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Cultural Exchange or Cultural Erosion?
Perceptions of Foreign TV Programs in the Philippines
Dr. James F. Kenny
Assistant Professor
Chinese University of Hong Kong
Paper submitted to the International Communication Division
of the Association for Education in Journalism and Mass
Communication
to be considered for its convention in Anaheim, CA, in August, 1996.
Mailing address:
Dr. James F. Kenny
Dept. of Journalism & Communication
Chinese University of Hong Kong
Shatin, N.T.
Hong Kong
Telephone: 852-2609-8708
Fax: 852-2603-5007
E-mail: [log in to unmask]
Abstract
The purpose of this study was twofold: first, to study the flow of
foreign TV programs into the Philippines, and second, to investigate how these
programs are perceived by their audience. The corresponding research questions
were, first, whether foreign TV programs dominate the airwaves in the
Philippines, and second, whether the audience perceives their presence as a
threat to their culture and values. In general, American TV programs are not
the dominant force they once were in the Philippines. Audiences like them, but
watch them less because they are more comfortable with their own local programs,
and for some there is a language barrier. They perceive both the potential
harms and benefits of foreign programs, but are willing to overlook the harms to
receive what they see as the benefits.
Cultural Exchange or Cultural Erosion?
Cultural Exchange or Cultural Erosion?
Perceptions of Foreign TV Programs in the Philippines
Like many of its Asian neighbors, the Philippines today is at least
in part a product of its colonial legacy. In some respects, however, the
influence of its Western colonizers runs deeper and is more apparent. After 350
years as a Spanish colony, the predominant religion is Roman Catholicism, and
after nearly a century as first a colony and then a strategic ally of the United
States, English is used by many as a second language. The Philippines continues
to have strong ties to the United States and many Filipinos identify with its
culture. Its political system which is among the freest in Asia has been
modeled after the American democratic system. The same can be said for its free
press and privatized, commercial media system. As many Asian countries now are
cautiously moving toward privatization, the Philippines stands as an example of
the strengths and weaknesses of such a media system in an Asian setting.
On the other hand, the influence of the West, and particularly the
United States, is often overstated. There are nine major languages, including
Tagalog which is the national language, and approximately 60 other dialects in
the Philippines, all of which are indigenous and spoken as the primary languages
of the local populations. Cultural values and tastes are strongly influenced by
Filipinos' Malay ancestors. At least 10 percent of the population have some
Chinese ancestry. Although Filipinos are often identified closely with their
American allies in manner and dress, their religious mores are more closely
associated with the publicly conservative and privately ambivalent Catholicism
of their Spanish colonizers. The struggling Philippine economy also shares much
in common with other developing Asian countries. The majority of its people
share many of the same deprivations, while a small elite wields most of the
economic and political power. However, like other Asian countries with growing
economies, it has an expanding middle-class which is demanding and consuming an
increasing number of consumer goods and media products.
The indisputable center of power in the Philippines is Manila.
This pertains to the media as well. Most mass media are produced in and
distributed from the capital. At a glance the mass media have proliferated in
the Philippines despite 15 years of repression and control under the Marcos
government. There are 35 national newspapers with a combined circulation of
five million and 285 provincial newspapers with a combined circulation of
215,000. However, as impressive as these figures are, the reach of newspapers
is limited to only 20 percent of Philippine households in Manila, and half that
in the provinces (Philippine Media Profile, 1991; PSRC, 1992). Film, on the
other hand, is a more accessible medium for all social classes. There are an
estimated 866 movie houses, where over one million Filipinos attend films daily.
With the growth of so-called "beta-houses," in which films are viewed on VCRs by
paying customers, its reach has extended even further outside the urban centers.
It is not unusual for many Filipinos to frequent theaters at least once per
week. With over 100 films produced locally, the Tagalog movie industry enjoys
profitable returns on most films with big name stars. However, it should be
noted that the number of local productions is not as great as that of foreign
films released every year in the Philippines (Philippine Media Profile, 1991;
Leonardia, 1988). Radio enjoys the largest popular following in the
Philippines. There are 360 stations, 85 percent of which are commercial.
Manila alone has 47 stations. Among the population 84 percent own a radio set
and over 80 percent of these owners listen over three hours a day. Unlike
television, film and the national newspapers, its orientation is targeted
towards the local community (Philippine Media Profile, 1991; Panares, 1988).
The Development of Television
Philippine television is unique in Asia in that it has been
privately owned and controlled as a commercial enterprise since its inception.
Following in the tradition of other Philippine media its owners have been large,
powerful families who saw the media as a means of defending their political and
economic empires. The first television station, DZAQ-TV, was established in
1953 by the brother of the Philippine president at the time. The station had
only a 50-mile broadcast radius and there were very few TV set owners to receive
the telecasts. In 1957 the Lopez family, which was to dominate the television
industry, set up two television stations also in the Manila area. Today their
ABS-CBN television network has the greatest reach in the Philippines and a
greater share of the audience than all the other networks combined.
The growth of television in the Philippines, until recently, has
been very slow as a result of both geography and the expense of purchasing a TV
set. With over 7,000 islands (1,000 of which are inhabited) and a mountainous
terrain, there are many natural boundaries to broadcast signals. In addition,
there was little motivation for broadcasters to surmount these obstacles because
very few people beyond Manila and a few other major urban centers could afford a
TV set. In any case, most of the early television programming, which largely
was comprised of imported programs from the United States, would have held less
appeal for provincial audiences. Yet the infrastructure of television continued
to grow so that by 1966 the airwaves began to suffer from overcrowding. By then
there were 18 privately owned stations and over one million viewers during the
prime-time hours of 7:00 PM to 10:00 PM. Eight of these stations were located
in Manila, while the other 10 were located in the provincial capitals of Cebu,
Bacolod, Baguio and Dagupan. The Lopez family was the first to establish a
provincial station in Cebu. By 1968 its ABS-CBN network had stations in Cebu,
Bacolod and Dagupan in addition to its two stations in Manila. However, with
180,000 TV sets in Manila and the remaining 74,000 spread out among the four
provincial centers with stations, television programming continued to be
targeted toward the Manila population. Even in the 1970s television penetration
in Manila was around 40 percent, while in the provinces it ranged from 0.5 to
3.0 percent (Maslog, 1988).
During the Marcos martial law period from 1972 to 1986, television
in the Philippines changed dramatically. Prior to the declaration of martial
law, television was based on the American commercial model in that it was
privately owned and independent of government control. In the initial days of
martial law President Marcos closed down all TV stations, except those which
were government-owned or owned by his friends. What was once one of the freest
media in Asia became overnight one of the most restricted. Owners were jailed
and many disillusioned media people found themselves out of work. Marcos
justified his actions by claiming that he wanted to unseat the powerful media
oligarchs. He could point to the fact that five families controlled 90 percent
of all media, and in television, stations owned by the Lopez family used 40
percent of all the wattage for transmitting TV signals. However, in dismantling
the old oligarchy he opted to create a new one, controlled by himself and his
friends. During the "people power revolution" of 1986, some of the only blood
shed was around TV stations, particularly the government station.
After martial law ended, television returned to its former
configuration. Today, the Lopez family has rebuilt its television empire and
most other stations have been returned to their former owners as well. Once
again independent of government control, television continues to be
Manila-centered and highly commercial. Terrestrial television, including the
government channel, relies entirely on advertising for its income. In turn,
advertisers are also very dependent on television with 65 percent of all
advertising billings being placed on television (Pusta and Abrera, 1996).
According to a comparative study of Asian television by Waterman and Rogers
(1994), it also has one of the highest number of total half hours broadcast in
Asia (only Japan is higher), but one of the lowest system incomes in Asia (only
Indonesia is lower). On the one hand, its high volume in broadcast hours is
the result of the large number of channels in the Metro Manila area: six VHF and
four UHF channels. Outside Manila there are 105 replay and relay stations. On
the other hand, most TV stations must keep advertising rates down because each
gets only a small piece of the total audience, most of which cannot afford many
luxury consumer goods. Only ABS-CBN, with its average 73 percent share of the
audience and an 85 percent geographic reach in the Philippines, can demand
higher rates. Among the other stations GMA-TV has an average share of 16
percent and the four other VHF channels split up most of the remaining audience
(TV International, 1994).
Satellite and Cable Television
In recent years, satellite and cable television has taken a strong
foothold in the Philippines. According to an industry report (TV International,
1994), 1.8 percent of households in the Philippines have cable. Although the
numbers are still small, it is anticipated that the percentage of homes with
cable will surpass the percentage of homes with telephones (only 4.6 percent in
1992) in the near future. Part of this optimism is bolstered by the fact that
the cable industry in the Philippines is attracting many foreign investors
because cable regulations may be liberalized in the near future. At this time,
cable companies must be 100 percent Philippine-owned, as are all other broadcast
entities. However, President Ramos plans to change that requirement so that
foreign investors can own up to 40 percent of cable companies, as is currently
the case in the telecommunications industry. This would involve reclassifying
cable TV as a "rebroadcast" industry. A proposed bill is now under review by
various advisory groups. Its advocates point out that foreign capital invested
in building the cable infrastructure will also bring much-needed improvements to
the telecommunications industry, which can share the same lines.
The Philippines is also attractive to foreign investors because it
is the third largest English-speaking country in the world with a healthy
economic growth rate much like its Asian neighbors (GDP growth has been over 5
percent in recent years). Some analysts predict that by 1999 there will be 2.5
million cable subscribers in the Philippines. Others are more conservative and
say that the number of subscribers will be around one million. As of 1995,
there were 347,000 subscribers to 350 cable systems run by 250 large and small
operators (National Telecommunications Commission, 1996). This represents a 50
percent growth in subscribers over the previous year's figure. Although per
capita income is still under US$800 per year and most Filipinos still cannot
afford cable, both local and foreign investors are optimistic about the future
of the industry. The Lopez family has once again taken the lead by investing
at this early stage in cable (just as they did in the early days of television)
by creating Sky Cable, which with 60,000 Metro Manila subscribers is the largest
cable company in the Philippines. They plan to expand into the Manila suburbs
and up north to the former "summer capital" of Baguio City in the near future.
Their system offers 30 plus channels, including the five STAR TV channels, Asian
Business News, Australian TV, several non-English or non-Tagalog channels and
six local channels. This "basic package' costs subscribers 400 pesos (or the
equivalent of US$16) per month. Sky Cable also offers a "premium package" of
channels, such as STAR Movie Channel, HBO Asia, ESPN Asia and the Discovery
Channel. Although most of the cable channels appeal to an upscale market, they
are targeting the middle-income group with a Tagalog movie channel. This is the
same programming strategy which has won them a huge share of the terrestrial
television audience for their ABS-CBN network.
Other cable operators are scattered throughout the Philippines.
Many of them have banded together because they cannot afford the asking price
for foreign premium channels. Some small operators have worked out special
package deals with international programmers and many resort to piracy with
VCR-driven channels showing Tagalog movies from the local video rental shop.
Most small systems offer approximately 15 channels, which is much higher than
the average two or three channels in most provincial areas.
