted
terminology and taxonomy of infographics respectively mass media graphics is
still missing. After these basic remarks our study will be presented in detail.
A Taxonomy of Mass Media Graphics
Five main subgroups of mass media graphics (infographics used in mass media)
could be distinguished. In particular there are 1.) pictograms and pictorial
symbols, 2.) graphical adaptations, 3.) visualized elucidations, 4.) mass media
maps, and 5.) charts and quantitative diagrams (Costigan-Eaves 1984, Knieper
1995: 47-111).
Pictograms and Pictorial Symbols
"A symbol stands for something. It is visually precise; it
attempts to get at the essence of an ideaD either by being a
literal, miniature drawing, or by being a non-literal, visual
metaphor. A symbol can give an identity to a subject and, by
repeated use, can come to equal it." (Holmes / DeNeve 1990: 11)
Pictograms are abstract, composed, or typified pictorial symbols having regard
to international standardization. The standardization is the reason why they
dispose unified interpersonal meanings (monosemiotical system). In regard to
their etymological conception, combined by the Latin word "pictus" (picture) and
the Greek word "gramm" (writing), one realizes that the "written picture"
combines the characteristics of visual and textual presentation. Waiving the
claim of standardization, one could talk of universally intelligible visual or -
better - pictorial symbols. In such cases the meaning depends on mass media
context and the individual viewer. Anyway, they are easily understood and enable
a fast cognitive treatment of information. Used by the press, pictograms could
help structure pages (e.g. different sport symbols in the sports section), may
be helpful in laying out content pages, or could increase recognition of jumped
stories. Used by television, pictograms could announce issues visually, e.g. in
television news. (Holmes / DeNeve 1990, Knieper 1995: 47-52, 122-125, Moen 1989:
91-94)
Graphical Adaptations
This kind of mass media graphics is rather like a graphical frame for
catchwords, listings, or any other textual parts not using numbers. Using
graphical elements related to the topic, graphical adaptations are a further
development of tables and boxes including the above mentioned textual elements.
Graphical adaptations are a kind of graphical sidebars dealing with graphicacy
to establish a visual association for the textual context. In general, graphical
adaptations deal with polydimensional or multileveled facts, too complicated or
too tedious to be described by text in full length, and, therefore, shortened
and packed in an infographical environment. To accomplish this objective, the
textual elements must be submitted to a graphical process of adaptation. Only if
there is an entity of textual and graphical elements this conglomeration can be
called a graphical adaptation. (Knieper 1995: 52-54)
Visualized Elucidations
Visualized elucidations are the infographical answers to how-questions:
how-things-work, how-things-are-organized, how-things-are-done,
how-to-do-it-yourself, etc. In literature, therefore, this type of mass media
graphics are e.g. labeled as explanatory graphics (Wildbur 1989: 111), how
graphics (Smith / Hajash 1988: 716), how-to graphics (Stark / Hollander 1990:
6), narrative graphics (Tufte 1992: 40), and likewise visualized elucidations
(Knieper 1995: 54). Visualized elucidations could be distinguished in (mostly
objective) visual representations of facts with or without dimension in time and
in (mostly abstract) visual representations of structures or relations. If the
visualized elucidation shows a fact with no dimension in time, this entity could
be either a fact independent by time or a cross-section in time. In any case,
the subject will be a momentary view on a fact or situation. If different phases
of a process or procedure in time are to be shown, the visualized elucidation
will be a panelized time series. Relevant movements, developments, etc. must not
necessarily be split up in several pictures or panels, but can be symbolized in
a single picture or panel by using dynamic graphical symbols like arrows, etc.
Taken to extremes, this means that the different stages of a process could be
viewed omnipresence in a single infographic e.g. by using a corresponding
numeration. (Knieper 1995: 56-58) Visualizations of structures or relations
result in networks, netlike constructions or relations between single elements
of a certain entirety. Well-known representatives of this type of visualized
elucidations are flow-charts, organization charts, sociograms, company
management diagrams, genealogical trees, etc.. (Bertin 1974: 277-291, 1982:
128-138, Holmes 1984: 106-107, Knieper 1995: 59-62, White 1984: 84-86)
Mass Media Maps
Mass Media Maps are maps used by newspapers, magazines, and television. They
serve as political and economic information, offered on a daily basis, "mostly
using strongly simplified images focussing on political activities, military
actions, regions of disasters, terrorism and calamities." (Witt 1979 in his
"Dictionary of Cartography" cited by Scharfe 1993: 256-257) Secondly, mass media
maps are, like all other maps, a commentated, exemplified, and generalized
spatial information system of a county, region, country, the earth, other
planets, etc. in reduced scale (Knieper 1995: 63). In regard to their production
time, duration of use, and limited actuality, mass media maps are often called
short-time maps (Scharfe 1993: 260).
" 'Short-time maps' can be subdivided into 'mass media maps'
('journalistic maps') and 'customer's media maps' (for example maps
in air-traffic brochures), the first of them subdivided into
'printed journalistic maps' and 'television maps', moreover, the f
irst of them subdivided into 'newspaper maps' and 'magazine maps'."
(Scharfe 1993: 260)
Mass media maps can not only be distinguished by the media they are used in, but
also by the shown content. The two general types are the reference maps or
locator maps, and the map-related visualizations. Here, the reference maps can
again be divided in a topographic type and a thematic type:
"A 'reference map' cartographically shows the topographic scene
or geographic surroundings where the event took place that is
explained by the article the map belongs to. With regard to the
subject shown by a 'reference map' we can distinguish a 'topograph
ic type' from a 'thematic type'. In general the 'topographic type'
contains topographic features only like coast lines, borders,
settlements, and traffic lines as well as a reduced set of
topographic names. Sometimes the 'topographic map' is completed by a
n inset in a minor scale to give a more distinct impression of the
general geographic situation ... or by an arrow (or a cross)
marking the place of interest. For the most part the signs used in
this type of maps must not be explained by a legend. 'Thematic
maps', however, graphically focus on the pattern of distribution of
special features that generally have to be explained by a legend.
