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Spinning StoriesD
Markham Competition
Spinning Stories:
Latin America and the World Wide Web
by
Eliza Tanner
University of Wisconsin-Madison
2130 University Ave. #6
Madison, WI 53705
(608) 238-3972
[log in to unmask]
March 1996
Abstract
Spinning Stories: Latin America and the World Wide Web
Although the Internet may create an "ultimate open society," the
reality is quite different in Latin America. Two important considerationsDaccess
and representationsDwere illuminated through ninety email interviews with
Webmasters in Latin America. Access to the Internet is quickly growing in Latin
America, but is still restricted to less than one percent of the people. In
their representations and stories, Webmasters often speak against negative
portrayals or stereotypes found in Western media.
Markham Competition
Spinning Stories:
Latin America and the World Wide Web
In the past two years, the World Wide Web has popularized and
fueled the growth of the Internet to the point that by the beginning of 1996,
one popular Web index boasted that it searches more than eleven billion words on
twenty-two million Web pages. To put this in perspective, the creators of this
index write that if you were to spend ten hours every day, looking at one Web
page a minute, it would take four and a half years to look at a million Web
pages.[1]
News organizations, governments, commercial enterprises,
educational institutions, and individuals all are racing to "publish"
information on the Web. Estimates in 1995 placed the number of host computers on
the Internet between six million and seven million, with projections of 187
million or more hosts in the next five years.[2] Although the Web was first
developed at the European Center for Particle Research (CERN) in Switzerland as
a method for scientists to share information across computer networks, it is no
longer restricted to scientific circles. On the Web, one can find information
addressing almost every conceivable topicDrecipes for Fettucine Alfredo,
scientific papers on Fermat's Last Theorem, direct sale catalogs, Shakespeare's
plays, comic strips, email directories at universities, job listings, electronic
versions of newspapers and magazines, real-time sports coverage, weather maps,
library catalogs, U.S. State Department publications, virtual art museums, and
music stores.
Popular literature about the Web and the Internet is almost as
expansive and feeds off the multi-faceted debate surrounding the Internet. On
one side of the controversy are those who highlight the positive aspects. For
example, U.S. Vice President Al Gore said in 1994, "Our new ways of
communicating will entertain as well as inform. More importantly, they will
educate, promote democracy, and save lives."[3] Enthusiastic proponents hail the
Internet as the democratic mass medium of the future, allowing for free
communication on a global basis. "I believe in the power of Internet
communication," writes Cristian Espinoza T., who maintains a Web site in Chile.
For many years he said he felt helpless while he watched events unfold around
him. "This time, I have the opportunity to shout to the world and feel that
someone is listening."[4] Moreover, these supporters tout the Web as a step to
truly creating a "global village" and unifying the world. Horacio Diaz R. of the
University of Tarapaca, Chile, notes that the Internet has been converted into a
sociological phenomenon. "Everyone wants, in one form or another, to be on the
Internet and access this infinite world of information, presented without
borders or hierarchies." For Diaz, the Web "really has contributed to the
unification of our planet."[5]
In contrast to many of these statements, some critics emphasize
negative aspects of the Internet, such as the distribution of obscene and
pornographic materials, hate speech, and illegal activities. The technologies
are changing the economy, politics, law, and individual identities, maintain
media observers. Many fear the lack of security, especially for financial data
and credit card numbers, while legal experts debate the applicability of
copyright and patent laws to the new technologies. Not the least of the concerns
are those involving freedom of expression and government regulation of the Web.
Since the Internet links parts of the world, government regulations in one
country may have implications for all other countries as witnessed during the
debate over the U.S. Telecommunications Competition and Deregulation Act of
1995.[6] The section imposing criminal penalties on those who publish indecent
material on the Internet is now being challenged in the courts.
In some ways, the Internet and the Web differ markedly from
traditional mass media. During the 1970s and early 1980s, developing or Third
World nations contended that the international news agencies controlled the flow
of information, often forcing the countries to look at themselves and their
neighbors through the eyes of Western media.[7] Radio, television, newspapers,
and magazines gather information through elaborate organizations, edit the
information, and create a product for the public. However, even though people
can read news stories from newspapers or magazines on the Internet, they are not
limited to these accounts. They can look at original documents, talk to people
directly involved with the event, and find alternative sources and views.
Information on the Internet is not filtered through just a handful of large
media organizations. As stated earlier, information can be published on the Web
by a variety of people and organizations. With the Web, it is feasible that
people, groups, countries, and institutions can create their own
representations, narratives, and stories. "In its ultimate extrapolation, it is
the ultimate open society where anyone, anywhere can provide or receive any
information to anyone within seconds," said Anthony-Michael Rutkowski, executive
director of the Internet Society.[8]
This paper assesses claims of the Internet as the "ultimate open
society" and "free global communication" as it relates to Latin America. Many
fundamental issues and problems concerning the Web throughout the world are
dramatically exaggerated in Latin American countries. I argue that although the
Internet has the potential to fulfill a dream of an "open society," the reality
of the new medium is quite different.
To examine these issues, I sent out more than a hundred and fifty
requests for information to WebmastersDthe people in charge of Web sitesDin
Latin America. I received about ninety email responses, ranging from pages of
detailed notes and theoretical considerations, to brief statements, to a
critique of the typical gringo survey. Almost all surveys and answers were in
Spanish; a few were in English. The information from these emails does not
constitute a statistically representative survey. Rather, the responses provide
an insight to how these Webmasters work with the new technology in Latin
America. The Webmasters explained to me who was responsible for the Web site,
their intended audiences and goals, and the types of representations or
portrayals they wanted to create. They also sent me an estimated number of
people with access to the Internet in their countries. I contextualized the
responses by including data from indices of Web sites, such as Yahoo, hundreds
of Web sites themselves, and statistics on Web usage and development. To find
out more about the types of information on the Internet, I also looked at all
the available Web sites for one countryDChileDin South America. These various
sources illuminated two important considerations relating to the spread and
usage of the Web in Latin AmericaDaccess and representations.