Television Viewing and Ownership
It is estimated that, among a population of 65 million, 57 percent
of households own one TV set and 27 percent own two or more. In addition, 34
percent of households own a VCR. The high percentage of VCR households is due
in part to the large number of overseas workers who purchase this technology
abroad and transport it home on their return. However, television ownership
still varies substantially between urban and rural residents, and between social
classes. Generally, television penetration is greatest among urban dwellers and
the upper and middle classes. In urban areas, television penetration stands at
75 percent, while in rural areas it is only 39 percent. Likewise, nearly 100
percent of the upper classes own two or more TV sets and 94 percent of the
middle class own one set, but only 46 percent of the lower classes are TV set
owners. Yet in absolute numbers, it is the lower classes who comprise the
largest group of TV households (Pusta and Abrera, 1996).
Upper class 400,000 TV HH
Middle class 2,100,000 TV HH
Lower class 4,100,000 TV HH
Obviously, it among the lower class where the greatest growth can
take place, and this growth has been steadily accelerating in recent years. In
Manila, 91 percent of households own a TV set. This means that most of the
urban poor have purchased TV sets, usually at some sacrifice. Outside Manila,
the lower classes are showing a similar trend, which will probably continue as
their exposure to television grows.
A study of TV viewing in a remote province of the Philippines
(Kenny, 1996) revealed that three-quarters of those who did not own a TV set
viewed television on a regular basis. In most cases, they viewed at a
neighbor's home. On average, non-owners reported that they watched about 7 to
10 hours per week. When asked if they intended to buy a TV set, 59 percent said
that they were planning to purchase one, and nearly all of these thought that it
was important or very important to do so. It is important to note that
intention to buy was closely associated with regular viewing. This indicates
that television will continue to grow in remote areas of the Philippines in the
near future, particularly as viewing habits are established among non-owners.
Generally speaking, Filipinos watch about 200 minutes of television
daily. This high level of viewing is only second to that of Japanese viewers.
Peak viewing times are between noon and 1:00 PM, and in the prime-time hours
from 7:00 PM to 10:00 PM. The Philippines is one of the few Asian countries to
have such a large noon-time audience, one which is nearly as large as the
prime-time audience. Television ratings are driven by middle and lower class
viewing because not only do they comprise the bulk of the audience, but they
view more on average as well (Pusta and Abrera, 1996).
Television Program Content
In the early years of Philippine television, programs were
predominantly American and in English. Local production costs were considerably
higher than purchasing foreign imports. Given that most of the audience was
upper-class and quite comfortable with the English language and the American
culture, this did not present much of a problem. As a result, the process of
Filipinizing Philippine television has been a slow one. In 1983, 60 percent of
all TV programs were still imported from the United States (Tan, Tan and Tan,
1987). More recent estimates (Panares, 1988; TV International, 1994) indicate
that this ratio has been reversed. For at least the past eight years the number
of foreign programs has stabilized at approximately 40 percent, while domestic
programs have risen to and have remained at approximately 60 percent of all
programs aired.
The ABS-CBN channel has been the trend setter in this programming
shift. By 1993, nearly 87 percent of their programs were domestically produced
(TV International, 1994). Realizing that the ratings were driven by the middle
and lower classes who were less fluent in English, ABS-CBN was able harness its
considerable resources to increase local Tagalog-language productions geared
toward this audience and capture a 70 percent share of the audience. It now has
devoted one prime-time evening per week exclusively to American imports. Other
channels are also slowly increasing the number of their local productions, but
most lack the resources to do so quickly. Only GMA-TV has been able to follow
as a distant second in both number of local productions (65 percent) and share
of the audience (16 percent). For the three remaining commercial VHF channels
local production remains at about 40 percent.
The success of locally produced programs is apparent in a list of
the 30 top-rated TV programs in the Philippines. Of the top 30 programs, 26
were produced by ABS-CBN and four were produced by GMA-TV. None of the other
channels had a single show in the top 30. Of the six foreign programs which
made the list, all were American and four were cartoons. The most popular
program formats are drama anthologies and sitcoms, followed closely by local
movies and variety or musical variety programs. Most of these rely upon
well-known stars for their drawing power. Of course, ABS-CBN can out-bid all
the other channels in recruiting stars who have signed exclusive contracts with
the channel.
It is noteworthy that three public affairs programs were among the
highest rated programs. Much of their appeal can be attributed to their
identification with the "common man" and their sensationalistic approach to news
stories. Some channels, such as RPN-TV, have tried to turn their reliance on
foreign programs into an asset, claiming that they can deliver to advertisers an
upper and upper-middle class audience at a low overhead cost to themselves.
Imported TV Programs
Throughout the history of television in the Philippines, the
government has not set any quotas on the number of imported TV programs, which a
channel could broadcast. With the actual number of foreign imports diminishing,
there are no plans at present to impose a quota in the foreseeable future.
Aside from diminishing numbers, it is also apparent from the small percentage of
foreign programs in Table 1 that local programs are much more popular. Such a
conclusion is supported by an audience survey conducted in 1992 in the province
of Negros Oriental (Kenny, 1994). When asked to name their three favorite TV
programs, respondents only occasionally mentioned foreign programs as among
their favorites, and those who did were almost entirely from the middle and
upper classes. Difficulty in comprehending foreign programs was cited as a
major reason why many in the lower class preferred Tagalog programs. In
addition, most respondents said that they were just more comfortable watching
local actors in local settings, who were involved in culturally familiar
situations. Only cable subscribers showed a marked preference for foreign
programs.
Yet despite their diminishing numbers and the rising popularity of
Tagalog TV programs, it cannot be denied that foreign, and particularly
American, television has been and remains a powerful presence in the
Philippines. Many academics within the Philippines are critical of foreign
programs, which they say are filled with foreign images and lifestyles that
perpetuate a "colonial mentality." One communications researcher (Barcelona,
1988) offered that foreign programs do not reflect Filipino values and may even
present contradictory messages, in the areas of religious, family and social
values. She also speculated that foreign programs may influence Filipinos' way
of thinking, as well as their manner of talking, dressing and relating to
others. Moreover, these programs may raise expectations by portraying
lifestyles and tastes, which the local economy cannot support.
Others are critical of both foreign and local TV programs. Some
of these critics blame centuries of colonialism and decades of authoritarianism
under Marcos for what they call a "culture of centralism," in which 97 percent
of all TV programs originate from either foreign sources or Manila
(Rosario-Braid and Tuazon, 1988). In addition, they say that local programs
remain highly imitative of imports and deal with situations which are only
relevant to the elite of Manila. Television, in their view, then has only
widened the gap between Manila and the rural areas of the Philippines. Instead
of fulfilling its promise of promoting understanding and national unity, they
believe that it has become a barrier to rural development and that, at best, its
impact is minor because it is irrelevant to "rural needs, interests and
problems."
Rosario-Braid (1987) blames the low quality and irrelevance of
local TV programs on the Philippines' adoption of the American commercial
broadcast system. It is perhaps even more highly commercial than the United
States in its unrestrained profit orientation with a bare minimum of lip-service
to the public interest. Yet, unlike the U.S., its basic needs are much greater
with a fast-growing, mostly impoverished population, depleted natural
resources, and pollution levels which are among the highest in the world.
Therefore, broadcasters obvious attempts to appeal to the "lowest common
denominator" through producing "whatever sells" could only benefit the interests
of the transnational companies who advertise heavily on Philippine television
and the country's elite families who own most of the media. Another writer was
equally critical of local TV programs, characterizing them as catering to the
audience's sensationalistic and melodramatic appetites with "stories about
illegitimate children, forsaken wives, abused women, moribund fathers, poor
girl/rich boy, poor boy/rich girl stories..." (Panares, 1988, p. 213). Even the
news and public affairs programs, which have found a sizable following, tend
toward sensationalistic presentations.
Many of these writers' observations are thought-provoking and have
a certain amount of face validity, particularly with regard to program content
and style and its appropriateness for a Filipino audience. Unfortunately, there
is little systematic research to support their assertions about how television
content, both foreign and local, is perceived by this audience or about its
actual impact upon their beliefs and values.
There is, however, one highly suggestive study conducted over a
decade ago. Tan, Tan and Tan (1987) asked half of their sample of 225 seniors
in three Philippine high schools to name their top 10 TV programs. Six of these
were American, indicating that there has been a dramatic decline in the
popularity in these programs in the last ten years. More importantly, these
same students were asked to rate the degree to which certain terminal and
instrumental values were present or absent in American TV programs. The
terminal values judged to be most present in these programs included pleasure,
an exciting life, freedom, happiness, true friendship and mature love, whereas
those which were least present included salvation, inner harmony, self-respect
and a world at peace. The top instrumental values, on the other hand, were
thought to be loving, independence, ambition and imagination, while least
present were being polite, clean, forgiving and honest. The other half of the
sample was asked to rank the same list of values in the order of their
importance to them. When their list was compared to the list of perceived
values in American TV programs, there was little correspondence between the two.
In fact, in a substantial number of cases the values at the top of one list were
at the bottom of the other, or vice versa. In other words, some of the values
perceived to be most prevalent in American TV programs were considered less
important by these students, while values which they prized were less prevalent.
This finding lends some support to the claim that American TV programs offer, if
not contradictory, then a different emphasis in their value messages. It also
concluded that, on four of the values, heavy viewers of American TV programs
were more likely to hold personal value rankings consistent with the perceived
program rankings. For example, heavy viewers were significantly more likely to
rate pleasure higher as a value than were light viewers. The researchers felt
that this indicated that heavy exposure to American TV programs might be causing
some erosion of Filipino values.
Method
The purpose of this study was twofold: first, to study the flow of
foreign TV programs into the Philippines, and second, to investigate how these
programs are perceived by their audience. The corresponding research questions
were, first, whether foreign TV programs dominate the airwaves in the
Philippines, and second, whether the audience perceives their presence as a
threat to their culture and values. The first question is essential in
interpreting the responses to the second question, because it provides the
programming context. Foreign TV programs, after all, are viewed by their
audiences within a context of a mix of local and foreign programs distributed
throughout the program schedule. Their countries of origin, their program
formats, their time slots and the channels on which they appear will shape the
perceptions and the viewing patterns of the audience. The second question, then,
focuses on audience perceptions: do they watch foreign programs, what they like
and dislike about them, what do they perceive to be the differences between
foreign and local programs, are they a threat or a benefit to their culture?
This study then is divided into two separate sections:
1. Quantitative analysis of one week of programs on Philippine
television.
2. Television audience survey comparing Filipinos' perceptions of
foreign and domestic TV programs in terms of their quality and the values
portrayed in each.
1. Quantitative TV Program Analysis
The objective of this section of the study was to determine, first,
the size of the presence of foreign TV programs on Philippine television in
terms of number and duration, second, where they appear in the program schedule
in terms of time slot, third, their distribution among the available broadcast
channels, fourth, the program types which are more likely to be imported, and,
fifth, the countries from which they originate.
As mentioned above, the presence of foreign TV programs was
determined by both their number and their duration or air-time. The relative
number of foreign TV programs is not only a useful indicator of their presence
on Philippine television, but is also an important measure of the variety of
programs. Duration, on the other hand, is probably a more accurate measure of
the size of the presence because it takes into account the length of the program
and the number of days it airs in a week. This distinction could be critical if
foreign programs tend to be shorter than domestic programs or vice versa.