As a matter of fact 'thematic maps' are graphically much more
delicate and by this reason larger sized than the 'topographic
type' of journalistic maps." (Scharfe 1995: 2824)
Map-related visualizations are all cartographic visualizations which are not
maps but very similar to maps by scales and themes shown. The difference is due
to the fact dissimilar projection techniques are used or other planes of
projection. (Knieper 1995: 84-90) If a map, or map-related visualization, mainly
depicts numerical information or data distributions spatial, it will be defined
as a data map and classified in the group: charts and quantitative diagrams.
Charts and Quantitative Diagrams
Charts and quantitative diagrams visualize information about numbers and their
relationship. In general they are statistics presented graphically. (Holmes
1984: 22) Charts and quantitative diagrams are numerical infographics. To
systematize this type of mass media graphics, the dimensions and origins of the
data, the reference figures in the plane, as well as the different graphical
elements, must be considered equivalent. This makes it possible to distinguish
between proportional representations of length (e.g. bar or column charts), area
(e.g. pie charts), and volume (e.g. certain pictographs), scatterplots or
scatter diagrams, line or fever charts, data maps (e.g. quantitative choropleth
maps or maps using two- and three-dimensional graduated symbols), numerical
translations (graphical adaptations showing numbers), and a residual group
including all other infographics with numerical character. (Knieper 1995:
91-111)
Final Observation
Using this taxonomy, now it should be possible to associate every single mass
media graphic at least with one of the five subgroups. If a mass media graphic
belongs to one subgroup only, one can speak of a mass media graphic of first
order. In everyday use, there often will be infographical units combining two or
more types of mass media graphics. These infographical units can also be treated
as autonomous mass media graphics. These mass media graphics of second order are
not problematic at all. On the contrary there are graphics difficult to decide,
whether they are infographics or not. The question is up for discussion, if for
example vignettes, logos, typographics, boxed sidebars, instructional comic
strips, illustrations, search warrant graphics, phantom graphics, riddle
graphics, and even tables should be classified as infographics. If there is any
doubt, whether a visualization is an infographic or not, due to not belonging to
either one of the five types of mass media graphics mentioned above, the
researcher should classify them as an infographic-like miscellaneous. Now one
will be able to subsume graphics with informational character but not being pure
infographics at all.
Learning Theories in Cognitive Psychology
In learning psychology, experimental designs were often used to test the
learning impact of graphics. In the studies following this experimental paradigm
(for an integrating approach see Eveland 1997), memory performance was often
compared between subjects that learned words from a word list and those that
learned analogous graphics from a graphics list. The graphics used were often
pictorial symbols or pictograms, drawings representing e.g. a house, a cat or a
tree. One finding has emerged in most of these experiments: These pictorial
symbols and pictograms can better be learned, recognized and also recalled than
words. Two different positions are held to explain the consistent findings that
visual stimuli are generally leading to better recognition and (free) recall
scores, an effect that has been labeled picture superiority and that has
frequently been replicated (Kirkpatrick 1894, Otto 1962, Shepard 1967, Jenkins
et al. 1967, Salomon 1989, Paivio 1991). Likewise, there has been another,
robust finding about the abstractness of the verbal stimuli: abstract words are
harder to recall or recognize than words that have concrete meanings. Abstract
concepts like "tomorrow" or "honesty" are obviously stored differently (or with
lesser redundancy) in memory, with the result that abstract words are harder to
recall and recognize.
The Dual Coding Theory of A. Paivio
The first theoretical position is known as the dual coding theory (Paivio 1971,
1975, 1983, 1986, 1991, Brander et al. 1985, Holicki 1993). Paivio is
postulating the existence of two separate memory systems. While perceptual
information like form, color, etc. is stored in a perceptual system, a verbal
system is memorizing lexical information like phonemes (Paivio 1986: 57, 1991:
54). The word "house" is stored in the second system while a drawing of a house
would be memorized in the perceptual system (Paivio 1991: 47). Both systems are
interacting at the stages of referential and associative processing. But in the
different memory systems, words and pictures are stored completely separately.
On the basis of this concept, Paivio is attributing better recall and
recognition for visual stimuli to a better chance of double-coding of visual
stimuli in the two memory systems. The same argument is made for concrete words,
that can, in contrast to abstract words, more easily visualized. While words
like "flower" might have interindividual differing, prototypical pictorial
representations, no such representation can be ascribed to "tomorrow".
Propositional Models of Z.W. Pylyshyn, G.H. Bower and J.R. Anderson
Pylyshyn (1977) is proposing a different model that contains a joined memory
area where the content of verbal and nonverbal information is stored in a
propositional abstract manner. A similar model has also been adapted by Anderson
and Bower (1972, 1974), their mental network model explains the better recall
and recognition scores for visual information by the richness of visual stimuli
(and, analogous, the richness of concrete words) (Anderson / Bower 1974, Holicki
1993). Therefore, the richer visual presentations are leading to more
propositional connections. More of these connections also mean a higher number
of access pathways to the information recognized. This should lead to better
recall and recognition scores, because there is a higher chance that memory
areas are activated if more access paths (and from more remote memory items) are
existing.
Although both positions have converged somewhat, a clear decision for one model
cannot be presently made (Baddeley 1990). This is mainly due to the fact that,
today, there is no known critical empirical test: "All seem to recognize quite
clearly that perhaps in principle we cannot resolve this issue empirically"
(Glucksberg 1984: 102). Compromising models of memory representation have been
formulated by Farah (1989) and Ballstaedt (1987).
Encoding Specificity
Memory models that operate with a propositional network imply that it would be
helpful for reproduction if the learning context were present during a memory
test. This is the case due to the different memorized items associated with
concepts activated during encoding (like "psychological laboratory" or "early
morning", Anderson 1989: 177). These context effects are often referred to as
encoding specificity, as the context enhances the memory trace that may be
helpful during reproduction or recognition (Anderson 1989: 177). Smith, Glenberg
and Bjork (1978) demonstrated the encoding specificity effect with different
local settings. Their subjects could memorize 13 percent more items when tested
in the same setting used whilst initially learning the items. Godden and
Baddeley (1975) demonstrated an even more drastic encoding specificity: Their
subjects were either learning words under water or on land. Memory for words was
significantly better when the decoding setting was equivalent to the encoding
setting (that is if the participants learned and recalled under water or if they
did so on land). It was lower when the words were learned under water and had to
be retrieved on land or learned on land and had to be retrieved under water.