"The purpose of Internet . . . right?"[9]
"The ideal would be that soon the most interesting works,
projects, and other [research] would begin to be published on the Web pages, not
only as a means of diffusion, but to establish contacts with people in different
places who are interested in the subject," writes Marcelo Espinosa Alliende of
the University of Bio-Bio in Chile.[10] For Espinosa, the main function of the
Internet is to facilitate communication among people around the world who are
interested in similar subjects. "This is the purpose of the Internet . . .
right?" Espinosa wrote. A major question related to the Internet is who has
access to this new technology. Access can be defined as the ability of people to
use a medium of communication, as senders or receivers of information. Access to
the Internet is difficult to define since there are various levels of use and
ownershipDeverything from people occasionally browsing the Web or reading email
to the engineers maintaining the computers. In its most simplistic form, access
depends on the availability of computers and the hardware connection to the
global computer network.
Various organizations have attempted to track the growth of the
Internet and gather some information on the people who use the Web. Though the
Internet has expanded phenomenally since early 1994, this rapid growth is
severely skewed when viewed globally. Of the millions of host computers in 1995,
about 94 percent are located in North America, Europe, Australia, and Japan.[11]
In Latin America, Internet development relies on many variables, such as the
communication infrastructure within a nation, government policies, overall
"development status," and the existence of satellite or fiber optic connections
with the rest of the world. With these constraints, the presence of Latin
American countries on the Web varies greatly. Brazil and Mexico each boast
thousands of host computers and Web sites, while some nations, such as Bolivia
and Guatemala, have barely a handful, if any. Full Internet services only became
available to Bolivia in mid-1995.[12] The major challenge facing Internet
development in Bolivia, writes Hubert Abasto Revilla, is the lack of resources.
For example, he writes, it takes Internet organizations months to secure
telephone lines, people in charge of telecommunication do not understand the
importance of the Internet, organizations see the new communication businesses
as threats to their monopolies, the telephones are of low quality, and the
equipment is bad in some places. "Also there is the economic problem that does
not allow us to immediately count on the means necessary for a better connection
[to the Internet]," Abasto writes.[13] Dr. Juan Rivero of the Venezuelan
Institute of Scientific Investigations was more succinct in his appraisal of the
problems facing Internet development: "The lack of resourcesDin other words,
there are no funds for anything."[14]
Table 1 shows data gathered by the company Network Wizards in
July 1995 in an attempt to track the number of host computers on the Internet.
The ten countries with the largest number of host computers are listed, followed
by countries in Latin America for comparison.[15] The most computers by far are
located in the United States, with more than four million hosts. Germany, the
United Kingdom, Canada, Australia, and Japan follow with hundreds of thousands
of host computers connected to the Internet. Of the Latin American nations,
Brazil has the largest number of computers connected to the Internet, with more
than 11,000. From there, the numbers quickly drop to the hundreds and then to
single digits.
Table 1. Host Distribution by Top-Level Domain Name for July 1995[16]
Domain
Hosts
Domains Queried
Domains Missed
TOTAL
6,641,541
120,256
29,045
U.S.[17]
4,268,648
80,108
25,416
Germany (de)
350,707
3,701
245
United Kingdom (uk)
291,258
5,184
532
Canada (ca)
262,644
3,781
438
Australia (au)
207,426
2,683
148
Japan (jp)
159,776
5,477
240
Netherlands (nl)
135,462
1,021
71
France (fr)
113,974
1,686
111
Finland (fi)
111,861
886
30
Sweden (se)
106,725
1,538
163
...
...
...
...
Brazil (br)
11,576
613
204
Mexico (mx)
8,382
255
62
Chile (cl)
6,664
177
12
Argentina (ar)
3,270
109
8
Colombia (co)
2,075
22
7
Costa Rica (cr)
1,029
28
5
Venezuela (ve)
853
32
13
Ecuador (ec)
372
1
0
Peru (pe)
367
28
1
Uruguay (uy)
273
13
4
Panama (pa)
127
7
0
Nicaragua (ni)
59
11
1
El Salvador (sv)
0
1
0
Paraguay (py)
0
1
0
Honduras (hn)
0
1
0
Guatemala (gt)
0
1
0
Bolivia (bo)
0
0
1
Although computer programs, such as the one used by Network
Wizards, can tabulate host computers, they are unable to determine the number of
people actually using the Internet. In fact, Network Wizards refused to
speculate on the number of people using the Internet, saying, "No one has any
clue how many users there are."[18] Part of this reluctance stems from the fact
that one host computer may be used by a number of people.
However, some organizations have attempted to survey Web users
and gather demographic data. One Web survey, performed by the Graphic,
Visualization, & Usability Center at the Georgia Institute of Technology,
started tracking users in 1994. The Fourth WWW User Survey in October-November
1995 collected responses from 23,000 people with the on-line survey. Although
the survey suffers from problems of self-selection and non-probabilistic
sampling, it does provide a "snap-shot" of the characteristics of these users.
The average age of the respondents is 32.7-years-old, with 29.3 percent female
and 70.7 percent male. Compared with earlier surveys, the GVU team said they see
an increase in the number of female users answering the survey. However, the
percent of U.S. respondents (32.5% female, 67.5% male) is far from reflecting
the 52 percent female and 48 percent male composition of the entire US
population (1995 Estimated US Census). In Europe, the percentages were even more
striking, with 89.5 percent males and only 10.5 percent females responding to
the survey.