A program's time slot indicates to some extent its relative
importance to programmers and the likelihood that many people will see it.
Programs scheduled in prime-time slots are much more likely to be viewed than
those scheduled in marginal time slots, such as late night or early morning.
They can also alter the composition of the audience in terms of demographics.
Programs scheduled in afternoon time slots generally attract housewives,
students, domestic helpers, the elderly and the unemployed.
A program's channel was also an important consideration because
some channels, like ABS-CBN, generally are watched by a very large share of the
audience, while other stations, like those in the UHF spectrum, are hardly
watched by anyone. In the overall analysis, VHF and UHF channels will be
analyzed separately because the addition of programs on the UHF channels, which
have a tiny audience at this time, may distort the overall picture of Philippine
television. It will also be useful to look at individual channels within the
VHF spectrum because of variations in viewership and ownership (i.e., government
vs. private).
Programs were also coded according to their program type. For the
purposes of this study, coders were instructed to place each program into one of
20 program type categories. These categories are delineated on the coding sheet
in Appendix 1. The analysis will check to see if imported programs are more
likely to be included in a certain program type. As mentioned earlier, for
example, four of the six top-rated foreign programs (i.e., those which appear on
the top 30 list) were cartoons. Whether cartoons make up a high proportion of
the overall foreign program mix needs to be checked.
Finally, country of origin was the most significant measure for
this study. Although American programs have in the past comprised the vast
majority of foreign imports, this analysis will check to see if this dominance
is changing and the degree to which other countries' programs, in addition to
those of the United States, are seen in the Philippines.
This study analyzed TV programs aired during the second week of
May, 1995. The researcher chose the month of May because it was the most
current program schedule available at the time and it coincided with the
collection period of the audience survey portion of the study. Within this
month, one week was randomly selected. All programs were coded using a program
list and supplemental information provided by each of the channels. Some
additional information on country of origin and program type was provided by
Media Pulse, a TV ratings company. Every program within the week was coded
according to country of origin, program type, program length, the number of days
within that week it was aired, time slot, and channel.
This study included nine of the broadcast channels available within
the Metro Manila area. Only one UHF channel was not included in the study.
Channel 23 was not included because it merely rebroadcasts STAR-TV's Channel
"V," a music video channel. Although the fact that one channel is entirely
devoted to foreign programming, unedited and originating from Hong Kong, is
significant to this study and should be noted, it was not included in this
analysis because its content could not be coded into distinct "programs." Also,
there is no selection of foreign or local programs or content by local station
programmers, other than the initial choice to rebroadcast the entire channel.
However, the significance of this channel will be taken up later in the
discussion section.
2. Audience Survey
The objective of the survey portion of the study was three-part:
first, to determine how Filipino audiences evaluate the relative quality of
their own and foreign programs; second, to investigate viewer's perceptions of
the relative importance which foreign and domestic TV programs give to specific
values; and, third, to examine their opinions in terms of the impact that
viewing foreign TV programs might be having on Filipinos.
In many cases, respondents were asked to compare their own domestic
programs to foreign programs, particularly when asked to judge either program
quality or program values. Questions were framed in this manner because those
who view foreign programs usually do so within a context of a local and foreign
programming mix. This approach assumes that what viewers think of either
foreign or local programs, whether in terms of quality or values, is generally
based on comparisons they make between the two. Such direct comparisons will
also determine the extent to which Filipino viewers distinguish between local
and foreign programs on a number of important variables.
The questionnaire itself is divided into four sections: (1) media
use, (2) evaluation of foreign and local TV programs, (3) perceived values in
and impact of foreign TV programs, and (4) demographics. The English version of
the questionnaire can be found in Appendix 2. In order to ensure ease of
comprehension among all respondents and to standardize the phrasing of the
questions, the questionnaire was translated into Tagalog, the national language
as well as the particular dialect of the region in which the survey was
conducted.
The media use section sought to determine, first, whether
respondents owned a TV set, how many hours per day they viewed television and
how frequently they viewed each of the ten broadcast channels; second, whether
respondents owned a VCR or laser disk and how frequently they viewed them;
third, whether they subscribed to cable television, whether they intended to
subscribe in the future and the reasons why they would or would not subscribe;
and fourth, how often they attended films in a theater.
The evaluation of foreign program section explored respondents'
general feelings about foreign and local TV programs as well as their
perceptions regarding more specific aspects of each, which might explain their
overall attitudes. Before asking any questions regarding foreign TV programs,
respondents were asked to name their five favorite TV programs. This allowed an
objective measure of how often foreign programs would be included among their
favorite programs. This was followed by a direct question which asked the
frequency of their viewing foreign TV programs from four countries or regions:
America, Europe, Australia and Asia. In order to gauge which types of foreign
programs were the most popular, respondents were asked to list their three
favorite foreign TV programs. Although there might be some overlap with the
other favorite TV program question, it was possible that foreign programs might
only be infrequently mentioned in that list.
As a general perceptual measure of whether respondents felt that
the presence of foreign programs was large or small, one question asked
respondents to estimate the percentage of foreign TV programs on Philippine
television. Next, they were asked if they thought that this percentage was "too
much," "just right" or "too little." Follow-up questions then probed whether
respondents generally liked or disliked watching foreign programs, and
specifically what qualities they liked and disliked in these programs.
A series of questions and matrices followed which asked respondents
to compare foreign and local TV programs on a number of specific aspects,
including which programs had higher quality productions and which were more
interesting to watch. Next, in the two matrices which follow, respondents made
direct comparisons between foreign and local TV programs on, first, various
program elements, such as their credibility, entertainment values and
information, and second, certain program types, such as news, dramas, sitcoms
and sports. To evaluate whether Filipino audiences had problems comprehending
foreign TV programs four questions asked the extent to which they understood the
story, the characters' actions, the humor and the language in these programs.
Lastly, in order to discover whether satisfaction with local TV programs was
related to seeking out foreign programs, respondents were asked whether they
were satisfied with local TV programs and if they felt that the local programs
needed to be improved.
The perceived values section also moves from the general to the
specific in its line of questioning. Respondents were asked whether foreign TV
programs have had a good or bad influence on, first, the quality, and second,
the values portrayed in local TV programs. A few questions later they were
asked whether their influence has been good or bad for Philippine society, and
then, to list precisely what they feel the good and bad influences are. To
address this same question more specifically, respondents rated the extent to
which foreign television has had an influence on manner of dress, language,
food, thinking, values and lifestyle in the Philippines.
A value matrix follows in which respondents were asked to
judge whether each value was more often portrayed in foreign or Philippine TV
programs, or whether it was equally portrayed in both. A list of 22 values were
selected, mostly from the original list of values drawn up by those who
participated in the AMIC planning session for this multiple country study. The
intent of this matrix was to discover, first, whether respondents perceived a
difference in portrayal of values in foreign and local entertainment programs,
and second, if they do perceive a difference, which values are perceived to be
more prevalent in foreign programs and which values are associated with local
programs. The values include those which can be classified as positive,
negative or neutral.
Another matrix of 15 opinion statements concerning foreign
television immediately follows. These could also be regarded as positive,
negative or neutral. Seven statements clearly indicate that influence of foreign
programs on aspects of Philippine life, such as values, sexual conduct, family
and language, are negative. Five statements indicate a positive influence on
other aspects, such as being good for children, understanding other cultures,
broadening Filipinos world outlook, increasing knowledge, and being less violent
than local programs. Two neutral statements could possibly be seen as either
positive or negative, depending on one's viewpoint. These included statements
regarding the regulation of foreign TV programs and the influence of foreign
programs on rising expectations for a better life. A third neutral statement
merely says that the values in foreign programs are much different than those in
Filipino programs.
The demographic section includes questions about the
respondents' gender, marital status, age, education, household income,
occupation, and area of residence. In order to ascertain the impact of English
language skills on perceptions of foreign TV programs, a final question asked
them to judge their own proficiency in the English language.
The data collection of the survey took place between the
first week of May and the first week of June 1995, using a door-to-door
interview method. A total of 300 respondents were randomly selected from the
Metro Manila area, and a total of 200 from two provincial areas outside Manila.
In Metro Manila, five areas were randomly selected: Novatos, Las Pinas,
Mandaluyong, Manila, and Quezon City. Within each of these areas, two or three
neighborhoods or villages were again randomly selected. Interviewers then used
a systematic random sampling technique to locate households to be interviewed.
For the provincial sample, two towns, each approximately 60 miles outside Metro
Manila, were selected because they were rural in character and sufficiently
outside Manila to be beyond its direct influence. Approximately 100 respondents
were interviewed from each town: Laguna to the south and Bulacan to the north.
In each of these towns the interviewers divided the town into areas and randomly
sampled households with each area, again using skip intervals.
The survey used a door-to-door interview method because of
the low penetration of telephones in the Philippines. Twenty undergraduates
enrolled in a summer internship course at the College of Mass Communication at
the University of the Philippines at Diliman were trained to conduct the surveys
as part of the course requirements. They were also paid for each completed
survey. The students conducted most of the surveys on the weekends to ensure a
more diverse and representative group of respondents. After a household was
randomly selected, interviewers used the Kirsh sampling grid to randomly choose
a particular household member to be interviewed.
The sample was generally comparable to distributions within
the Philippine population on some of the demographic variables. The average age
of respondents, for example, was 31.5 and 54 percent were married. However, in
other respects there was an over-representation of some groups, such as women
and the upper class, and an under-representation of others. Women comprised 65
percent of the sample. This is a common problem for most surveys conducted in
the Philippines, given that men are less often at home and are more likely to
refuse to respond. Likewise, respondents income were somewhat higher than that
found in the general population. Although 44 percent of this sample would be
classified as lower class, the actual number in the population is 77 percent.
This can be explained because of the difficulty involved in trying to interview
the very poor and the fact that the bulk of the sample came from Manila, where
only 53 percent are considered lower class. This oversampling of higher income
groups is also reflected in the education levels of the sample, in which 48
percent have taken at least some college level courses. Although this sample is
not as representative of the general population as might be desirable, it is
close enough to permit qualified generalizations to the population. In addition,
all demographic groups are adequately represented to allow between group
comparisons.
Results I: Program Analysis
Overview of Philippine Television
The following analysis of one week's programs included a total of
645 programs from nine broadcast channels, six VHF and three UHF channels,
received in the Metro Manila area. There were no programs from any of the nine
channels which were excluded. During this one week, a total of 933 hours of
programs were broadcast. On average, the program day was about two and half
hours longer on the VHF channels (15.6 hours per day) than on the UHF channels
(13.1 hours per day). The UHF channels are fairly recent additions to the
broadcast industry, and, therefore, have less advertising revenue and much
smaller budgets with which to produce or even buy programs to fill their
schedules. Although it is in the VHF spectrum, the government channel also
struggles under similar financial constraints. It broadcasts only 10.8 hours
per day.
For all channels, program schedules were filled between the hours
of 12 noon to 12 midnight. Although most channels also had full morning
schedules, those with fewer daily program hours overall tended to have less
programming in the morning. This was particularly true for the UHF channels, for
which only 3.4 percent of their programs were scheduled in the morning.