Similar effects are documented for different contexts, like context words or
style of presentation (Watkins / Tulving 1975, Anderson 1989). Following this
logic, a presentation of stimuli in the same context and in the same fashion
should initiate higher recall and recognition levels, than in the case of
differing encoding and decoding conditions. This idea is put to further
investigation (in Hypothesis 3).
Empirical Tests of Picture Superiority Effects
Jenkins, Neale and Deno (1967) conducted an experiment which is somewhat related
to our present approach. Learning material was administered to 120 participants.
It consisted of concrete or abstract items, presented as pictures or as words
(e.g. "table", "cat", etc.). The dependent variable was operationalized through
a recognition-test. In a 2x2-design, this test was also administered with items
that were either words or pictures. Therefore, encoding specificity would have
suggested an interaction effect between encoding and decoding condition (see
above). Even under these circumstances, where context should have clearly
preferred an encoding specificity effect, recognition for visual stimuli was
still better than that for verbal stimuli. A picture superiority effect was
clearly demonstrated with no further encoding specificity interaction. The worst
performance showed subjects that were initially shown words but had to recognize
pictures (Jenkins, Neale and Deno 1967, Holicki 1993). In summary, it can be
stated that the picture superiority effect continues to be strong, even when the
decoding mode is different from the encoding mode. Other research efforts have
focused on the influence of verbal and visual information in newspapers
regarding attributions towards politicians (Holicki 1993).
Previous Research on Mass Media Graphics
The use of infographics has become an obvious part of our everyday life. Even if
the use of infographics is not unique to the mass media, it is a very import
range of application.
"In recent years, newspapers, responding to competition from
television, concerned about declining readership, anxious to use
new technology, perhaps even worried about their responsibility for
public ignorance and apathy, have begun to emphasize background and
context in coverage of foreign affairs. Techniques include the
traditional method of adding this kind of material to the text of
the event-oriented story and a new method, largely borrowed from
television, of supplementing the story with a variety of graphic
devices - maps, graphic summaries of the event and, often,
information about the country's history, culture, etc. The
assumption is that such information encourages reading, aids
comprehension of the event itself and improves understanding of the
context in which it occurs." (Griffin / Stevenson 1992b: 84-85)
Hence a lot of research was done about mass media graphics. This research is
well documented in the mass communication literature. Surprisingly, most of the
research is done about infographics used in the press. (E.g. David 1992, 1993,
1996, Griffin / Stevenson 1992a, 1992b, 1993, Hollander 1992, 1993, 1994, Kelly
1989, 1990a, 1990b, 1993, Knieper 1995, 1996a, 1996b, Knieper / Eichhorn 1994,
Lester 1988, Martinson 1991, Pasternack / Utt 1990, Pun 1991, Ramaprasad 1991,
Scharfe 1993, 1995, Scharfe / Bitter 1996, Smith / Hajash 1988, Stark /
Hollander 1990, Stevenson / Griffin 1992, Tankard 1987, 1988, 1989, 1992, 1994,
Wainer 1981, 1982, 1984, Wanta / Remy 1995, Weidenmann 1994). Seldom research is
conducted in the area of mass media graphics used by television (e.g. Anderson
et al. 1981, Berry / Clifford 1986, Foote / Saunders 1990, Grimes 1996, Reginek
1995, Weidenmann 1994, Wicks 1995).
Research on Mass Media Graphic Effects
In respect to mass media graphic effects two lines of infographic research can
be distinguished.
The first one examines, whether Tufte's concepts (Tufte 1992) of data density,
data-ink ratio, and perceptual distortion are accurate in the use of newspaper
graphics (e.g. David 1992, Kelly 1989, 1990a, Tankard 1988, 1989). This line of
research established that generally there will be no negative effects when
newspaper graphics contain a substantial amount of non-data ink (Kelly 1989).
This means that there will be no negative consequences, if infographics work
with ornamental design, pictorial symbols, and 3-dimensional-effects, or are
designed as a chartoon (Tankard 1988, 1989). The only exception is that an
optical illusion disturbs the accuracy of information processing, retrieval, and
recall (e.g. Kelly 1989: 638, Knieper 1995: 125-131, 1996a). David (1992) showed
that there will be no lack in the accuracy of perception of quantitative
infographics if there is given (somewhat) perceptual distortion in the
representation of data.
Secondly, a large part of studies deals with all sorts of positive effects on
the effectiveness of mass media graphics in increasing reader
attention, information retrieval, comprehension, understanding, and
knowledge of news content (e.g. Griffin / Stevenson 1992a, 1993,
Ramaprasad 1991, Stark / Hollander 1990, Stevenson / Griffin 1992,
Tankard 1988, 1992, Wilcox 1964, Ward 1992),
the accuracy of perception, recall, and recognition (e.g. David 1992,
Kelly 1989, Ramaprasad 1991), and
the interest and information gain using special designed infographics
(e.g. Tankard 1988).
Only by occasion further research questions are asked. For example, Pun (1991)
did his research about news infographics and knowledge gap and Hollander (1992,
1993, 1994) about newspaper graphics and inadvertent persuasion. However,
Ramaprasad (1991: 94-95) rephrases the specific research question: "Do
informational graphics help readers to attend to, retrieve information from,
understand and recall a story?" Stevenson and Griffin answer this question quite
clearly (1993: 19-21):
"In general, however, the results here are compatible with most
of the others collected in a wide range of studies. Readers do
learn from visual presentation of material [...] However, words are
still important. Consider the effect of the traditional technique
of writing about the event, which was identical to the effect of
the graphic. Writing about an event is somewhat more effective in
helping readers understand it than showing it in a graphic. Doing
both is better. The comparable previous experiments showed that a
combination of old and new techniques produced an additive
effective. Here, however, there is evidence of additional gains in
knowledge when the two are combined."
The common denominator is that, using infographics in press, there generally are
no negative effects on understanding and memory - but frequently positive
effects. These positive effects can be observed in particular, if the
infographic is not too complex and abstains drawings in perspective.