Those surveyed reported an overall median income is between
US$50,000 and US$60,000, with an estimated average income for all respondents of
US$63,000. European respondents had an average income of US$56,000. The
respondents were from the United States (76.2%), Europe (8.4%), and Canada and
Mexico (10.2%). About 40 percent reported being married and the same number said
they were single. Almost half (47.4%) of those surveyed reported owning a single
computer, 25.2% owning two computers, and 10.5% of the users reported not owning
a personal computer. The majority of the respondents had occupations in
computer-related (29.1%) or education-related (30.9%) fields. The remaining
categories were professional (19.9%), management (10.2%), and "other" (9.8%).
The largest ethnic group was white with 83.2 percent, with no other group
reporting more than 5 percent.[19] From the data gathered by the GVU team, the
typical person responding to the questionnaire is male, 32 years old, from North
America, married, white, working in computers or education, and earning about
US$60,000.
CommerceNet and Nielsen Media Research conducted a scientific
survey of Internet users in the United States and Canada in August 1995. They
combined a telephone survey with an on-line survey and found widespread access
to the Internet within the United States and Canada. They reported that 17
percent or 37 million people aged 16 or above in the United States and Canada
have access to the Internet. The survey found that 66 percent of the users are
male. The researchers pointed out that data collected only from on-line surveys
may overstate Internet usage, overestimate the skill level of the Internet
users, and downplay the size of the female market for Internet services. The
typical Internet user is "an extremely attractive target (educated,
professional, and upscale)" for businesses.[20]
A survey conducted by New York market researcher Find/SVP
challenged the results of the Nielsen survey and indicated Internet use may not
be very widespread. From a November-December 1995 survey, Find/SVP estimated
there are about 9.5 million Internet users in the United States.[21] However,
the difference between the two surveys may be related to how they define
"Internet users" and "access." For example, Find/SVP did not define email as
"Internet use" while Nielsen counted people who used the Internet anytime in the
previous three months.
Despite the debate over the number and definition of Internet
users, the various surveys seem to indicate that those who have access to the
Web are an elite segment of the population. The question of who is using the Web
becomes a very important consideration for Webmasters, especially those with
commercial sites. The Webmasters who sent me information wrote that they target
specific audiences with their Web sites. Commercial Web pages have a goal to
increase business possibilities. Sistemas Distribuidos in Mexico wants to
attract people to Tijuana to increase business investments and tourism in the
area. They especially target U.S. or Japanese companies that own maquiladoras
and need computer, communication, or Internet services.[22] Francisco Romero and
Luis Enrique Romero began a tourist business over the Internet because they had
a friend who wanted to vacation in Mexico and they were unable to mail him the
information he needed. They reported that this Web site, Mexicohost, with its
tourist information about Canc#n attracts some 2,500 people each day.[23] Even
non-commercial Web pages often target specific people. For example, the Mexican
President's homepage has as its main objective "to give the people [in Mexico] a
place where they can express their feelings and needs regarding the Office of
the President, but especially the crises we are living (economic, political and
social)."[24] The Universidad Autonoma Metropolitana in Mexico places the
emphasis on serving the needs of the students and professors at the university
and then reaching out to industrial and government sectors at the national and
international level.[25] The Chilean Web Scout Server has as its goal to
facilitate communication among those interested in Scouting and publicize
information about the 1999 World Jamboree. The Internet allows Scouters in Chile
to communicate much more rapidly than by regular mail and exchange information
on campouts and various activities.[26] Scientific institutions and university
departments wrote that one of their main goals was to facilitate the interchange
of information between scientists and researchers around the world. At the
Universidad de Chile, the Astronomy department attempts to contact scientists
who are interested in data from the 1994 solar eclipse.[27] A Webmaster at
Universidad Cat"lica del Norte writes that their goal is "to show to the world
that, in a corner of the planet, there is a group dedicated to astronomy," and
thus exchange information and maintain contact with other astronomy groups in
the world.[28] Hubert Abasto Revilla maintains a Web site in Bolivia and states
that local users are his principle audience, but that the Internet provides a
way to maintain contact with Bolivians living in other countries. Abasto says
they want to give local users access to the Internet in their own language and
provide technical support to help resolve problems and questions.[29] From their
responses, these Webmasters indicated they were creating sites for specific
groups of people.
Although the Webmasters often had a known group of people in
mind, a common theme is that they want to reach an international audience. One
Chilean Webmaster indicated that his priorities are first the local audience;
second, people in the country or Spanish-speakers in various countries; and
finally, the world at large.[30] The Universidad Cat"lica de Chile sees its Web
pages as a link to the global village and a way to integrate the university
community into the world community.[31] The Mexican magazine Proceso uses the
Web to give their magazine more of a world-wide presence, especially because
before they created the Web page, there had not been a way to distribute the
magazine outside of Mexico.[32] The radio station 98.5 Radioactivo in Mexico
City said their primary goal is to bring the radio into a global environment and
"convert themselves into informants for all of the Internet community."[33] An
Argentine business magazine wrote that they wanted to become part of the
vanguard for the new electronic world.[34]
Beyond the general pronouncements about audiences, some of the
Webmasters listed the people they know are accessing the information on their
Web pages. These reports match many of the characteristics found in the GVU Web
users survey. The Chilean electronic newspaper Copesa attracts diplomats, all
types of professionals, university students, private individuals, institutions,
businesses, and Chileans living abroad.[35] A tourist publication in Chile wrote
that they have received inquiries from tourists, U.S. and Dutch journalists, a
Brazilian senator, and a seventh-grader in Massachusetts who was working on a
project for his Spanish class.[36] Many of the universities responded that they
wanted to reach students, graduates of their programs, faculty, researchers,
professionals, and lawyers, as well as government and business leaders.[37] The
virtual Museo de Arte Contemporaneo Carrillo Gil in Mexico said they were aware
that people in higher education, business, museums, and research were the main
users of the Web. At the same time, in the future they hope elementary and
secondary schools can also participate in using the Internet.[38] In contrast,
one Webmaster in Mexico commented that he believes "the people that view our
pages in Mexico have a strong economic potential."[39] In other words, he wants
to attract people with money to spend. The Webmasters who responded were
doctors, professors, engineers, scientists, journalists, university students,
and business people. The audiences and people using the Web, including those
producing Web sites, seem to be drawn from well-educated, middle and upper
classes.