Unlike their counterparts in Hong Kong and in some other Asian
countries, Philippine TV programmers generally do not use strip programming to
fill their schedules. The vast majority of programs (84 percent) were aired
once a week in the program schedule. Of the remainder, 10 percent were aired
five days a week. On the other hand, most programs were longer than 30 minutes
in length. Below is a percentage breakdown for all Philippine television
programs according to program length:
30 minutes 43%
60 minutes 34%
90 minutes plus 22%
Generally, UHF channels were more likely to have 90 minute plus
programs (32 percent) because of the large number of movies in their schedules.
By far, the most prevalent type of program to be found on
Philippine television is the cartoon. More than one out every six programs
(17.4 percent) are cartoons, and on VHF channels it is nearly one out of every
five (19.2 percent). The second and third most prevalent program types,
respectively, are movies (13.5 percent) and serial dramas (11.6 percent). Taken
together, cartoons, movies and serial dramas constitute 42 percent of all
programs aired in the Philippines. However, if the actual airtime of the
different program types are taken into account, a different rank ordering of
program types emerges. Movies are the most prevalent in terms of airtime (19.1
percent) because of their longer format. Cartoons slip to number four (9.4
percent) because of their shorter format. Other noteworthy changes include the
higher rankings of music variety and news. Music variety programs usually have
60 to 90 minute formats, while news programs have multiple airings during the
week. Despite some shifts between the number and airtime rank orders of the
program formats, the prevalence of cartoons, movies, serial dramas, and music
variety programs is clear. In terms of either airtime or frequency, these four
program types constitute nearly half of all programs.
News, documentary, public affairs, and news magazine programs also
provided a significant portion of Philippine airtime. Together, they comprise
one out of six programs (17 percent), and on the VHF channels they comprise one
out of five. On the UHF channels, news, public affairs and news magazine
programs are rarely seen. Only documentaries enjoy equal status on both UHF and
VHF channels. Religious programs are quite prevalent, particularly in the case
of their airtime on the VHF channels where they rank number four. However, on
the UHF channels, religious programs are practically non-existent.
Although most VHF channels rely primarily on cartoons, movies,
serial dramas and music variety programs, there are some noteworthy deviations
from this norm. The most prevalent program type on the government channel, for
example, is the documentary. It also depends heavily on sports programs to
fill its schedule and for advertising revenue. Religious programs, on the other
hand, are the most prevalent types on Channel 7, GMA-TV, and on Channel 13,
IBC-TV. The management of both channels have stated that they have a strong
commitment to this type of programming. Among the UHF channels the differences
are more distinct, as each tries to find its unique niche. On Channel 21,
one-quarter of all programs are documentaries, while on Channel 29 one-third of
all programs are cartoons. Channel 31, on the other hand, relies on movies for
more than half of its programming.
The typical Philippine program day on the VHF channels begins and
ends with a heavy dose of religion, both in the early morning (32 percent) and
in the late night (18 percent). As mentioned before, the peak viewing times are
between 12 noon and 2:00 PM and in prime-time between 7:00 PM and 11:00 PM. The
lunch time program schedule is dominated by music variety programs (28 percent).
The prime-time hours are comprised mostly of dramas (31 percent), movies (17
percent), news (11 percent) and sitcoms (10 percent). During late night hours,
news is the most prevalent program type (35 percent). In the late afternoon, it
is cartoons and dramas which are most frequently found, while cartoons and
children's program prevail in the morning. On UHF channels, movies dominate in
most time periods throughout the day.
Foreign and Local Programs
In terms of actual numbers of programs, programs from the United
States account for 51 percent of all programs on Philippine television. Local
Philippine productions account for 43 percent. The rest originate either from
Asia (5 percent) or from Western countries other than the U.S. (2 percent).
However, Table 1 illustrates that there is a considerable difference between VHF
and UHF channels in their foreign to local program ratios. Since the UHF
channels are rarely watched, the VHF channels are more important to consider.
When UHF channels are eliminated from the analysis and VHF channels are examined
by themselves, the ratio of U.S. to Philippine programs is reversed. For the
VHF channels, 51 percent of the programs are Philippine produced, while only 40
percent originate in the U.S. The UHF channels had a strong impact on the
overall ratio because of their heavy reliance on U.S. programs (76 percent).
Their minuscule budgets permit them to produce only a small number of local
programs.
If program duration and the number of days a program is aired
during the week (or airtime) is considered, then the percentage of Philippine
programs on VHF channels grows to 67 percent while the percentage of U.S.
programs shrinks to 27 percent. There are two explanations for this change in
the ratio. First, Philippine programs are more likely, when compared with U.S.
programs, to be aired five days a week (17.5 percent vs. 1.6 percent). Many of
these programs are local news programs. Second, Philippine programs are more
likely to be 60 or 90 minutes in duration (56 percent vs. 32 percent). On the
VHF channels, 65 percent of all imported U.S. programs are 30 minutes in length
compared to only 30 percent of Philippine programs. In the Philippines even
sitcoms tend to be 60 or 90 minutes in length.
The foreign to local ratio can vary considerably between different
channels. The government channel has the highest ratio of local programs (75.7
percent). This is followed closely by the two ratings leaders, ABS-CBN (74.6
percent) and GMA-TV (68.6 percent). Two of the VHF channels have high
percentages of U.S. programs: ABC-TV (51.7 percent) and RPN-TV (46.1 percent).
Among the UHF channels only one, Channel 29, has a local production percentage
(51.3 percent) which is comparable to those found on the VHF channels. The
other two UHF channels are strongly dependent on U.S. programs. Asian programs
are a rarity on most channels. However, three channels devote between 9.5 and
16.5 percent of their schedule to Asian programs. Only one UHF channel, 21, is
responsible for airing most of the other western programs from Europe or
Australia.
U.S. programs are shown about as often as Philippine programs in
prime-time on the VHF channels, but during the other peak viewing time, 12 noon
to 2:00 PM, Philippine programs are strongly dominant. Otherwise, there is no
evidence that U.S. programs are aired during marginal times. However, more than
half of the Asian TV programs are aired in the morning hours and the rest are
shown in the early evening hours of 5:00 PM to 7:00 PM. None are shown during
either of the peak viewing times.
As can be seen in Table 2, the Philippines is the main source of
programs for most program types. This is particularly true on the VHF channels
where programs such as news, all types of talk shows, music variety,
instructional and educational programs are almost entirely produced in the
Philippines. Most of the other program types, like news magazines, sports,
religious programs, game shows, documentaries and sitcoms, draw about one third
of their programs from foreign sources. Only serial dramas, movies and cartoons
originate primarily in the U.S. The majority of children's programs originate
in either the U.S., Asia or Australia. Nearly 70 percent of the programs which
originate from Asia are children's shows (25 percent), cartoons (25 percent),
and movies (18 percent).
Results II: Audience Survey
The results of the audience survey will be discussed in three
parts: media use, evaluation of foreign programs and perceived values in foreign
and local TV programs.
Media Use
Among the respondents in this survey, 96 percent own a TV set.
Obviously, this is much higher than the national estimate of 57 percent. There
are two probable reasons for this high level of ownership among these
respondents. First, three-fifths of the sample comes from Manila where TV
ownership is estimated at 91 percent. The remaining two-thirds come from
provincial areas which are far enough away to be outside the daily Manila
experience, but close enough to be influenced by some consumption and lifestyle
patterns. These areas also receive many of the same channels (except for the
UHF channels). Second, as explained before, the income levels of the respondents
are somewhat higher than that found in the general population.
Three-quarters of the households owned at least one color TV set,
and 34 percent owned at least one black and white set. The percentages add up
to more than 96 percent because of multiple TV set households. Over a third of
the households (34 percent) owned more than one TV set. As might be expected,
income is strongly related to multiple set ownership (gamma= .52): 54 percent of
those in the upper-third of income-earning households (over 18,000 pesos per
month) own more than one TV set as compared to only 18 percent in the
lower-third of income-earning households (under 6,000 pesos per month) . The
same strong relationship exists between income and owning a color TV set (gamma=
.60): 95 percent of the high income group are color TV set owners as compared
to
55 percent of the low income group.
The average viewer spends close to four hours watching television
every day (mean= 3.8 hours). ABS-CBN and GMA are the first choices of most
viewers. Among the other VHF channels, ABC and RPN are distant second level
choices of viewers, while PTV, the government channel, and IBC are the least
frequently viewed. This rank ordering of channel viewership generally
corroborates the findings of the TV rating services. UHF channels have very low
viewership, but they seem to be building an audience with a small percentage
sampling them regularly. In fact, their viewing percentages are slightly higher
when Manila audiences are considered alone, because Laguna residents do not
receive any of the UHF channels and Bulacan residents receive only Channels 21
and 31.
One factor, which has a major influence on whether respondents
viewed UHF channels, is their proficiency in English. Table 3 illustrates that
the likelihood of "never" watching any of the UHF channels, most of which rely
on English language programs to fill their program schedules, is substantially
higher among those whose English is self-rated as less than "adequate." English
proficiency makes no difference in levels of viewing for any of the VHF
channels, except one. RPN, which is known for its focus on English language
programs, is more likely to be watched by English proficient viewers (gamma=
.26). Among those who have less than "adequate" English skills, only 36
percent
watch RPN at least once a week. This compares to 46 percent of those with
"adequate" skills and 65 percent of those with "good" or "very good" skills who
watch RPN at least once a week.
Approximately one-third of the households sampled (34 percent)
owned a VCR. As was the case with multiple TV set and color TV set ownership,
income was strongly related to owning a VCR (gamma= .54). 58 percent of those
making more than P18,000 (US$720) per month owned a VCR, whereas only 17 percent
of those making less than P6,000 per month (US$240) owned one. However, not
owning a VCR did not necessarily mean that a respondent "never" or "rarely"
viewed one. Following a similar pattern to TV viewing among non-owners, a
substantial number (37 percent) of VCR non-owners watch videotaped programs or
films on a regular basis, anywhere from "several times a year" to "3 or more
times a week." Of course, those who have VCRs in their households watch much
more frequently: 59 percent are frequent viewers watching at least once per
week, while another 22 percent are occasional viewers and the remaining 18
percent watch "rarely" or "never."
Cable subscribers, on the other hand, are still few in number.
Only 5 percent overall, and 8 percent in Manila, had cable television. However,
23 percent definitely plan to subscribe in the future, and another 19 percent
think that it is possible they will subscribe. This indicates a great potential
growth in cable TV subscribers in the coming years as more and more areas become
wired. A major obstacle for many who hesitate about subscribing or who have no
plans to subscribe is cost. Currently, 17 percent of the highest income groups
(over P18,000 per month) have cable and nearly half (49 percent) of this same
group plan to get cable in the future. In the lowest income groups (under
P6,000 per month), only one percent have cable and 11 percent have any plans to
get it in the future. Furthermore, when asked to explain their reasons why they
would or would not get cable in the future, negative answers focused on the
expense for the most part, while the rest either expressed apathy or were
uninformed about it. Among the smaller number of positive responses, "more
channels" was the major reason for getting cable. Very few mentioned specific
programs or program types as a reason.
As for movie attendance, 45 percent of the respondents could be
classified as regular movie goers (attending at least once per month).