Furthermore, redundancy in text and infographics seems always helpful in
processing, recall, and recognition of information. (Knieper 1995: 215-216)
Research on the Acceptance of Mass Media Graphics
There is a high acceptance of infographics in the press, not only among the
recipients but also among the communicators (Knieper / Eichhorn 1994, Knieper
1995: 219-299, Pasternack / Utt 1990).
The "results suggest that subjects went to the informational
graphics mainly for content-related reasons. In the case of the
large, dominant infographic, 55 percent used it as a springboard
into the article, read it because they felt it would be easier to
capture the gist of the story content from the infographic, or felt
that if they read the informational graphic, they could avoid the
article altogether. Those who read the dominant graphic after the
headline / text did so principally to expand upon what they already
had read. Others indicated they read the headline / text first out
of habit - they always go first to a headline.
Large dominant graphics are being used [...] as a design element
to attract readers into the page. Graphics, therefore, could become
as useful as photographs. Not only do they tell or complement a
news or feature story, they also serve as an element of design and
in doing so, take on a more important function than just adding
more words and lines to the page." (Pasternack / Utt 1990: 39)
A more frequently use of infographics in the press is desired by a majority,
especially in the local, the politics, the economic and the science sections.
(Knieper 1995: 219-299) The only restriction on the side of communicators is
that the printed mass media graphics should be designed well. Lack in design,
e.g. incorrect graphic form, convention-violating graph, imprecise point of
presence, unnecessary perspective, wrong use of scales, jiggled baseline,
missing legend, wrong or missing labels, misleading pictorial symbols,
inaccuracy, etc. should be avoided (Holmes 1984: 166-177, 1989, Knieper 1995:
125-131, Tankard 1987, Tufte 1992: 107-121, Wainer 1981, 1982, 1984). Besides
this, the infographic editor should remember, that information is only one
object of mass media graphics' desire. Further purposes are actuality,
attractiveness, clearness, and intelligibility (Holmes 1984, 1989, 1991, Holmes
/ DeNeve 1985, 1990, Knieper 1996).
In this regard the basic construction and design principles of infographics
could be generalized to television sector for sure, because it is hardly
possible that there is an entirely different fundamental basis in view of the
media specific constraints. Nevertheless, this does not address the problem that
in the area of television news the question of acceptance among the recipients
was not satisfactory answered yet (see Hypothesis 4).
Hypotheses
News programs are essentially watched in order to get information about recent
developments, and news reception can be described as a voluntary,
self-structured learning situation. Therefore, the psychological memory models
discussed above can be applied to news reception.
The dual coding theory of Paivio and the propositional models discussed above
predict essentially the same effect for supporting graphics in television news.
Following the dual coding theory, information derived from news graphics should
be encoded in the perceptual memory system and also in the verbal memory system.
The latter can especially be assumed if the graphical elements are supporting
information that is presented on the audio channel as well. Therefore, in the
present experiment only supporting graphics that essentially duplicate the
information given on the audio channel were employed. In this setting, the dual
coding theory clearly would predict double-coding. This should result in a
surplus of recall and recognition ability for those viewers who watched a
newscast with supporting graphics. In the terms of propositional mental models,
supporting graphics should provide additional elements on which propositions
could be formed. This should lead to a higher number of connecting memory
pathways which should also result in better recall and recognition scores (see
above). Once again, this effect should clearly be occurring with graphics that
support the audio information. These effects should not depend on the
presentation form of the graphics. Thus, moving graphics (dynamic graphics)
should produce essentially the same results as standstill versions of the same
graphics. Following this logic, one hypothesis can be employed predicting the
existence of picture superiority effect for supporting news graphics:
Hypothesis 1 (Main effect for picture superiority):
The information presented in supporting news graphics is better recalled and
recognized than information that is not supported by graphic means.
This effect need not be limited to recall and recognition. We are assuming that
the information presented in graphic fashion will not only be memorized to a
better degree, but will also be judged more relevant and that the story as a
whole will be considered more professional.
Following an activation / attention approach, the dynamic (moving) graphics
should have an influence on memory due to the fact that they draw the viewers'
attention and enrich their motivation to process the information. A higher level
of processing should in turn have an impact on the likelihood that information
can be stored in long-term memory (Craik / Lockhard 1972, Craig / Tulving 1975).
This simple consideration is leading to hypothesis 2:
Hypothesis 2 (Main effect for dynamic graphics):
The information presented in dynamic supporting news graphics is better recalled
and recognized than information that is presented by non-dynamic graphics.
Once again, this effect need not be limited to recall and recognition. We are
assuming that the information presented in dynamic news graphics will not only
be more easily memorized, but will also be judged more relevant and the story as
a whole will be considered more professional.
The application of the principles of encoding specificity lead to a third
hypothesis. The assumption is that retrieval processes are enhanced when the
concepts activated during encoding are present at retrieval. This principle
should not only be applicable to context effects (see above). Rather, one would
assume an effect if the presentation in the learning condition is similar to the
retrieval condition. Applied to the rationale of experimental testing, this idea
can be described as an interaction effect between verbal and visual conditions.
This interaction effect predicts higher retrieval scores if the encoding and the
decoding circumstances are similar. Lower recall and recognition scores should
result from a dissociation of verbal and visual tasks. This means that a
television viewer, asked (verbally) about the flight route of an highjacked
airliner, should have good access to the memorized information if this
information about the flight route has been presented verbally. Likewise, recall
and recognition scores should also be higher when someone who watched the story
containing a supporting graphic about the flight route is asked to draw the
route on a map of Europe. This interaction effect provides the basic rationale
for hypothesis 3.
Hypothesis 3 (Interaction effect between learning and retrieval condition):
The information presented in supporting news graphics is better recalled and
recognized in a graphic memory test. Analogously, the information presented only
verbally is recalled and recognized more easily in a verbal memory test.
This hypothesis is not meant to replace one of the two mentioned above, but it
adds an additional possibility of effects. However, this prediction would mean
that in daily verbal conversation, which should be one of the most frequent
retrieval conditions of news content in reality, verbally learned news should
partly be favored against visualized material.
It is well known that newspaper graphics take pleasure in popularity among the
recipients. The question remains open, whether this popularity is equal to the
television audience, conjectured in hypothesis 4.