Data from the 1995 survey by CommerceNet and Nielsen Media
Research support these findings. The researchers found that 25 percent of Web
users in the United States and Canada have an income of more than US$80,000; 50
percent consider themselves to be in professional or managerial occupations; and
64 percent have at least college degrees. This is clearly an elite group of
users, especially compared with income levels of the total U.S. and Canadian
population. Only 10 percent of U.S. and Canadian population has an income of
more than US$80,000, 27 percent are employed in professional or managerial
positions, and 29 percent have college degrees.[40]
From a practical standpoint, it comes as no surprise that access
to the Web is restricted to middle and upper classes. Even though many computer
products have become less expensive in recent years, the cost is often
prohibitive for lower-income families. In Chile, wrote Webmaster Bruce Rule,
"home computers are not as widespread as in the U.S. because of the higher
prices here and also the lower income levels for the majority of Chilean
people."[41] Internet providers in Chile estimate there are 4,000 commercial
users of the Internet. If they add users at universities, institutions, and
corporate local area networks, estimates increase to 10,000, 15,000, or 40,000
people with access to the Internet.[42] According to the 1992 census, Chile has
13.3 million people, with a statistical projection of 14.2 million people by
mid-1995. Internet users thus comprise a very small groupDbetween 0.1 and 0.3
percent of the population in Chile.
Table 2. Comparative Access to the Internet
Country
Population
1994[43]
People with access to Internet
Percent of population with access to Internet
Per capita real gross national disposable income
(1993)[44]
United States (us)
260,651,000
9.5 million-?
3.6%-17%
$14,696
Brazil (br)
159,147,000
*
*
$177
Mexico (mx)
89,571,000
200,000-300,000
0.2%-0.3%
$231
Chile (cl)
13,994,000
10,000-40,000
0.1%-0.3%
$255
Argentina (ar)
34,180,000
*
*
$366
Colombia (co)
34,546,000
15,000-18,000
0.04%-0.05%
$141
Costa Rica (cr)
3,347,000
*
*
$145
Venezuela (ve)
21,377,000
4,000-6,000
0.02%-0.03%
$283
Ecuador (ec)
11,221,000
*
*
$106
Peru (pe)
23,333,000
*
*
$78
Uruguay (uy)
3,168,000
*
*
$235
Panama (pa)
2,585,000
*
*
$161
Nicaragua (ni)
4,278,000
3,500?
0.08%
$32
El Salvador (sv)
5,642,000
*
*
$71
Paraguay (py)
4,830,000
*
*
$137
Honduras (hn)
5,494,000
*
*
$65
Guatemala (gt)
10,322,000
600-2,500
0.01%-0.02%
$97
Bolivia (bo)
7,238,000
1,500-3,500
0.02%-0.05%
$58
*No data available at this time.
Table 2 provides a rough comparison of the people who have access
to the Internet in various countries. All of these figures are problematic and
often highly contested. For example, in the United States, many businesses base
their investment in Internet technology on the results of the surveys. The
number of people who have access to the Internet is often no more than an
educated guessDand estimates vary from person to person. Also, in many Latin
American countries, the number of users is growing by twenty or thirty-five
percent every month. As one Webmaster in Venezuela wrote, "What you can know
with scientific certainty are the nodes, not the people."[45] For his estimate,
Dr. Juan Rivero calculated the number of computers connected to the Internet in
the various Venezuelan universities and institutions and then multiplied by an
approximate number of people per computer (four). These numbers should be seen
as the minimum estimates of people with access to the Internet. Table 2 also
lists the per capita real gross national disposable income in the various
countries. Per capita disposable income (the amount of money that can possibly
be used for consumer goods) is also problematic for a variety of reasons, one of
these being that it does not include factors related to the distribution of
wealth. Despite the failings, the numbers can give a broad sense of some of the
challenges to Internet access in Latin America. The most obvious is a practical
question of who can actually afford to buy the hardware necessary to connect to
the Internet.
"The main goal is to have ourselves known worldwide"[46]
Those who do have access to the Internet in Latin America often
have specific goals for their Web sites, such as international recognition.
People can also create certain types of representations or portrayals of their
countries or institutions. One type of portrayal is built through the types of
information available from that country. To demonstrate this aspect, I will use
a specific case example of Chile, which has about the same percentage of
Internet users as Mexico. I compiled listings from various indices of Web sites
that originate in Chile and arrived at 179 Web sites as of December 1995. This
list is limited in that excludes those Web sites not listed in any index, as
well as those added after I began my investigations. It was also impossible for
me to examine sites where the computer was not functioning or where I received
an error message. I classified the Chilean Web sites by the predominant type of
information found on the pages, such as art, education, literature, news,
science, and sports. The Web sites were also categorized by the owner or source
of the information: commercial, education, government, institutes or
organizations, and private (both commercial and educational). About 50 percent
of the 179 Web sites originated in educational institutions, with another 24
percent as commercial sites. The remaining one-fourth of Web sites in Chile were
divided among the government, various institutes and organizations, and private
or personal pages.
The largest category of information on the various Chilean Web
sites was science, at 23 percent. The next largest category was educationDpages
about various schools and universitiesDwith 16 percent. Other than the 18
commercial sites (about 10 percent), the rest of the categories (art, economic,
environment, general, government, index, Internet, literature, music, news,
sports, and tourism/society) only had between 2 and 12 instances or 1 to 7
percent. If one were to look just at the types and sources of Web sites in
Chile, the picture would be of a country that emphasized education, science, and
commerce. Of every four Web sites, two would be located at educational
institutions (universities) and one of the four would be about some scientific
topic, such as astronomy or engineering.