Frequency of attending movies was unrelated to viewing television or VCRs.
Evaluation of Foreign Programs
Given that respondents watched an average 3.8 hours of television
daily, the reported frequency of viewing foreign TV programs is only a small
percentage of those hours. Only 14 percent said that they viewed American TV
programs on a daily basis. As can be seen in Table 4, less than a quarter of
viewers (24 percent) said that they viewed U.S. programs five to seven days per
week, while 83 percent said that they viewed ABS-CBN alone five to seven days
per week. However, nearly three-quarters of the respondents (73 percent) could
be classified as regular viewers (i.e., viewed at least once a week). Other
foreign-produced programs from Europe or Australia were watched by very few
respondents on a regular basis (less than 10 percent in each case). Asian TV
programs had more regular viewers (25 percent) than programs from Europe and
Australia combined, but viewing levels were still much lower than those for
American programs.
The overwhelming popularity of local programs over foreign programs
was also evident when respondents were asked to name their favorite programs.
Among respondents' top 10 favorite programs, there is only one foreign program,
"Baywatch." Among the top 30 favorite programs, the ratio between foreign and
local programs is not quite so lopsided, but local programs still outnumber
foreign programs by more than three to one (23 local, 7 foreign). Respondents
were also asked to name just their favorite foreign programs. All of the top 20
foreign favorites are American. Eight of these are action-adventure programs,
one of which is reality-based (Rescue 911). As for the rest, three are foreign
movie programs, another three are serial dramas, two are cartoons, two are sport
programs, one is news and one is a circus program featuring well-known stars.
The one dominant feature of many of these programs is action. In addition to
the action-adventure programs themselves, many of the movies from the U.S. which
are shown are also action-adventure based. The same is true of the two cartoons
on the list, as well as the sport and circus programs. Altogether then, 16 of
the 20 favorite foreign TV programs are action-based.
As Table 5 illustrates, respondents were most likely to say that
the number of foreign programs on Philippine television were "less than half"
that of local Philippine programs. However, many felt that the number was
"half," and a slightly smaller number felt that it was "more than half." As was
demonstrated in the quantitative analysis of programs aired on Philippine
television, the amount of foreign programming varies according to the measure
which is used and the channels which are included in the analysis. If one
considers all the channels without regard for the number of days a program is
aired or the duration of the program, the correct answer would be "more than
half." If one considers the number of programs only on the VHF channels which
are the most watched, "half" would be the most accurate answer. Finally, if
airtime is most important consideration, then "less than half" is the most
correct estimate. However, since most do not watch UHF channels and the
question specifically asks respondents to compare the "number" of programs,
"half" or "less than half" would be the closest to the truth. Respondents then
were fairly accurate in their assessment of the numbers of foreign programs.
No matter what they perceived to be the proportion of foreign to
local programs, a large majority (73 percent) felt that the number of foreign
programs was "just right." Some even thought the number was "too little." All
in all, there were very few respondents (14 percent) who believed that the
number of foreign programs was "too much." Even fewer (10 percent) would say
that they "dislike" foreign programs. Once again, the majority (70 percent)
said that they either "like" or "like very much" to watch foreign programs.
When asked what they liked and what they disliked about foreign
programs, respondents gave nearly twice as many positive responses as they did
negative responses. Positive comments centered on what they saw as the superior
presentational qualities of foreign programs, including their realism,
entertainment aspects, production quality, special effects, and actors. These
elements accounted for 80 percent of the positive responses. Over half of the
negative comments (52 percent) were concerned with the sex, violence and obscene
language in foreign programs. Most of the other negative responses (35 percent)
dealt with problems of comprehension or some form of perceived culture gap which
prevented their enjoyment of the program. When respondents were asked to name
the foreign program they "liked the least," only Chinese feature movies were
mentioned by a sizable number of respondents (8 percent). However, it is
interesting to note that 58 percent could or would not name a foreign program
they liked the least, while only 20 percent could or would not name a foreign
program that they liked the best.
The perceived supremacy of foreign programs' production quality is
also apparent in the series of questions which directly compare production and
content elements in local and foreign programs. Most respondents (58 percent)
judged foreign programs to be better in quality, and nearly half (44 percent)
thought that they were more interesting than local programs. In each case, only
28 percent rated local programs as better.
Respondents also gave the edge to foreign programs in all aspects,
when asked to compare them with local programs on eight specific production and
content elements (see Table 6). Foreign programs were perceived to be most
superior in their production quality, credibility, realism, acting and variety.
These findings are similar to the open-ended responses to the question asking
what they liked about foreign programs mentioned before. Although foreign
programs were also given a slight edge in entertainment, information and human
interest, there were almost equal numbers of respondents who felt that local
programs were better.
However, when comparing specific program types, respondents were
less likely to say that foreign programs were superior (see Table 7). This was
particularly true for religious programs, news/information/public affairs,
serial dramas and sitcoms. In each case, respondents were more likely to say
that foreign programs of this type were worse than local programs, rather than
that they were either better or the same. Movies and sports programs were the
only program types which respondents judged to be better when produced abroad.
Respondents were fairly evenly split in their judgments concerning whether
foreign or local children's and music variety programs were better.
Thus, although foreign programs were rated as superior in many of
their production and content elements, the programs as a whole when compared as
program types were often thought to be inferior to local programs. One possible
explanation lies in the fact that most respondents (73 percent) were either
generally or very satisfied with local entertainment programs. However, they
were not completely without criticism of local programs either. Only 13 percent
were "very" satisfied with local programs and 92 percent thought that local
programs needed to be improved. When asked to suggest ways in which local
programs could be improved, 83 percent provided at least one suggestion (see
Table 8). The major perceived weaknesses in local programs were their stories,
their production quality and their acting. Other responses centered on the need
for better values, less sex and more realism. In many of the responses, it was
clear that foreign programs were being used as models against which local
programs were being measured. Yet, despite their high levels of awareness of
the faults of local programs, the fact remains that satisfaction with local
programming is quite high as well.
Comprehension is another factor which might explain this apparent
contradiction (i.e., between the perceived superiority of production and content
elements in foreign programs, on the one hand, and their inferiority when judged
as program types, as well as their much lower viewing levels among audiences, on
the other hand). Even though foreign producers can create superior programs
because of higher budgets and better training of production personnel, the
importance of quality diminishes if the audience is having trouble understanding
what is happening in the program. Generally, more than half of the respondents
said that they had at least some difficulty knowing what was happening in the
story, understanding the humor or jokes and understanding the language or
expressions used (see Table 9). Slightly less than half had trouble
understanding why characters acted they way they did. Only a small percentage,
ranging from 14 to 23 percent, admitted to any serious comprehension problems.
Nonetheless, even a mild level of discomfort caused by lack of understanding
might cause viewers to choose local over foreign programs.
The most serious comprehension problem arises from the language or
expressions used. Another question addressed the respondents' proficiency in
English more directly. While only 3 percent said that they cannot understand or
speak English at all, 29 percent said that they could only understand or speak
English a little. This means that almost a third of respondents would have
great trouble comprehending English-language programs at all. A middle third
reported that their skills were "adequate," which may indicate some difficulty
in understanding these programs. The final third felt that their proficiency in
English was "good" or "very good." This group probably has little or no
difficulty comprehending the language used in most American programs.
Generally speaking, proficiency in English is strongly related to
the frequency of watching English-language programs: American (gamma= .44),
European (gamma= .42), and Australian (gamma= .39). Table 10 illustrates how
viewing levels for U.S. programs are much higher among those with the best
English skills than those with the lowest skills. In fact, among the highest
group 57 percent watch 3 to 7 days per week, while only 21 percent of the lowest
group watch as often. As would be expected, English-language proficiency was
not related to how often respondents watched Asian programs.
Nor was it related to respondents' estimates of the percentage of
foreign programs on Philippine television or to whether they felt that the
amount of foreign programs was "too much," "too little" or "just right."
However, it was strongly related to whether they liked or disliked foreign
programs (gamma= .58). Nearly nine out of 10 (88 percent) of those with high
English proficiency said they "like" or "like very much" foreign programs, but
less than half (46 percent) of those with the lowest skills said the same.
Thus, although liking foreign programs is strong among all groups, it is much
stronger among the most proficient in English. However, those who are least
proficient were more likely to say that they "neither like nor dislike" foreign
programs than to say that they "dislike" them.
Respondents' proficiency in English also influenced their
evaluation of foreign programs, both in terms of quality (gamma= .38) and
interest (gamma= .41). Those with the lowest proficiency were least likely to
say that foreign programs were better in quality (40 percent vs. 69 percent of
the highest proficiency group) and that they were more interesting (27 percent
vs. 57 percent of the highest group). As Table 11 shows, there were substantial
differences in the way that different proficiency groups evaluated foreign
programs according to their program elements. The largest gap between high and
low proficiency groups was in their assessment of the information available in
local and foreign programs. While 62 percent of those with high English
proficiency thought that the information in foreign programs was better, only 18
percent of the lowest group agreed. Of all the program elements, information is
the one which is most closely tied to language. Generally, however, the greater
their proficiency in English, the more likely they will judge the information,
quality, entertainment and other program elements to be better in foreign
programs.
The same can also be said of the impact of proficiency on how
respondents judged foreign and local program types (see Table 12). For every
comparison between program types, the highest proficiency group was more likely
to say that the foreign programs were better. The differences were largest
between foreign and local movies, sitcoms and news.
English proficiency was even moderately related to respondents'
satisfaction with Filipino programs. Of those with high proficiency in English,
63 percent were satisfied with local programs as compared to 79 percent of the
low proficiency group. All groups, however, felt that Filipino programs needed
to be improved regardless of their proficiency.
Respondents' evaluations of foreign programs were also related to
several demographic factors, which were closely associated with English
proficiency. These included education, income and residence. In the case of
education, the more highly educated are more likely to be proficient in English,
to watch more foreign television and to evaluate it more highly. The pattern
and strength of the relationships are very similar to those seen for English
proficiency in most respects except one. Those in the high education group are
substantially more likely to be less satisfied with Filipino programs than those
in the low education group. The differences between low and high English
proficiency were not as substantial. Thus, education is the more important
factor in determining how critical respondents were in judging local programs.
Those with higher incomes also watched more foreign television and
were more likely to rate it higher in most respects. However, although those
earning higher income were also more highly educated and more proficient in
English, the strength of the relationships were generally weaker than those for
either English proficiency or education.
As Manila residents were more highly educated, more proficient in
English and had higher incomes, it is not surprising that they watch more
foreign television and evaluate it more highly than residents in the provinces.
In Manila, 53 percent watch foreign television 3 to 7 days per week, while only
27 percent of provincial respondents watch the same amount. Manila residents
were also more likely to say that they like foreign television (87 percent) than
provincial residents (58 percent). Moreover, they were more likely to say that
foreign programs were better in terms of program elements and program types.
There was no difference between Manila and provincial residents in their
satisfaction with Filipino programs.