Hypothesis 4 (Acceptance of infographics used by television news):
The majority of the audience wants supporting graphics in television news. Their
regularly use will be marked positive by the recipients on average.
Method
In an experimental 3x2-design the variables (a) graphic visualization of news
presentations (no support by mass media graphics; still mass media graphics;
dynamic mass media graphics), and (b) graphic representation in recognition
tasks (textual coding; graphical coding) were manipulated. Three manipulated
news stories were inserted in a regular television news show, specially produced
for this study. Recall and recognition of the manipulated news stories were
measured for all respondents in a questionnaire. It also contained general
measures about news perception, attributed news quality and television viewing
habits.
Respondents
Sixty-four undergraduate students, 34 females (53.1%) and 30 males (46.9%), from
the Free University of Berlin (nB=42) and the Ludwig-Maximilians-University
Munich (nM=22) voluntarily participated in the experiment. All were enrolled in
introductory undergraduate communication classes. The students of each
university were tested in separate exposure sessions.
Procedure
Respondents were told at the time of recruitment that they would partake in a
study on news reception. The students were then randomly assigned to three
exposure conditions. Four experimenters, all males, administered the procedure.
Participants were tested in group exposure sessions. Each of the exposure
conditions was tested in two independent exposure sessions, one at the Free
University of Berlin, the other at the Ludwig-Maximilians-University Munich.
Upon arrival, the participants were greeted by the experimenter. They were
seated in rooms equipped with video projection systems (Barco at the one and
Sony systems at the other university). The participants were told that they
would watch an older TV newscast taken from the German network PRO7 and that
they should watch the program just as they would do at home. After the
presentation, the questionnaires were administered. Upon completion of the
questionnaires, the participants were thanked and debriefed.
Experimental Programs
The news program seen by the participants was composed from various segments
that were aired on PRO7 news during 1993. The program was similar to a regular
PRO7 news show in length, issues covered, order of issues, and content. This was
acquired by randomly drawing news segments from the large sample of all stories
that were shown during 1993. These news stories covered various topics, ranging
from UN peace efforts for the Bosnia civil war to a story on a space walk by
NASA astronauts as well as a weather report. These stories were then reassembled
by the professional news editors who regularly put this newscast together. The
stories were placed in their original order, thereby creating a new but
completely natural broadcast. The advantage of this program is not only that it
is representing a regular, average show, but it is also very unlikely that the
program could have been recognized by a participant. One would have had to watch
and remember seventeen different newscasts to be able to recall the entire show.
The program was also presented by the well-known PRO7 anchorman. As a show that
has been assembled from various segments would feature the anchor with a variety
of different hairstyles and clothes, these anchor sequences were produced from
scratch by the professional production crew. In pretest sessions, and after the
experiment, no viewer even suspected that the program shown was not a genuine
PRO7 news program.
Three experimental stories were placed within the seventeen news stories
featured in the program. These experimental stories covered (a) reasons for the
development of flooding along the German Rhine and Mosel rivers, (b) current
development and prognosis for the housing construction market in the former East
and West Germany, and (c) the hijacking of a Russian airliner which had been
redirected to an airport near Oslo (Norway). All three experimental stories used
dynamic supporting news graphics in their original versions. The supporting
graphics presented information that was entirely redundant to the information
that were given by an off-screen voice overlay. These graphics featured: (a) The
process of river straightening that raises the speed of the water flow and
reduces capacity, therefore contributing to flooding, (b) monetary column charts
showing the increase in building construction 1992 in East and West Germany, and
(c) a map of eastern Europe depicting the intended and the actual flight route
of the highjacked Russian aircraft.
The attempt of the present study is to investigate the memory impact of not only
one type of mass media graphics, but to put to test various types of mass media
graphics. As shown above, mass media graphics can essentially be divided in five
categories: pictograms / pictorial symbols, graphical adaptations, visualized
elucidations, mass media maps, and charts / quantitative diagrams. But not all
of these can be considered as useful in the environment of television news.
Therefore, in regard to news programs graphical adaptations, pictograms and
pictorial symbols are excluded from this research. This leaves only three
categories of mass media graphics suitable for television news. All three
remaining categories have been employed in the experiment, each of the three
experimental stories has featured one kind of mass media graphics. The story
about reasons for the development of flooding along the German Rhine and Mosel
rivers featured (a) a visualized elucidation, while the newscast on current
development and prognosis for the housing construction market in the former East
and West Germany used (b) a chart / quantitative diagram, and in the story
hijacking of a Russian airliner the flight pass was shown on a (c) mass media
map.
The experimental stories were manipulated by eliminating the supporting news
graphics (1, without graphics), and by eliminating the dynamic elements into a
standstill version (2, non-dynamic). This conversion was performed on a digital
graphics processing unit. One example would be that the graphic shown would not
mark the flight path of the hijacked airplane as it developed, but that it
showed the same map with intended and actual flight routes already completely
marked. The versions 1 and 2 were compared with the original, dynamic versions
(3). This stimulus construction resulted into three tape versions. With regard
only to the three experimental stories, the following news programs have been
presented:
y tape 1: development of flooding (without graphic); housing
construction market (still graphic); hijacking of airliner (dynamic
graphic).
y tape 2: development of flooding (still graphic); housing construction
market (dynamic graphic); hijacking of airliner (without graphic).
y tape 3: development of flooding (dynamic graphic); housing
construction market (without graphic); hijacking of airliner (still
graphic).
Measures
The questionnaire consisted of 11 pages, containing recall and recognition tests
as well as questions about news story perception and relevance of various
elements of news coverage. Except the recall test all measures were taken on a
scale ranging from 0 to 100 percent in 10 percent intervals (11-point scale).
This scale was visualized by circles filled with gradually increasing gray
values, from white (0) to black (100). This scale was always used in conjunction
with bipolar, clearly opposite labeling, like "not at all" and "very good", or
"not at all interesting" and "very interesting".