However, more important than just the type of available
information are the self-portrayals of Latin America that the Webmasters create.
Several themes emerged in the Webmasters' email responses. A few disavowed any
intention of portraying their country or institution on their Web pages.
"Representations" of Chile as a country should be left to the government and its
associates, wrote Rudolf Busch. But he wants to demonstrate to the world that
his business is capable of working with the latest technology.[47] Even though
Cristian Espinoza T. wants to emphasize Chilean cinema on his Web pages, he
wrote that this is not because of "blind nationalism," but rather because there
is not another source of information.[48]
However, some Webmasters directly spoke out against international
mass media images of their nations. Scholars have investigated international
news flows and the representation of certain nations or groups in the mass
media, especially U.S. mass media. Early research found that the majority of
foreign news concerned developed nations while less developed nations were the
subjects of mainly negative stories.[49] Political developments in the 1970s
brought global news flow issues to the forefront of international debates,
especially in the United Nations, though nothing was actually done about the
news flow.[50] Third World nations claimed Western news coverage was
"disproportionate and distorted, with too little coverage and too much
concentration on the violent, the bizarre, and the conflictual."[51] This
phenomenon became known as the "coups and earthquakes" syndrome.[52] Researchers
attempted to investigate these claims in myriad news studies.[53] The studies,
conducted for both print and broadcast mediums, generally found that the news
coverage or the number of stories about certain geographical areas did not
change substantially during the 1970s and 1980s. In several regional studies of
news flow, only Africa received less coverage than Latin America.[54]
Researchers also found stories from or about less developed nations focused more
on political violence, internal conflict or crisis, and armed conflict than did
stories from developed countries.
Although many of the news flow studies emphasized quantitative
data, some scholars examined how various nations or groups were portrayed by the
media. The levels of qualitative analysis vary greatly in the different studies.
One researcher wrote that the "composite portrait of the developing countries
that emerges depicts them as being relatively more prone to internal conflicts
and crises; more likely to be the setting of armed conflict; more frequently the
recipients of disaster relief, or economic and military aid; and proportionately
more often the location of criminal activities."[55] Dahlgren with Chakrapani
performed a thoughtful analysis of Third World coverage on television. They
found the main motifs for coverage of the Third World were social disorder
(political violence, political subversion, military combat), flawed development
(governmental corruption, human rights abuses, communism), and primitivism
(exoticism, barbarism). They concluded that these themes implied a commitment by
news media to a certain type of international order.[56] In the case of these
news studies, the representations are created through institutional constraints
in media businesses.[57] However, with informal channels of communication such
as those afforded by the Internet and the Web, people have the opportunity to
create narratives that are not processed through news organizations.
Some of the Webmasters wanted to counteract negative
representations of their countries with their Web pages. The coordinator of
information systems at Integer, Centro de Excelencia Empresarial, Mexico, wrote
that their Web page was designed and elaborated with international standards of
quality to demonstrate "that in Mexico we find ourselves with a very good level
of technology, capable of competing on a world level." He continued: "The image
that many people have of Mexico many times is not correct, given that the news
that is published outside [of Mexico] does not always denote the reality of the
country. This is a way in which we can better this image."[58] A small Web
Publishing business wants to "present Mexico as it really is," especially those
things that are unique.[59] Amigo! Mexico Web Center "wants that the people who
never have visited Mexico or that think bad about Mexico learn more about the
country."[60] In Bolivia, Hubert Abasto writes, "We want to show a country with
many facets, with culture and enthusiasm, and free of the prejudice of drugs. We
want the people to see in Bolivia a friendly country, open to the world, as well
as a country that is adopting the new technologies and the new forms of
communication."[61]
At the same time these Webmasters wanted to counteract negative
images of their countries, many accepted and participated in the dominant
development discourse. Anthropologist Arturo Escobar maintains that development
policies and the "Western capitalist paradigm" with their categories and labels
shape the thinking of both supporters and critics of "development" in the Third
World.[62] In the development discourse, the "early models had an implicit
standard (the prosperous, developed countries), and development was to be
measured by the yardstick of Western progress. Their notion of underdevelopment
occupied the discursive space in such a manner that it precluded the possibility
of alternative discourses."[63] In other words, Escobar writes that the notions
of progress as measured by "Western standards" have become so pervasive that it
is difficult, if not impossible, to find alternative ideas. The language some of
the Webmasters use illustrates this point. Radioactiva 98.5 FM in Mexico City
responded that they want to show the world "a country in which the people are
capable of producing products (speaking in market terms) of quality and capable
of competing in the international market."[64] An Argentine business magazine
wants to show the world that Argentina has a strong, growing industry and that
it is the most advanced Latin American country with respect to fiber optics and
cable TV. Argentina, wrote the Webmaster, has an enormous capacity for
development.[65] Alfredo Pinochet, of the electronic magazine Estrategia in
Chile, wrote that they wanted to create an image of "an advanced country within
Latin America in both economic and technological aspects."[66] An astronomy
department wants "to show that astronomy is very viable in Chile" because
international institutions have installed telescopes in the country allowing
"Chilean astronomers the important opportunity of using first class
instrumentation." They "want to stress the point and transmit the message that
doing science is feasible in Chile."[67] These Webmasters seem to accept the
"Western" standard of progress and development, and want to show that their
institutions and countries conform to these expectations. One implication of
this limited way in which these Webmasters conceive of development is that the
Internet will continue to be used in the same manner as previous forms of
communicationDand will receive the same criticisms concerning their
representations of marginalized groups, such as women.[68]
Spinning new stories?
"People struggle with uneven access to power and knowledge in
order to construct and tell their stories," wrote Florencia E. Mallon in her
book about peasants and nationalism in Peru and Mexico.[69] This same concern
with the ability of people to speak for themselves occurs in a variety of
settings, including the debate over the role of the mass media. Marginalized
groups and countries can gain power through their control of representations.