Perceived Values
Many respondents made a distinction between their evaluations of
the quality of foreign programs and their assessments of its impact on local
values. When asked whether the influence of foreign productions on the quality
of local productions was good or bad, almost two-thirds (64 percent) said that
the influence was "good." Only 9 percent felt that it was "bad." The rest (23
percent) said that it had "no influence." The majority, then, think that
foreign programs play a modeling function, which helps to improve the quality of
local productions. However, when asked about the influence of foreign programs
on the values portrayed in local programs, respondents were evenly divided over
whether they felt that influence was "good" (33 percent), "bad" (36 percent) or
non-existent (28 percent).
Generally speaking, respondents attitudes towards the values
portrayed in foreign programs can best be described as ambiguous. In Table 13,
it is clear that most believe that foreign programs are having at least some
influence on Philippine society in a variety of areas. However, most think that
the influence is not "great," except in the area of dress. The aspect of
Philippine culture, which is perceived to be least affected, is its food.
Likewise, only a small minority believe that values and thinking are greatly
affected by foreign programs. Slightly more believe that language and lifestyle
are greatly influenced. In most cases, the majority feel that the influence is
small and perhaps gradual.
Similarly, the overwhelming majority (65 percent) believe that the
influence of foreign programs on Philippine society is "good and bad equally."
Very few (8 percent) believe that this influence, whether great or slight, is
"mostly bad." A much larger number (22 percent) think that it is "mostly good."
In response to two open-ended questions asking them to state the
good and bad influences of foreign programs, respondents mentioned a nearly
equal number of good and bad influences (see Table 14). Surprisingly, the
predominant good influence mentioned was that foreign programs taught good
values. Foreign programs were also seen by many as improving the quality of
Philippine life in a variety of areas, such as increasing their knowledge,
improving the quality of local productions, improving English language skills,
improving lifestyles and helping generally in self-improvement. Most of the bad
influences mentioned included the same elements which respondents said that they
disliked about foreign programs. Sex and violence accounted for over half of
the responses given to this question. Most of the other responses focused on
either program content which respondents considered as contradictory to Filipino
values or more generally on a concern over the negative impact on children.
Some of the specific contradictory values mentioned included a lack of family
commitment, materialism, individualism, liberal ideas, divorce, aggressiveness
in women, and Western-style fashions.
Respondents also make some clear distinctions between the relative
prevalence of different types of values portrayed in foreign and local
productions (see Table 15). However, out a list of 22 values, most respondents
judged only three values as being clearly portrayed more often in foreign TV
programs: premarital and extra-marital sex, being independent, and an exciting
life. On the other hand, there were 11 values out of 22 which respondents
clearly felt were most often portrayed in Philippine programs. These included
many positive traditional values with which Filipinos identify closely, such as
obedience to parents, respect for elders, religiosity, politeness, fidelity in
marriage, humility and modesty, and getting along with others. In addition,
they included some universal values, such as compassion for the less fortunate,
honesty and integrity, and self-respect. One negative value was believed to be
more often portrayed in local programs: superstition.
For the remaining eight values, respondents were almost equally
split in whether these values were more often seen in foreign or local programs.
These included values often more closely associated with Western culture, such
as material well-being, violence/crime, pleasure-seeking, respect for gender,
and justice and fair play. Although in most of these cases slightly higher
numbers of respondents thought that they were more prevalent in foreign
programs, an almost equal number felt they were more prevalent in local programs
and a large percentage thought they were equally portrayed in both. The other
three values, which were not judged to be as clearly prevalent in either type of
program, could be considered neither specifically Filipino or Western. They
were beauty, greed and courage.
Finally, respondents were asked to indicate if they agreed with,
disagreed with or were neutral toward a series of 15 opinion statements
concerning foreign TV programs (see Table 16). In general, the majority tended
to agree with most statements. However, the intensity of agreement varied from
statement to statement. Clearly, they most strongly agreed with positive
statements about foreign programs, such as that it increases their knowledge,
helps them understand foreign cultures and it broadens their world outlook. It
is not surprising, then, that many also felt that foreign programs increased
their expectations for a better life. However, agreement is also strong that
the "values in foreign TV programs are much different from values in Filipino
programs." This supports what was found above in the value list, namely, that
respondents made some clear distinctions between the prevalence of values in
local and foreign TV programs. It also explains why there is fairly strong
agreement with negative statements concerning the amount of obscenity in foreign
programs, and their impact both on sexual permissiveness as well as on making
the young too preoccupied with sex.
The remainder of the statements obtained agreement from about half
or less than half of the respondents. For example, slightly more than half felt
that the "number of foreign TV programs should be regulated by law." Even this
degree of support is surprising given that most respondents felt that the amount
of foreign TV programs was "just right" in earlier question. Equally surprising
is that a similar number agreed with the statement that the "Philippines would
never be free of the influence of the U.S. until we stop importing all U.S. TV
programs and commercials." Perhaps, agreement with this latter statement is
just a recognition of a reality rather than support for its actual
implementation.
Other statements dealt with the positive and negative influences of
foreign TV programs on local values and the responses reflect once again the
ambiguity of respondents towards these programs. Although only just over a
third would agree that "local programs copy all the bad things in foreign TV
programs" and that foreign programs are "corrupting Filipino values," slightly
more than half felt that there was "less commitment to the family in foreign TV
programs." On the other hand, despite their agreement with many negative
statements about foreign TV programs, nearly half believe that it is having "a
positive influence on Filipino children."
Respondents' perceptions of the impact of foreign programs on
Philippine society as well as their perceptions of the types of values present
in foreign and local programs were associated with a number of factors,
including education, income, English proficiency, frequency of watching American
programs and urban vs. semi-rural residence. In general, there was a
significant tendency for Manila residents and those who were high in education,
income, English proficiency and frequency of watching American programs to be
more likely to perceive a greater presence of non-traditional values in foreign
programs.
The two factors which have the strongest relations with value
perceptions are education and English proficiency. Since the strength of the
relations are nearly identical and the patterns are consistently the same, the
following analysis looks at only one. English proficiency was chosen because it
generally shows slightly stronger relations with these variables and, as
previously seen, is strongly related to evaluations of foreign programs.
Those who are most proficient in English were more likely to think
that foreign programs had a stronger impact on Philippine society in the areas
of dress (gamma= .32) and lifestyles (gamma= .23). Neither proficiency in
English nor any of the other related variables made any difference in judgments
about the impact of foreign programs on other areas of Philippine life, namely,
language, values, thinking and food. Nor was there any difference between high,
medium and low proficiency groups in whether they thought that this impact was
good or bad.
However, there were some substantial differences between high and
low proficiency groups in terms of their perceptions of the types of values in
foreign and local programs (see Table 17). Generally, significant differences
emerge between 12 of the values, most of which could be considered
non-traditional or non-specific to Philippine culture. Values which Filipinos
traditionally considered as distinctly Filipino showed no significant
differences between groups. These would include obedience to parents, respect
for elders, religiosity, superstition, politeness, fidelity, and humility. Only
the value of getting along with others showed significant between group
differences. Among values which could be considered as universal, such as
physical beauty, greed, courage, honesty, self-respect and compassion, the
pattern was mixed. The strongest relationships of values to English
proficiency were among values most commonly associated with the West. Those who
were most proficient in English were most likely to think that these values were
more prevalent in foreign programs than those whose proficiency was low and who,
therefore, also did not watch these programs as much or comprehend the messages
as well.
Although there were few differences between high and low
proficiency groups in how they responded to the opinion statements, there were
some noteworthy exceptions. The high proficiency group was more likely to think
that foreign programs have a positive impact on their understanding other
cultures, broadening their world outlook and increasing their knowledge. They
were also more likely to believe that foreign programs increased peoples
expectations for a better life.
Discussion
In the Philippines, the relative presence of American TV programs
appears to be diminishing slightly from previous estimates, particularly on the
most popular stations with the greatest resources. It can also be said that
their popularity is also on the decline, as television ownership and viewing
spreads among the lower classes, many of whose English skills are only adequate
at best. As mentioned before, the lower classes already comprise the bulk of
the audience. Yet, the American TV program presence can still be considered
strong in other respects.
Although their presence may be diminishing on most VHF channels,
only those channels which are rich in resources can afford to shift to
expensive, locally produced entertainment programming quickly. In addition,
new channels continue to sprout on the UHF spectrum which can only afford to
fill their airtime with mostly American TV programs. Cable television is also
spreading at a steady pace, and much of its programming will continue to be
purchased from foreign satellite broadcasters looking to break into the large
English-speaking Philippine market. As we have seen, their remains a large
segment of the Filipino TV audience, whose English skills are good or better,
and who are more likely to appreciate the benefits of viewing foreign TV
programs. This audience is also attractive to multinational advertisers because
they have the incomes to purchase luxury products. These audiences will remain
important to all broadcasters, including those channels which are committing
most of their resources to Tagalog programming. Even these channels continue to
air nightly a late night news broadcast in English, as part of their resolve to
serve this audience.
The shrinkage of foreign TV programs is in part due to their
shorter program lengths. In terms of actual numbers without regard for their
duration, their numbers are actually greater than the 60:40 local to foreign
program ratio previously cited. It would be closer to 51:49 on the VHF
channels, and if the UHF channels were included the foreign program advantage
grows to 43:57. However, as Philippine broadcasters increase their local
programming for a primarily Tagalog-speaking audience, they are cutting expenses
by producing programs of an hour or longer lengths. One longer format program
is more economical to produce than two or three shorter ones, which would
involve new stories, actors, sets, etc. Also, the slower pacing is more
suitable for Filipino audience who enjoy a slower pace of life. The greater
number of longer format programs, in any case, means that there is a much
greater chance of encountering a Philippine TV program than the above ratios
would suggest. In fact, the local to foreign ratio is actually 65:35 on VHF
channels, in terms of actual airtime. Therefore, depending upon if one were to
look through the local TV program guide or grazing through the channels, the
impression of foreign or local dominance would be quite different. In the
former case, foreign programs would appear to dominate the program schedule. In
the latter case, these same programs would be actually harder to find because of
their lesser airtime.
Despite their falloff in airtime, foreign programs are maintaining
strength in numbers. Moreover, American TV programs enjoy high visibility in
prime-time viewing hours. Except for their near absence during the other peak
viewing period of noon to 2:00 PM, they are also quite visible throughout the
remainder of the schedule. Unlike Asian programs, American programs are not
being marginalized in terms of their time slots. Nor are they primarily found
among program types which are less popular. In fact, most dramas, movies and
cartoons aired in the Philippines are produced in the United States. These
program types are among the most popular in the Philippines. There are some
non-entertainment program categories which are comprised almost entirely local
programs, such as news, public affairs and religious programs, but Philippine
television remains dominated by entertainment programs, which account for
three-quarters of its programming.
The major factor, to which the continuing strength of American TV
programs in the Philippines can be attributed, is their relatively inexpensive
cost. Only resource-rich stations, like ABS-CBN and GMA-TV, can afford to
regularly produce a large number of entertainment programs of reasonable quality
with big name stars. The alternatives are to produce local non-entertainment
programs, which are much less costly and also much less popular, or purchase
pre-packaged foreign programs. Producing local entertainment programs on small
budgets and without big name stars is also an option, but without the stars the
low return in ratings may not justify the effort. American programs, on the
other hand, often include stars who are well-known in the Philippines, plus they
carry with them a certain amount of prestige value because of their high
production quality and their appeal to desirable demographic audiences. As a
result, some stations have decided, at least for the present, to specialize in
American TV programs as a form of alternate programming catering to these
high-demographic audiences.