In the recall section of the questionnaire participants were asked to write down
the different issues covered in the newscast. In an open question, they were
also asked to give details about the different news stories. For the recognition
tests, the issues of the three experimental stories were reinstalled by
presenting a brief description of the topic of each news story and by showing a
screenshot of the anchor in front of the corresponding headline. The
participants were then asked how well they could remember the story, indicating
their answers between 0 and 100 percent. Furthermore, the questionnaire included
questions on how interesting the three experimental stories were, how
informative, how understandable, how appealing, how professional, and how
relevant. Additionally, the importance of eleven different content facts was
questioned for each experimental story, with about half of the facts discussed
in the news story, and the other half not mentioned in the news story. With this
list, some critical facts from the experimental story were presented which were
shown in the supporting news graphics (For these aspects, an enhanced relevance
rating was hypothesized in the graphic supported experimental groups). A more
realistic recognition test was administered later in the questionnaire. Here,
participants were asked to recall details shown in the supporting news graphics
(or, not shown in the eliminated graphics). These questions were administrated
in two different versions, with or without graphic support.
Questionnaire variation
The questionnaire was administered in two different versions, thereby creating
an experimental 3x2-design. One version contained recognition questions that
were asked only verbally, the other version asked the same questions with
graphic support. One example is the story about the housing construction market.
In its version with graphic support, the questionnaire contained four groups of
column charts, each showing the building construction growth in West and East
Germany. The possible answers ranged from 2% & 45% to 35% & 22% (west & east)
annual growth. The correct solution that was presented in the news story was 4%
& 35% (west & east) annual growth. In the version without graphic support the
plain numbers were presented to choose from, without the bar graphics.
Recognition questions for the remaining two stories were constructed in the same
fashion, showing the loss of water capacity of straightened rivers in bar
graphics or without and featuring a map of Europe to indicate origin,
destination, and landing points of the highjacked airplane. The same graphical
elements shown in the original news story were, of course, not used. Instead, a
different map or different bar graphs were employed.
Results
Hypothesis 1: Picture Superiority
Hypothesis 1 was confirmed by the data only in part. The three recall measures
show different response patterns for the different types of supporting graphics.
While the unaided (free) recall of the news program's stories is not effected at
all, the (self-reported) recognition of story content was slightly better when
supporting graphics were shown. Although this effect is not significant on a
0.05-level for a the tendency is consistent with hypothesis 1. The aided
recognition of story content produced a significant effect only for the mass
media map. For the mass media map, hypothesis 1 could clearly be supported. The
results for the other types of mass media graphics are in the direction of
hypothesis 1, but are not approaching statistical significance. (See table one.)
Table 1
Recall of Story
Recognition of Story Content
Recognition of Story Content
(Unaided)
(Self Reported)
(Aided)
Table 1 shows the recall of the story (unaided), recognition of story content
(self reported), and recognition of story content (aided) compared by two
groups: no graphical presentation vs. graphical presentation.
Question: Which subjects / stories of the news program do you remember?
Question: In percent between 0 and 100, what would you say, is your memory of
the story content?
Knowledge Questions:a) Water quantity after river straightening.b) Building
construction growth in West and East Germany.c) Take off, intended destination,
stopover, actual destination (scores from 0-4)
Means (Frequencies)
Means
Means (Frequencies Respectively Scores)
Story
Graphical Presentation
One-Tailedt-Test
Graphical Presentation
One-Tailedt-Test
Graphical Presentation
One-Tailedt-Test
(Type of Infographic, if any)
no
yes
p-value
no
yes
p-value
no
yes
p-value
Development of Flooding(Visualized Elucidation)
0.783
0.732
0.671
60.00
68.78
0.105
0.304
0.390
0.250
Housing Construction Market(Chart / Quantitative Diagram)
0.474
0.467
0.520
42.63
47.56
0.240
0.579
0.644
0.314
Hijacking of Airliner(Mass Media Map)
0.818
0.762
0.694
66.82
71.19
0.226
0.818
2.738
< 0.001
The self reported comprehensibility of the relevant story is consistently better
for the news stories using a graphical presentation, also a significant result
(p-value: 0.024) emerged for the visualized elucidation only. The other
self-reported measures, judgment of story professionalism and relevance show no
effect caused by supporting graphics. Only the quantitative infographic was
judged better in both cases. This means that the assumptions regarding
professionalism and relevance of the stories supported by graphics have to be
rejected. (See table two.)
Table 2
Judging of Story ...
Comprehensibility
Professionalism
Relevance
Table 2 shows the judging of story comprehensibility, story professionalism, and
story relevance compared by two groups: no graphical presentation vs. graphical
presentation.
Question: In percent between 0 and 100, what would you say, how comprehensible
was the story?
Question: In percent between 0 and 100, what would you say, how professional was
the story presented?
Question: In percent between 0 and 100, what would you say, how relevant is the
story?
Means
Means
Means
Story
Graphical Presentation
One-Tailedt-Test
Graphical Presentation
One-Tailedt-Test
Graphical Presentation
One-Tailedt-Test
(Type of Infographic, if any)
no
yes
p-value
no
yes
p-value
no
yes
p-value
Development of Flooding(Visualized Elucidation)
71.74
82.20
0.024
54.35
46.83
0.831
60.00
56.34
0.692
Housing Construction Market(Chart / Quantitative Diagram)
62.63
63.18
0.469
41.05
46.14
0.194
45.79
52.89
0.149
Hijacking of Airliner(Mass Media Map)
69.55
73.10
0.263
43.64
50.00
0.137
44.55
42.14
0.634
The importance of facts presented in the newscast was measured with respect to
one additional assumption to hypothesis 1. It stated that respondents should
attribute more importance to such facts that were presented in graphic fashion,
and less importance to the facts not presented in graphic fashion if the news
story featured supporting graphics. This idea could not be supported fully by
the data. Facts presented in graphic fashion are judged more important for the
quantitative diagram and the visualized elucidation only, with only the
quantitative diagram producing significantly different scores (p-value: 0.040).
The graphical presentation of a column chart results in a significantly higher
self reported facts' importance in comparison with the version without graphical
support. The judgment of the importance of facts presented in the newscast but
not shown in the graphical presentation, if any, shows a slight tendency in the
predicted direction: For all three media graphic types the self reported
importance of the facts in the versions without graphical support is higher than
in the versions with graphical support. (See table three.)
Table 3
Judging Importance of Facts Presented in News Story ...