Escobar writes that recent technological developments "might offer unexpected
opportunities that groups at the margin could seize to construct innovative
visions and practices."[70] New models for developmental journalism emphasize
two-way participatory communication, social change, and the empowerment of
marginalized groups.
Latin American Webmasters are rapidly implementing Internet
technologies; their responses highlight various issues relating to access,
representations, and the ability to spin new stories. Emilio Filippi seemed to
suggest that the Web pages in Chile were not much different from Web pages in
other places. "I believe that in Chile the media are just beginning to use these
electronic means [of communication] and, while they become accustomed and learn,
they will not do different things. I suppose that the second step is that yes,
they will do so [create new representations]."[71] Filippi does see the
potential for developing new sources of information, even though that does not
seem to be happening at the moment. Already, some Latin American Webmasters seem
to wish to counteract negative stereotypes they perceive in foreign mass media
or to offer information not available in other locations.
Perhaps one of the largest constraints for creating "new stories"
now in Latin America is that it appears the people who use or have access to the
Web belong to elite classes. Moreover, the perspectives and representations on
the Web sites are created for these specific audiences. For example, although
various institutions note the increase in the number of women using the Web, one
survey found only a third of the respondents were women in the United States.
Escobar questions how new technologies "enact mechanism of ruling."[72] In this
case, the Internet may be viewed from the perspective of how it allows "various
groups of people to negotiate specific forms of power, authority, and
representation."[73] Generally, the Web seems to foster communication among the
"elite" around the globe, excluding the poor, women, and other marginalized
groups.
In an article on the anthropology of "cyberculture," Escobar
offers some suggestions and theoretical considerations for research on
technology and culture. Although the article does not specifically address the
Web and only briefly deals with the Internet, some of his points can be applied
to both. One series of questions deals with the relationship between the First
and Third Worlds or rich and poor nations in light of new technologies.[74]
Several of the Webmasters pointed out the necessity of publishing Web pages in
order to "keep up" with global developments. One Webmaster quoted Larry H.
Landweber, president of Internet Incorporated, who said on a visit to Chile,
"Whoever is not incorporated into these systems will be considered a
second-class citizen."[75] This viewpoint relegates almost 99 percent of the
people in Latin America, not to mention about 83 percent of the people in the
United States and Canada, to "second-class" citizenship since they do not have
access to the Internet. Anthropologist David Hess writes, "As all of us know
only too well, for many people in the world most of Cyberia is a distant Siberia
located well above the global glass ceiling."[76] To the extent that the
Internet does not reach a more "mass" audience, it could increase the gap
between the rich and poor and solidify existing power structures. In an article
about changes in news agencies, Mohammed Musa wrote that "while the public is
deprived of information the corporate elite is living in information affluence.
In other words, the gap between the information rich and the information poor is
widening at an alarming rate."[77] If the Web is used by the elite around the
globe, the types of information, narratives, and stories may not differ that
much in various countries. We may start to hear some of the same criticisms of
communication that existed with the debate over the New World Information Order
in the 1970s and 1980s. At the present time, the Internet is not yet an
"ultimate open society" with "free global communication" for all people in Latin
America. Rather it is an elite form of communication for less than one percent
of the people in many Latin American countries.
At the same time we cannot escape the dichotomy inherent with the
Internet. The Internet seems to offer incredible possibilities for empowerment
and social change. Once Third World countries, businesses, or individuals have
connections to the Internet and the appropriate hardware, they can create their
own stories and discourses. It is this gap between reality and possibility that
must be actively addressed in the debate over new communication technologies.
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World
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[1] Alta Vista: Main Page, [http://www.altavista.digital.com/].
[2] Scott Rosenberg, "Internet Revolution is On-line and Growing,"
San Francisco Examiner, 2 July 1995, C-11. See also Network Wizards, July 1995
survey data, [http://www.nw.com/].
[3] Quoted in Stephen Bates, The Potential Downside of the National
Information Infrastructure (Washington, D.C.: The Annenberg Washington Program
in Communications Policy Studies of Northwestern University, 1995), 6.
[4] Cristian Espinoza T., [[log in to unmask]], "Re: Preguntas WWW,"
email to author, 17 November 1995.
[5] Horacio Diaz R., [[log in to unmask]], "Re:
Preguntas," email to author, 17 November 1995.
[6] See Telecommunications Competition and Deregulation Act of
1995, S. 652, 104th Cong., 1st Sess. (1995).
[7] See Mustapha Masmoudi, "The New World Information Order,"
Journal of Communication 29 (1979): 172-185.
[8] Anthony-Michael Rutkowski, [[log in to unmask]], "Bottom-Up
Information Infrastructure and the Internet," Keynote Address, Founders Day
Symposium, University of Pittsburgh,
[http://info.isoc.org:80/speeches/upitt-foundersday.html], 27 February 1995.
[9] Marcelo Espinosa Alliende, [[log in to unmask]], "Re:
(no subject)," email to author, 17 November 1995.
[10] Ibid.
[11] Peter Costantini, "Development-Communications: Third Wave Hits
Third World," Inter Press Service, 9 October 1995, LEXIS/NEXIS.
[12] Karim Salome M., [[log in to unmask]], "Re: Preguntas WWW,"
email to author, 26 January 1996.
[13] Hubert Abasto Revilla, [[log in to unmask]], "Re:
Preguntas WWW," email to author, 26 January 1996.
[14] Juan Rivero, [[log in to unmask]], "Re: Preguntas sobre el
WWW," email to author, 12 March 1996.
[15] This list excludes Caribbean countries, as well as Surinam,
Guyana, French Guyana, and Belize since they are traditionally studied as part
of the Caribbean.
[16] Network Wizards, July 1995 survey data, [http://www.nw.com/].