Asian programs are even less expensive than American programs, but
they do not possess the same prestige value or star appeal for Filipino
audiences. They are, therefore, placed in marginal time slots or appear on
marginal channels. The UHF channels are the primary vehicle for most Asian TV
programs. Nonetheless, their presence appears to be increasing on Philippine
television, particularly if one considers the rebroadcast of the Hong Kong-based
STAR-TV's Channel 'V' on UHF Channel 23. This channel airs some Filipino
segments featuring local musical groups, but it predominantly airs a mix of
Asian and Western music videos with Chinese VJ's as hosts. The advantage of
this type of music channel is that music transcends language barriers, which
most Asian programs face in the Philippines. Generally, Filipinos are not
accustomed to watching programs which are dubbed. This explains why
three-quarters of the Asian programs on other channels are cartoons, children's
programs and, mostly, kung fu movies, all of which can be dubbed without
interfering with their enjoyment. Whether other Asian programs can overcome
this language barrier in the future remains to be seen.
Cost has also been a major factor in determining the audiences who
are viewing Philippine television. In the past, the primary audience in the
Philippines were those in the upper class because they were the only ones who
could purchase a TV set. The vast majority of programs, then, were presented in
English whether they were produced in the United States or locally. Today,
television reaches a large percentage of the lower classes. Of course, the
upper and the expanding middle class are much more likely to own TV sets, but
the size of this technology gap between the classes is quite small now in major
urban areas and is diminishing rapidly in rural areas. There are even
significant numbers of lower class Filipinos who own color TV sets, multiple
sets and VCRs. TV and VCR ownership should continue to increase among the
lower classes as they are increasingly exposed to these technologies in
neighbors' homes and their desire to purchase them increases. Only in the case
of cable television will the cost remain prohibitive for most in the lower class
for some time to come.
One would, therefore, expect the demographic profile of the
broadcast audience to continue to shift away from the English proficient. This
tendency is reflected in the lower viewing levels for foreign television
programs, the relatively small number of foreign programs mentioned as among
their favorites, and the fact that many local program types, such as religious
programs, news, dramas and sitcoms, are judged to be better than foreign
programs in these categories.
Nonetheless, many foreign TV programs continue to draw substantial
audience numbers. It was also very clear in this survey that the respondents
were, for the most part, overwhelmingly positive in their feelings and their
perceptions about foreign programs. Over two-thirds said that they liked them
and equal number thought the number of foreign programs was "just right." Only
a very small percentage said that they actually disliked them or that that there
were too many foreign programs. Most Filipinos also judge foreign programs to
be superior to their own in many respects, principally in the area of production
quality. Slightly less than half also think that they are more interesting than
Filipino programs. Movies and sport programs, in particular, were thought by
most to be better when produced abroad.
Yet, despite the fact that most Filipinos like foreign programs and
think that their production qualities are superior, the fact remains that they
still prefer to watch local programs with greater frequency. This can be
explained, in part, by the high levels of satisfaction with local programs.
Also, many respondents expressed some concern about the sex and violence in
foreign programs. However, the major factor appears to be what could be called
the cultural comfort levels which audiences feel when they view either local or
foreign programs. If audiences are experiencing some level of discomfort or
difficulty in comprehending or following certain aspects of a TV program, they
may be less inclined to view that program than one in which the cultural comfort
level is higher. Filipinos, whose English skills are only adequate or less, may
not understand certain aspects of the story, actions of characters, humor or
language. This may explain why action-based programs are the most popular
foreign programs. Physical action can tell most of the story with less reliance
on language and greater reliance on production effects. Those with low English
proficiency skills would also have less contact, and therefore be less
comfortable, with Western culture. They do not actively dislike these programs,
but they involve at least some struggle to fully grasp their meaning. However,
those whose English skills are already good, and who are comfortable with
American culture, would continue to improve their English proficiency and
increase their knowledge of American culture by watching more American programs.
In fact, these benefits were mentioned by many respondents, particularly those
who view foreign programs regularly.
This suggests that critics may be correct in saying that foreign TV
programs may be causing a growing rift between urban and rural dwellers. More
accurately stated, the gap may be between those who are English proficient and
those who are not. This study offers support to this claim since those whose
English proficiency skills are good or better are not only more likely to watch
and like American TV programs, but they are also more likely to be aware of the
types of messages being conveyed in these programs. They were much more likely
than the less proficient to perceive values, which are commonly associated with
the West, as being more prevalent in foreign programs. Such awareness may be a
necessary antecedent, so that learning from the information and values taught in
foreign programs can occur.
If foreign programs are causing a cultural gap at present because
of differences in foreign program viewing habits, it may become larger in the
future. Even as the television technology gap is closing between the classes,
the cable technology gap is looming. Those who are more likely to say that they
will subscribe to cable television in the future are much more proficient in
English, much more likely to watch and like American programs, believe that they
are of higher quality and more interesting, and are more likely to understand
the story elements in foreign programs. Unlike broadcast television where
foreign programs are at least occasionally viewed by those who are less
proficient in English, cable programs will be completely inaccessible to most in
the low income groups. Instead these groups will rely primarily on Tagalog
programs, as they do now, to provide them with entertainment and information.
Yet, the values and information conveyed in foreign programs may
still reach those who view them infrequently through local programs they do view
frequently. There are a number of findings in this study which suggest that
foreign programs serve as models for local programs. Nearly all of the local
productions originate from Manila where they are produced by those who are
educated, who are English proficient and who, therefore, watch a good deal of
American TV programs. Most respondents recognized this influence of foreign
programs on local programs and the majority felt that this influence was good.
In fact, respondents were themselves clearly using foreign programs as models
when they recommended improvements in the stories, production qualities and
acting of local programs .
In areas outside Manila where foreign programs are viewed less,
residents may be most directly learning Manila values, lifestyles, dress,
language and ways of thinking through local programs, which, in turn, are
influenced by foreign programs. It should be noted, however, that the influence
of foreign TV programs seems greatest in the area of production qualities, and
less so in the area of values. The findings suggest that traditional values
retain a strong presence in local programs. However, respondents were less
certain about many values which are commonly associated with the West. These
included violence, materialism, pleasure-seeking, respect for gender and justice
and fair play. Many thought that these were either more prevalent in local
programs or equally prevalent in both local and foreign programs. Only those
who were proficient in English thought that they were somewhat more prevalent in
foreign programs. Despite differences in perceptions over the extent of their
prevalence, this indicates that these values may be finding their way into local
productions, along with traditional values.
Like the Tan, Tan and Tan study (1987), the ordering of values
according to their presence in foreign programs is fairly similar with Western
values at the top of the list, more universal values in the middle and
traditional Filipino values at the bottom. However, this study framed the
question differently by asking for a direct comparison with local productions.
This approach reveals that the distinction between foreign and local programs
may not be that clear cut. From the perspectives of the respondents, there is a
good deal of overlap in the portrayal of values seen in both types of programs.
The only fairly clear distinction between the two is apparent in the presence or
absence of traditional values. Local programs, then, may be trying to serve an
evolving society by including both traditional rural and modern urban values.
In this transitional period, the presence of foreign TV programs is
accepted by most as a long-standing reality in the Philippines. Like the
Americans with whom these programs are mostly associated, Filipinos view foreign
programs with a mixture of admiration for their technological advancement and
concern over the possible impact foreign values may be having on their own
traditional values. Although only a very few believe that their influence on
Philippine society is mostly bad, a large majority recognize that foreign
programs are having an influence that is both good and bad. However, they do
not feel that this influence is great in most aspects of Philippine life, such
as lifestyles, food, values, thinking and language. They only felt that manner
of dress may be influenced to a great extent by watching foreign programs.
There appears to be a willingness by most Filipinos to accept the
good with the bad. The reason, perhaps, is that they believe that the benefits
of foreign TV programs outweigh their possible harm. When asked what they liked
about foreign TV programs, most focused on the benefits of cultural exchange.
These included not only the cognitive benefits of greater knowledge and a
broader world outlook which might be expected, but even more often mentioned
were the benefits of being exposed to good values. Despite the recurrent
concern over the sex and violence in foreign programs, most recognized that
foreign programs also portrayed very positive values and they appreciated these.
Many also recognized that foreign programs were helpful in other ways, such as
improving local production quality, or helping in their own self-improvement,
including improving their English skills.
It is also possible that most Filipinos believe that their society
is strong enough to withstand any potentially harmful elements contained in
foreign programs. Clearly, their most important concern was with the level of
sex and violence in foreign programs. Some were also worried about the erosion
of traditional values. Somewhat less than one quarter of the respondents
mentioned what they felt was the negative impact of foreign programs on children
and family commitment, or their promotion of contradictory values such as
materialism, individualism, liberal ideas, divorce and aggressiveness in women.
As mentioned before, many of these values are also seen in local programs, but
they are balanced with traditional values. Foreign programs may be more
threatening to some because they lack this balance.
As the Philippines rushes toward modernization and modern values
become a part of the fabric of Philippine life, not only in urban areas but in
rural areas as well, the presentation of these values in foreign, and to a
lesser extent local, programs will cause a certain amount of insecurity and
soul-searching. It is a dilemma which is confronting many societies which are
undergoing the transition from traditional to modern lifestyles and values. In
the Philippines at this point in time, it appears to be primarily an
undercurrent of concern which has taken a back seat to the need to modernize and
to take a more prominent place in the global economy. Foreign TV programs bring
this modern world to their doorstep, a world which holds at least some appeal to
most Filipinos, but particularly to those who are the forefront of this societal
change.
Table 1
Number and Airtime of TV Programs by Country
Program Number Program Airtime
Country of Origin Total VHF UHF Total VHF UHF
Philippines 43% 51% 16% 55% 67% 26%
United States 51% 40% 76% 38% 27% 63%
Asian (not Philippines) 5% 5% 3% 5% 5% 7%
Western (not U.S.) 2% 2% 4% 2% 1% 4%
* Percentages may not add to 100 percent because of rounding errors.
Table 2
Percentage of TV Programs within Program Type Categories
Originating in the Philippines
Programs originating in the Philippines
Program Type Number* Total % VHF UHF
Educational 2 100% 100% ----
Public Affairs Talk 25 89% 93% ----
Musical/Variety 67 82% 84% 77%
News 19 76% 95% ----
Instructional 8 73% 80% ----
News Magazine 4 67% 67% ----
Public Service 2 67% 67% ----
Sports 15 65% 65% 67%
Showbiz Talk 10 63% 91% ----
Religious 30 63% 62% 100%
Social Issues Talk 6 55% 86% ----
Documentary/Info 16 43% 57% 21%
Sitcoms 12 43% 55% ----
Game Shows 8 42% 62% ----
Children's Shows 11 36% 42% 14%
Serial Dramas 24 32% 39% ----
Entertainment Mag. 6 32% 100% ----
Movies 22 25% 43% 11%
Cartoons 0 ---- ---- ----
* Number refers to the total number of programs of this type
produced in the Philippines.