... Presented in Graphic Fashion
... not Presented in Graphic Fashion
Table 3 shows the judging of the importance of facts presented in news story and
presented or not presented in the graphic fashion. (The hypothized direction is
shaded gray.)
Judging the importance (in percent between 0 and 100) of corresponding facts on
a scale from 0 to 10. In a second step the mean was calculated.
Judging the importance (in percent between 0 and 100) of corresponding facts on
a scale from 0 to 10. In a second step the mean was calculated.
Means
Means
Story
Graphical Presentation
One-Tailedt-Test
Graphical Presentation
One-Tailedt-Test
(Type of Infographic, if any)
no
yes
p-value
no
yes
p-value
Development of Flooding(Visualized Elucidation)
79.09
81.83
0.309
68.64
66.59
0.391
Housing Construction Market(Chart / Quantitative Diagram)
56.05
64.83
0.040
70.00
69.19
0.412
Hijacking of Airliner(Mass Media Map)
62.73
62.62
0.507
78.71
75.47
0.181
Hypothesis 2: Effect of Dynamic Graphics
Hypothesis 2 was not supported by the data. The three memory measures and the
self-reported measures judgment of story comprehensibility, professionalism,
relevance, and of importance of facts show no significant difference between
respondents that saw still and dynamic supporting graphics. The only exception
is once again the mass media map. The hijacking story was rated significantly
more professional with the dynamic graphic of the flightpath included (p-value:
0.027). Consistently, it was also rated slightly more comprehensible and
slightly more relevant, although these measures show no significant differences.
Overall, the dynamic presentation of the supporting graphics failed to influence
the measures taken. Therefore, hypothesis 2 is rejected. (See tables four and
five.)
Table 4
Recall of Story
Recognition of Story Content
Recognition of Story Content
(Unaided)
(Self Reported)
(Aided)
Table 4 shows the recall of the story (unaided), recognition of story content
(self reported), and recognition of story content (aided) compared by two
groups: still graphics vs. dynamic graphics.
Question: Which subjects / stories of the news program do you remember?
Question: In percent between 0 and 100, what would you say, is your memory of
the story content?
Knowledge Questions:a) Water quantity after river straightening.b) Building
construction growth in West and East Germany.c) Take off, intended destination,
stopover, actual destination (scores from 0-4)
Means (Frequencies)
Means
Means (Frequencies Respectively Scores)
Story
Graphical Presentation
One-Tailedt-Test
Graphical Presentation
One-Tailedt-Test
Graphical Presentation
One-Tailedt-Test
(Type of Infographic, if any)
still
dynamic
p-value
still
dynamic
p-value
still
dynamic
p-value
Development of Flooding(Visualized Elucidation)
0.727
0.737
0.474
70.91
66.32
0.713
0.364
0.421
0.358
Housing Construction Market(Chart / Quantitative Diagram)
0.478
0.455
0.562
47.83
47.27
0.529
0.696
0.591
0.763
Hijacking of Airliner(Mass Media Map)
0.842
0.696
0.861
71.58
70.87
0.543
3.000
2.522
0.872
Table 5
Judging of Story ...
Comprehensibility
Professionalism
Relevance
Table 5 shows the judging of story comprehensibility, story professionalism, and
story relevance compared by two groups: still graphics vs. dynamic graphics.
Question: In percent between 0 and 100, what would you say, how comprehensible
was the story?
Question: In percent between 0 and 100, what would you say, how professional was
the story presented?
Question: In percent between 0 and 100, what would you say, how relevant is the
story?
Means
Means
Means
Story
Graphical Presentation
One-Tailedt-Test
Graphical Presentation
One-Tailedt-Test
Graphical Presentation
One-Tailedt-Test
(Type of Infographic, if any)
still
dynamic
p-value
still
dynamic
p-value
still
dynamic
p-value
Development of Flooding(Visualized Elucidation)
82.27
82.11
0.512
43.64
50.53
0.254
54.55
58.42
0.339
Housing Construction Market(Chart / Quantitative Diagram)
71.36
55.00
0.985
51.36
40.91
0.943
55.65
50.00
0.777
Hijacking of Airliner(Mass Media Map)
71.05
74.78
0.293
42.63
56.09
0.027
36.84
46.52
0.117
Hypothesis 3: Interaction Effect of Encoding and Retrieval Mode
Following the concept of encoding specificity, it is supposed that information
is better recalled, if there are corresponding conditions in the news program
and in the questionnaire like 1.) supporting graphic and graphic memory test or
2.) no supporting graphic and textual memory test. Therefore, an interaction
effect was hypothesized for encoding and retrieval mode. To test hypothesis 3,
an analysis of variance (ANOVA) was calculated for the three different types of
supporting mass media graphics. Recognition served as a dependent variable. It
was measured either in verbal of graphical mode in the two different
questionnaire versions (see above).
For the visualized elucidation, neither main effects nor interaction effects
were ascertained. There are no differences in the recognition of story content
between the concordant and discordant conditions. For the quantitative diagram,
no significant main effects emerged (see table one). However, a significant
interaction (p-value: 0.045) was found for the quantitative diagram. The data
for the experimental groups is in the predicted direction: The frequencies for
the correctly memorized story content are for concordant conditions 0.80 (news
story without graphic; textual questionnaire) and 0.68 (news story with graphic;
visual questionnaire) and for the discordant conditions 0.33 (news story without
graphic; visual questionnaire) and 0.68 (news story with graphic; textual
questionnaire). Finally, a significant main effect emerged (p-value < 0.001; see
also table one) with no significant interaction for the mass media map.
Independent from the questionnaire condition the content of the story showing
graphics was remembered better. The scores for the memorized story content are
for concordant conditions 0.55 (news story without graphic; textual
questionnaire) and 2.68 (news story with graphic; visual questionnaire) and for
the discordant conditions 1.09 (news story without graphic; visual
questionnaire) and 2.80 (news story with graphic; textual questionnaire).
Altogether, hypothesis 3 could only be supported for quantitative diagrams. The
recognition of visualized elucidations seems to be independent from encoding
respectively decoding mode. And the use of maps tends to produce higher
recognition levels under any retrieval condition.
Hypothesis 4: Acceptance of Infographics in Television News
The majority of our recipients favor infographics in news programs. Asked if
they would be supporting the use of graphics in news programs on a regular
basis, 78,1 % (50) of the surveyed (non-representative) students answered "yes".