The table lists the top ten countries and then the Latin American countries,
excluding the Caribbean, for comparison. The computer program that searches out
all the host computers connected to the Internet queries the domains or smaller
networks and collects data from the computers. However, sometimes the computers
are not working or the connections are bad, so the domains are "missed" and the
computer program is unable to collect the relevant data. Network Wizards reports
that about 20 percent of all the domains are missed, so these figures are seen
as minimum numbers.
[17] The category for the United States was created by combining
the domains com, edu, net, gov, mil, org, and us. The United States is generally
the only country not to consistently use a country code in naming the computers
connected to the Internet. This combination may be a bit problematic because a
few com, org, and net domains are located in countries other than the United
States.
[18] Network Wizards, July 1995 survey data, [http://www.nw.com/].
[19] Graphics, Visualization, & Usability Center, College of
Computing, Georgia Institute of Technology, Atlanta, GA, "Fourth WWW User
Survey," http://www.cc.gatech.edu/gvu/user_surveys/], October-November 1995.
[20] CommerceNet/Nielsen Internet Demographics Survey, Executive
Summary, [http://www.nielsenmedia.com/whatsnew/execsum2.htm], 1995.
[21] Leslie Helm, "Surf's Down on the Net, Survey says," Los
Angeles Times, 12 January 1996, D-1.
[22] Rene Ernesto Marmolejo, [[log in to unmask]], "Info of our
WWW," email to author, 14 November 1995.
[23] Francisco Romero, [[log in to unmask]], "Answers to
questions via Mexicohost," email to author, 22 November 1995.
[24] Eduardo Davila G., [[log in to unmask]], "Re: (no subject),"
email to author, 15 November 1995.
[25] Jose M. Dominguez, [[log in to unmask]], "Re: your mail,"
email to author, 15 November 1995.
[26] Rodrigo Arenas at Servidor WEB Scout, [[log in to unmask]],
"Re: Preguntas WWW," email to author, 17 November 1995.
[27] Patricio F. Ortiz, [[log in to unmask]], "Re: WWW,"
email to author, 17 November 1995.
[28] Jaime Pavlich at Grupo de Astronomia U.C.N.,
[[log in to unmask]], "Respuestas," email to author, 17 November 1995.
[29] Hubert Abasto Revilla, [[log in to unmask]], "Re:
Preguntas WWW," email to author, 26 January 1996.
[30] Rudolf Busch, [[log in to unmask]], "Re: Preguntas WWW,"
email to author, 17 November 1995.
[31] Juan Carlos Soto S., [[log in to unmask]], "Re: (no subject),"
email to author, 16 November 1995.
[32] Enrique A. S nchez N _ez, [[log in to unmask]], "Re: (no
subject)," email to author, 14 November 1995.
[33] Ricardo Massuttier at Radioactivo 98.5 FM,
[[log in to unmask]], "Re: Radioactivo," email to author, 14 November 1995.
[34] Florencia, [[log in to unmask]], "(no subject)," email to
author, 17 November 1995.
[35] Ernesto Salaberry, [[log in to unmask]], "Responde," email
to author, 15 November 1995.
[36] Bruce Rule at Publicaciones Golden Rule Ltda.,
[[log in to unmask]], "hpginfo," email to author, 19 November 1995.
[37] William R. Herrera, [[log in to unmask]], "Re: (no
subject)," email to author, 15 November 1995; Jose M. Dominguez,
[[log in to unmask]], "Re: your mail," email to author, 15 November 1995;
Claudia Duran Olmos, [[log in to unmask]], "Forwarded mail....," email to
author, 15 November 1995; Jose Leopoldo Vega Correa, [[log in to unmask]],
"Re: (no subject)," email to author, 28 November 1995.
[38] Erika Ruiz Vieyra at Museo de Arte Contemporaneo Carrillo Gil,
[[log in to unmask]], "respuesta MACG," email to author, 28 November 1995.
[39] Pedro Hernandez, [[log in to unmask]], "Re: (no
subject)," email to author, 15 November 1995.
[40] CommerceNet/Nielsen Internet Demographics Survey.
[41] Bruce Rule at Publicaciones Golden Rule Ltda.,
[[log in to unmask]], "hpginfo," email to author, 19 November 1995.
[42] Emilio Filippi, [[log in to unmask]], "Re: Gracias," email to
author, 7 December 1995.
[43] Statistical Yearbook for Latin America and the Caribbean, 1994
edition (Chile: Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean, United
Nations, 1995), 173; U.S. Bureau of the Census, Statistical Abstract of the
United States: 1995, 115th edition (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department of
Commerce, 1995), 8.
[44] Statistical Yearbook for Latin America and the Caribbean, 1994
edition, 173, 210-211 (1980 prices); U.S. Bureau of the Census, Statistical
Abstract of the United States: 1995, 456 (constant 1987 dollars).
[45] Juan Rivero, [[log in to unmask]], "Re: Preguntas sobre el
WWW," email to author, 12 March 1996.
[46] Lourdes C. de Villafani, [[log in to unmask]], "Re:
Preguntas WWW," email to author, 11 January 1996.
[47] Rudolf Busch, [[log in to unmask]], "Re: Preguntas WWW,"
email to author, 17 November 1995.
[48] Cristian Espinoza T., [[log in to unmask]], "Re: Preguntas WWW,"
email to author, 17 November 1995.
[49] J. Galtung and M. H. Ruge, "The Structure of Foreign News,"
Journal of Peace Research 2 (1965): 64-91; A. Hester, "An Analysis of News Flow
from Developed and Developing Nations," Gazette 17 (1971): 29-43; International
Press Institute, The Flow of the News (Zurich: Author, 1953); K. E. Rosengren,
"International News: Methods, Data and Theory," Journal of Peace Research 11
(1974): 145-156; O. Sande, "The Perception of Foreign News," Journal of Peace
Research 8 (1971): 221-237; P. J. Shoemaker, L. H. Danielian, and N.