Table 3
Frequency of Never Viewing UHF Channels by English Proficiency
(Manila Only)
English Proficiency
Channel High Medium Low Gamma
SBN (21) 46% 53% 76% .34*
DZAC (23) 67% 78% 84% .30*
RJTV (29) 59% 68% 87% .37*
CTV (31) 54% 58% 78% .26*
0* Indicates that the differences are significant at the p<=.05
level.
** Only Manila residents were used in this analysis because very few
respondents living outside Manila indicated that they received these channels.
Table 4
Frequency of Viewing Foreign TV Programs
Frequency of Viewing U.S. U.K. Australian Asian
5 to 7 days per week 24% 1% ---- 6%
3 to 4 days per week 18% 2% 2% 7%
1 to 2 days per week 31% 5% 5% 12%
Rarely 20% 14% 14% 15%
Never 7% 78% 81% 60%
Table 5
Respondents' Estimates of the Percentage of Foreign TV Programs
on Philippine Television
Estimate Number Percent
More than half 112 25%
Half 148 33%
Less than half 199 43%
TOTAL 456
* Percentages do not add to 100 percent because of rounding error.
Table 6
Respondents' Comparisons of the Program Qualities
of Foreign and Local TV Programs
Foreign TV Programs are:
Much Much
Program Qualities: Better(1) Better(2) Same(3) Worse(4)
Worse(5) Mean
Production quality 29% 49% 12% 8% 2%
2.1
Credibility 23% 38% 21% 15% 2%
2.4
Realism 21% 37% 22% 17% 4% 2.5
Acting 19% 29% 31% 17% 4% 2.6
Variety 15% 34% 22% 24% 5% 2.7
Information 16% 26% 24% 29% 5%
2.8
Human interest 14% 27% 29% 25% 5%
2.8
Entertainment 11% 31% 25% 27% 5%
2.9
* Means were calculated using the assigned scale numbers in
parentheses next to each value judgment.
Table 7
Respondents' Comparisons of Foreign and Local TV Programs
by Program Types
Foreign TV Programs are:
Much Much
Program Types: Better(1) Better(2) Same(3) Worse(4)
Worse(5) Mean
Movies 26% 40% 17% 14% 3% 2.3
Sports 18% 31% 26% 21% 4% 2.6
Children's shows 14% 28% 26% 27% 5% 2.8
Music/Variety 13% 22% 27% 32% 5% 3.0
News/Info/P.Affairs 9% 20% 24% 42% 5% 3.2
Sitcoms 8% 21% 25% 39% 7% 3.2
Serial Dramas 7% 20% 23% 42% 7% 3.2
Religious 6% 9% 27% 48% 10% 3.5
* Means were calculated using the assigned scale numbers in
parentheses next to each value judgment.
Table 8
Respondents' Suggestions Regarding
How Local TV Programs could be Improved
Suggestions: Percent
Improve the stories (scripting) 37%
Improve the production quality 34%
Improve the acting 22%
Include better values 11%
Less sex 10%
More realism 8%
Improve creative staff 5%
Better humor 4%
More information programs 1%
*Respondents could offer up to two suggestions for improving local
programs.
Table 9
Respondents' Reported Difficulty in Understanding
Program Elements of Foreign TV Programs
Very Somewhat Not
Program Elements: Difficult(1) Difficult(2) Difficult(3)
Difficult(4) Mean
Language/ 8% 15% 37% 40% 3.1
Expressions
Story/Plot 5% 12% 37% 46% 3.2
Humor/Jokes 6% 11% 36% 48% 3.3
Characters' Actions 4% 10% 34% 52% 3.4
* Means were calculated using the assigned scale numbers in
parentheses next to each value judgment.
Table 10
Crosstabulation of Frequency of Viewing U.S. TV Programs
by English Proficiency
English Proficiency
Good or
Frequency of Viewing: Very Good Adequate Poor
5 to 7 days/week 36% 25% 10%
3 to 4 days/week 23% 20% 12%
1 to 2 days/week 29% 33% 31%
rarely or never 11% 21% 48%
* Chi square significance: p<=.000, gamma=.44
Table 11
Crosstabulation of
Percentage of Respondents who say that Foreign Program Elements are
Better
by English Proficiency
English Proficiency
Good or
Foreign Program Elements: Very Good Adequate Poor Gamma
Credibility is better 74% 62% 42% .35*
Entertainment is better 58% 41% 24% .36*
Variety is better 63% 48% 24% .33*
Information is better 62% 39% 18% .46*
Production quality is better 88% 78% 66% .39*
Human interest is better 57% 36% 24% .34*
Realism is better 67% 63% 40% .27*
Acting is better 53% 52% 38% .19*
* Indicates that the differences are significant at the p<=.01
level.
** Percentages represent those who think that foreign TV programs
are better or much better on a particular program element.
Table 12
Crosstabulation of
Percentage of Respondents who say that Foreign Program Types are
Better
by English Proficiency
English Proficiency
Good or
Foreign Program Types: Very Good Adequate Poor Gamma
Movies are better 83% 67% 42% .46*
Sports are better 57% 55% 32% .28*
Children's shows are better 52% 42% 30% .28*
Music/Variety are better 42% 35% 25% .25*
News/Info/P.A. are better 38% 32% 13% .34*
Sitcoms are better 44% 27% 14% .40*
Serial Dramas are better 33% 29% 18% .24*
Religious shows are better 21% 14% 8% .27*
* Indicates that the differences are significant at the p<=.01
level.
** Percentages represent those who think that a particular foreign
TV program types is better or much better than the equivalent local program
type.
Table 13
Respondents' Perceptions of the Influence of Foreign TV Programs
on Different Aspects of Philippine Society
Extent of influence of foreign TV programs:
Great Some
Aspects of Philippine Society: Extent(1) Extent(2) None(3) Mean
Manner of dress 45% 44% 12% 1.7
Language 29% 57% 15% 1.9
Lifestyles 28% 50% 22% 1.9
Values 21% 59% 20% 2.0
Thinking 21% 54% 25% 2.0
Food 18% 46% 37% 2.2
* Means were calculated using the assigned scale numbers in
parentheses next to each value judgment.
Table 14
Perceived Good and Bad Influences of Foreign TV Programs
Mentioned in Open-Ended Responses
Good Influences: Percent
Teaches them good values 35%
Increases their knowledge 28%
Improves local TV programs 18%
Improves their English language skills 10%
Improves their lifestyles 8%
Helps in self-improvement 7%
Brings them good quality programs 4%
Bad Influences: Percent
Exposes them to sexual content/obscenity 41%
Exposes them to violence/drugs 29%
Shows contents which are contradictory 28%
to Filipino values
Has negative impact on children 23%
Has negative impact on local TV programs 4%
* Respondents could state up to three good and three bad influences
of foreign TV programs on Philippine society.
** Percentages indicate the percentages of respondents mentioning
the particular good or bad influence.
Table 15
The Perceived Relative Prevalence of Different Values
in Foreign and Local TV Programs
Foreign Programs Local Programs
Much Some Some Much
Values: More(1) More(2) Same(3) More(4) More(5) Mean
Premarital Sex 32% 36% 18% 11% 4% 2.2
Being Independent 33% 34% 13% 11% 10% 2.3
Exciting Life 17% 29% 29% 15% 10% 2.7
Material well-being 16% 27% 26% 21% 10% 2.8
Violence/crime 13% 21% 38% 19% 9% 2.9
Pleasure-seeking 13% 23% 37% 16% 11% 2.9
Respect for gender 16% 25% 23% 21% 14% 2.9
Physical beauty 14% 18% 39% 18% 11% 2.9
Justice/fair play 14% 24% 29% 20% 13% 2.9
Greed 8% 16% 47% 21% 8% 3.1
Courage 8% 14% 40% 24% 14% 3.2
Self-respect 3% 8% 37% 31% 20% 3.6
Getting along 5% 10% 31% 30% 24% 3.6
Honesty/integrity 4% 8% 31% 35% 21% 3.6
Compassion for less 3% 6% 21% 40% 31% 3.9
fortunate
Humility/modesty 1% 6% 22% 44% 27% 3.9
Fidelity in marriage 2% 6% 17% 41% 34% 4.0
Politeness 1% 3% 20% 42% 46% 4.1
Superstition 2% 4% 11% 38% 43% 4.2
Religious belief 1% 2% 12% 42% 44% 4.2
Respect for elders 1% 2% 9% 45% 44% 4.3
Obedience to parents --- 2% 10% 44% 44% 4.3
* Means were calculated using the assigned scale numbers in
parentheses next to each value judgment.
Table 16
Responses to Opinion Statements Regarding Foreign TV Programs
Strongly Strongly
Foreign TV Programs: Agree Agree Neutral Disagree Disagree Mean
1. Increase our knowledge. 15% 72% 8% 4%
1% 2.0
2. Help us understand other cultures. 17% 68% 9%
7% ---- 2.1
3. Broaden our world outlook. 16% 60% 15% 9%
---- 2.2
4. Present values much different from values 11% 63% 16%
9% 1% 2.3
in Filipino programs.
5. Have more obscene and vulgar language 16% 49% 18%
16% 2% 2.4
6. Increases peoples' expectations for a better life. 10% 56%
20% 13% 1% 2.4
7. Makes young people become too preoccupied 12% 48% 14%
23% 3% 2.6
with sex.
8. Will make our society more sexually promiscuous. 9% 50%
18% 20% 3% 2.6
9. Their number should be regulated by law. 10% 43% 17%
22% 4% 2.6
10. Show less commitment to family. 9% 43% 25% 22%
1% 2.6
11. Philippines will never be free until we stop 12% 41%
15% 27% 5% 2.7
importing all U.S. TV programs and
commercials
12. Are a positive influence on Filipino children. 4% 41%
33% 19% 3% 2.8
13. Their characters are less likely to resolve 4% 31%
33% 30% 2% 3.0
problems by force.
14. Are corrupting Filipino values. 4% 30% 28% 37%
1% 3.0
15. Local programs copy all the things in them. 5% 33% 17%
40% 5% 3.1
* Means were calculated using the assigned scale numbers in
parentheses next to each value judgment.
Table 17
Crosstabulation of
Respondents who say that Values are More Prevalent in Foreign TV
Programs
by English Proficiency
English Proficiency
Believe More Prevalent Good or
In Foreign TV Programs: Very Good Adequate Poor Gamma
Premarital Sex 75% 70% 57% .23*
Being Independent 80% 66% 51% .32*
Exciting Life 60% 46% 28% .34*
Material well-being 50% 47% 29% .26*
Violence/crime 38% 37% 29% .13*
Pleasure-seeking 45% 42% 19% .29*
Respect for gender 56% 37% 30% .29*
Physical beauty 40% 29% 25% .17*
Justice/fair play 55% 35% 20% .33*
Greed NS
Courage NS
Self-respect 17% 11% 4% .18*
Getting along 22% 14% 5% .25*
Honesty/integrity 16% 13% 9% .18*
Compassion for less NS
fortunate
Humility/modesty NS
Fidelity in marriage NS
Politeness NS
Superstition NS
Religious belief NS
Respect for elders NS
Obedience to parents NS
* Indicates that the differences are significant at the p<=.05
level.
** NS means that differences are non-significant.
*** Percentages represent those who say that particular values are
more prevalent in foreign TV programs.
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