15.6 % (10) said "no" and 6.3 % (4) had no opinion toward this issue. If they
had to judge how positive a regular future use of infographics in news stories
would be, on a scale from 0 to 100 percent they answered with 68,13 % on
average. This is significantly higher than 50 % (p-value < 0.001). Further
results show that there is no great difference in judging a story (with regard
to attractiveness and interest) whether a supporting graphic is shown or not.
The only exception was the use of a column chart in the housing construction
market story, which increased the judging of how interesting the story was from
25.26 % up to 35.91 %. This increase is significant (p-value: 0.025). (See also
table six.)
Table 6
Judging of Story ...
Attractiveness
Interest
Table 6 shows the judging of story attractiveness and story interest compared by
two groups: no graphical presentation vs. graphical presentation.
Question: In percent between 0 and 100, what would you say, how attractive was
the story?
Question: In percent between 0 and 100, what would you say, how interesting was
the story?
Means
Means
Story
Graphical Presentation
One-Tailedt-Test
Graphical Presentation
One-Tailedt-Test
(Type of Infographic, if any)
no
yes
p-value
no
yes
p-value
Development of Flooding(Visualized Elucidation)
46.09
41.22
0.773
50.44
50.98
0.467
Housing Construction Market(Chart / Quantitative Diagram)
31.05
34.09
0.310
25.26
35.91
0.025
Hijacking of Airliner(Mass Media Map)
47.73
45.24
0.668
50.91
48.81
0.663
Discussion
The memory measures support the concept of picture superiority partially. On the
aided recall measure, a significant effect was found only for the mass media
map. This divergence can not necessarily be attributed to the different nature
of mass media maps. It may be caused by the fact that for the map, recognition
was measured on a 0-4 scale (origin, original destination, stopover, and final
destination of the plane), as opposed to the 0-1 (correct solution / incorrect
solution) scale measures for the other two types of graphics. Therefore, a
similar effect might have emerged if a wider measure would have been taken for
the visualized elucidation and for the quantitative diagram, thereby creating
more variance. Although the effect of scale remains unclear it can be concluded
that at least supporting mass media maps lead to higher correct recognition of
facts. This means that a picture superiority effect is existing for the
acquisition of knowledge from everyday news shows.
Maybe the finding that the picture superiority effect is most evident for the
mass media map can also be explained by a specific proposition of those maps.
They are offering a type of information that should lead to a greater amount of
information connections in a mental network model. This, by providing visual
material that (a) relates to the knowledge domains of maps and other
geographical representations and (b) requires more cognitive processing activity
in the mental visual scatchpad (e.g. mental rotation, localization, scaling,
distinguishing landmasses and water, etc.) in order to understand the
information content of the map. Therefore, mass media maps may be called the
most complex and most (in information processing terms) demanding types of mass
media graphics. As one explanation for the picture superiority effect refers to
more connecting memory pathways, while the other focusses on the informational
richness of graphics, a picture superiority effect was most likely to encounter
for mass media maps. And for this type of supporting graphics it could be
demonstrated. However, this does not mean that the same principle should not be
underlying any reception of supporting mass media graphics.
Hypothesis 2 dealt with the effect of dynamic graphics. It is rejected because
the dynamic presentation of the supporting graphics failed to influence the
measures taken. As prototypical versions for all three types of mass media
graphics useable in television news were included in the present experiment, we
conclude that the dynamic presentation mode does not influence any relevant
measures of information acquisition, memory, and judgment. Furthermore, the
dynamic presentation mode does not enhance judgment ratings, as most of the (not
significant) results are in the opposite direction for these variables (see
table 5).
This finding leads to a clear conclusion: Neither information acquisition nor
the recipient's judgments profit from a dynamic presentation of news graphics.
With regard to the additional effort and cost the production of a dynamic mass
media graphic is causing, there is no argument for the use of dynamic
infographics. Looking at the unchanged judgments for the two graphic versions
employed one might even speculate that reception quality (and ultimately
ratings) will not benefit from the new dynamic news.
In the present experiment, a confoundation with other production variables could
explain the unchanged results. However, this is extremely unlikely. Thus, as
both graphics versions were produced by the same crew of professional news
graphics editors using professional production facilities and technology. Also,
the dynamic versions were aired in the original news shows - and these versions
showed similar or even worse results compared to the still versions that were
produced for this experiment specifically! For those dependent variables
measured in the present experiment, the effort to produce dynamic mass media
graphics does not pay off.
An encoding specificity effect could only be demonstrated for the quantitative
diagram. One possible explanation considers the fact that the column chart used
as a quantitative diagram was more closely resembled in the recognition test
section of the questionnaire. Recognition for the visualized elucidation
(development of flooding) was measured by presenting a column chart of river
capacity loss; and the map that was used in the questionnaire resembled the map
from the newscast only vaguely. Opposed to this, the recognition cues presented
for the quantitative diagram resembled those from the newscast closer, although
they can by far not be considered identical. If this difference in recognition
test material accounts for the divergent results, a clear conclusion can be
drawn. In this case, an encoding specificity effect can only be applied to
television news if encoding and decoding conditions are very similar (or
identical). In non-experimental reality, this should happen rarely.
If this assumption holds, there should be no differing influence of visual and
verbal presentation of broadcast news for information retrieval in our daily
life. On the other hand, an encoding specificity effect might show up for more
remote encoding and decoding conditions if more subjects would be tested in an
experiment with greater statistical power. Even in this case the effect size
would be so small that no relevant implications for our daily information
acquisition from broadcast news should derive from the encoding specificity
concept as presented above.
In general a high acceptance of supporting infographics in news programs could
be ascertained. Therefore. the infographic can be an instrument to increase
acceptance - and ultimately also the ratings - of a news program. For this, it
does not seem to matter whether these infographics are presented in dynamic or
still fashion. On the other hand the use of graphics will not necessarily
increase the recall and recognition of story information; but from the data
presented above it is also likely that infographic use will not decrease recall
and recognition. Using infographics in news programs is at least not harmful,
but will can very helpful in many applications. This is true especially for the
use of mass media maps.
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