Brendlinger, "Deviant Acts, Risky Business and U. S. Interests: The
Newsworthiness of World Events," Journalism Quarterly 38 (1991): 781-795.
[50] S. MacBride, Many Voices, One World (Paris, France: Unesco
Press, 1980); Mustapha Masmoudi, "The New World Information Order," Journal of
Communication 29 (1979): 172-185.
[51] D. H. Weaver and G. C. Wilhoit, "Foreign News Coverage in Two
U.S. Wire Services," Journal of Communications 31 (1981): 55.
[52] M. Rosenblum, Coups and Earthquakes (New York: Harper & Row,
1979), 2.
[53] P. Dahlgren with S. Chakrapani, "The Third World on TV News:
Western Ways of Seeing the 'Other,'" in Television Coverage of International
Affairs, ed. W. C. Adams (Norwood, New Jersey: Ablex, 1982), 45-63; G. Gerbner
and G. Marvanyi, "The Many Worlds of the World's Press," Journal of
Communication 27 (1977): 52-66; W. J. Gonzenback, M. D. Arant, and R. L.
Stevenson, "The World of U.S. Network Television News: Eighteen Years of
International and Foreign News Coverage," Gazette 50 (1992): 53-72; A. Hester,
"Five Years of Foreign News on U.S. Television Evening Newscasts," Gazette 24
(1978): 88-95; J. F. Larson, "International Affairs Coverage on U.S. Network
Television," Journal of Communication 29 (1979): 136-147; J. F. Larson and A.
Hardy, "International Affairs coverage on Network Television News: A Study of
News Flow," Gazette 23 (1977): 241-256; A. K. Semmel, "Foreign News in Four U.S.
Elite Dailies: Some Comparisons," Journalism Quarterly 54 (1976): 732-736; A.
Sreberny-Mohammadi, "The 'World of the News' Study," Journalism of Communication
34 (1984): 121-134; J. B. Weaver, C. J. Porter, and M. E. Evans, "Patterns in
Foreign News Coverage on U.S. Network TV: A 10-year Analysis," Journalism
Quarterly 61 (1984): 356-363; Weaver and Wilhoit, "Foreign News Coverage"; D.
Wilhoit and G. C. Wilhoit, "Foreign News Coverage in Two U.S. Wire Services: An
Update," Journal of Communication 33 (1983): 132-148.
[54] J. F. Larson, E. G. McAnany, and J. D. Storey, "News of Latin
America on Network Television, 1972-1981: A Northern Perspective on the Southern
Hemisphere," Critical Studies in Mass Communication 3 (1986): 169-183; E. G.
McAnany, "Television and Crisis: Ten Years of Network News Coverage of Central
America, 1972-1981," Media, Culture and Society 5 (1983): 199-212; W. Q.
Morales, "Revolutions, Earthquakes and Latin America: The Neworks Look at
Allende's Chile and Somoza's Nicaragua," in Television Coverage of International
Affairs, ed. W. C. Adams (Norwood, New Jersey: Ablex, 1982), 79-113.
[55] C. A. Giffard, "Developed and Developing Nation News in U.S.
Wire Service Files to Asia," Journalism Quarterly 61 (1984): 19
[56] Dahlgren with Chakrapani, "The Third World on TV News."
[57] One example of institutional pressures on the creation of news
is Mark Pedelty, War Stories: The Culture of Foreign Correspondents (New York:
Routledge, 1995).
[58] William R. Herrera, [[log in to unmask]], "Re: (no
subject)," email to author, 15 November 1995.
[59] Luis Enrique Romero, [[log in to unmask]],
"Comments on Web," email to author, 15 November 1995.
[60] Mexico Online, [[log in to unmask]], "Re: (no subject),"
email to author, 30 November 1995.
[61] Hubert Abasto Revilla, [[log in to unmask]], "Re:
Preguntas WWW," email to author, 26 January 1996.
[62] Arturo Escobar, Encountering Development: The Making and
Unmaking of the Third World (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1995).
[63] Escobar, Encountering Development, 83.
[64] Ricardo Massuttier at Radioactivo 98.5 FM,
[[log in to unmask]], "Re: Radioactivo," email to author, 14 November 1995.
[65] Florencia, [[log in to unmask]], "(no subject)," email to
author, 17 November 1995.
[66] Alfredo Pinochet at Servicio de Portada para Internet,
[[log in to unmask]], "Re: (no subject)," email to author, 16 November 1995.
[67] Patricio F. Ortiz, [[log in to unmask]], "Re: WWW,"
email to author, 17 November 1995.
[68] See, for example, H. Leslie Steeves and Rebecca Arbogast,
"Feminism and Communication in Development: Ideology, Law, Ethics, Practice,"
pp. 229-277 in Brenda Dervin and Usha Hariharan (eds.), Progress in
Communication Sciences, Vol XI (Norwood, N.J.: Ablex, 1993).
[69] Florencia E. Mallon, Peasant and Nation: The Making of
Postcolonial Mexico and Peru (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1994),
5.
[70] Escobar, Encountering Development, 225.
[71] Emilio Filippi, [[log in to unmask]], "Re: Gracias," email to
author, 7 December 1995.
[72] Arturo Escobar, "Welcome to Cyberia: Notes on the Anthropology
of Cyberculture," Current Anthropology 35 (1994): 220.
[73] Escobar, "Cyberia," 216.
[74] Escobar, "Cyberia," 214, 220.
[75] Ernesto Salaberry, [[log in to unmask]], "Responde," email
to author, 15 November 1995.
[76] David Hess, "Comments on the Anthropology of Cyberculture,"
Current Anthropology 35 (1994): 224.
[77] Mohammed Musa, "News agencies, transnationalization and the
new order," Media, Culture and Society 12 (1990): 328.
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