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Price Competition
The Muckrakers' Reign on The American Magazine, 1906-1911
Michele C. Glidden
29 Park Place
Athens, Ohio 45701
E. W. Scripps School of Journalism
Ohio University
The Muckrakers' Reign on The American Magazine, 1906-1911
The American Magazine from 1906-1911 was written and edited by a group
of well-known, established muckrakers of the day. Under John S. Phillips
leadership, Ida Tarbell, Ray Stannard Baker, Lincoln Steffens and Albert Boyden
left McClures to manage their own magazine. This study, using the writers'
autobiographies and a content analysis of The American Magazine during this era,
describes who these writers were and the magazine they developed.
The Muckrakers' Reign on The American Magazine, 1906-1911
The American Magazine from 1906-1911 was written and edited by a
group of well-known, established muckrakers of the day. Under John S. Phillips
leadership, Ida Tarbell, Ray Stannard Baker, Lincoln Steffens and Albert Boyden
left McClures to manage their own magazine. The management of The American
Magazine has been considered by many historians as an ideal project that failed
to meet expectations. This study examines the venture using the writers'
autobiographies and a content analysis of The American Magazine during the
muckraker's reign and concludes that the writers and editors produced a magazine
that appropriately targeted the needs of their middle-class readers.
Price Competition
Muckrakers' Reign on The American Magazine, 1906-1911
John S. Phillips, an editor of McClure's and then The American
Magazine, wrote in 1922, "The greatest single definite force against muckraking
was President [Theodore] Roosevelt who called these writers muckrakers. A tag
like that running through the papers was an easy phrase of repeated attack upon
what was in general a good journalistic movement."[1] In a speech to the
Gridiron Club on March 17, 1906, Roosevelt had likened the reform writers of the
early 1900s to "the man with the muck rake" from John Bunyan's Pilgrim's
Progress. Then on April 14, 1906, at the laying of the cornerstone of the new
office building for the House of Representatives, Roosevelt used the term
publicly, and the "muckraker" label was established.[2]
Muckraking grew out of the discontent of the middle class with the
industrial age that was leaving them behind. Historian, C. C. Regier wrote:
Muckraking, in any sense of the word, was the
inevitable result of decades of indifference to the illegalities
and
immoralities attendant upon the industrial development of
America. .
. .The control of mineral lands, of water power, or of municipal
franchises might mean the accumulation of gigantic fortunes in a
short
time, and it was no wonder that sharp-eyed businessmen, eager for
wealth and power, ingeniously evaded or flauntingly defied the
inadequate and feebly enforced law of the land.[3]
Men such as John D. Rockefeller and J. P. Morgan were accumulating
the wealth, and the mood of the country was supportive of such business
success.[4] America was the land of opportunity, and popular sentiment was
against interfering with any man's efforts to succeed.
But the accumulation of wealth by the few to the detriment of the
many was breeding discontentment. With the advent of the popular magazine, a
concentrated reform movement was launched that caught the interest of common
people. Louis Filler, an historian of the era, explained that in 1902:
Suddenly, there appeared in certain magazines a new,
moral, radical type of writing by men and women who yesterday had
been
entirely unknown or had written less disturbingly. These writers
savagely exposed grafting politicians, criminal police, tenement
e
yesores. . . . They defended labor in disputes which in no way
concerned them personally, decried child exploitation, wrote
pro-suffragist articles, and described great businesses as
soul-less
and anti-social.[5]
One such magazine was McClure's owned by Samuel S. McClure, a genius
of ideas, and John S. Phillips, the editor and stabling force who knew which of
the many ideas of McClure's to pursue. McClure was, Regier wrote, "eccentric,
imaginative, enthusiastic" and he "slowly built up a staff that would round out
his own qualities."[6] Beginning with his partner Phillips, he added Ida
Tarbell for her biographies, Ray Stannard Baker as a journalist and short story
writer, and Lincoln Steffens, a scholar and practicing New York newspaper
man.[7] The beginning of the muckraking period is often defined by the January,
1903 issue of McClure's in which these three writers wrote the first of what was
to become known as muckraking. In an editorial of the issue McClure wrote:
We did not plan it so; it is a coincidence that this
number contains three arraignments of American character such as
should make every one of us stop and think. "The Shame of
Minneapolis," the current chapter of the Standard Oil, Mr. Ray
Stannard Baker's "The Right to Work," it might all have been
called
"The American Contempt of Law.[8]
With McClure's as a forerunner, muckraking had found a voice in the
ten-cent popular magazine and an audience of common readers who could afford its
cheaper price. As it grew, this reform movement not only had some of the best
writers behind it, but these writers gained an esteem that is rare for those
engaged in writing "literature of discontent."[9] Unfortunately, the
popularity of the movement brought with it the bad as well as the good, and many
strayed from the factual, thorough reporting that had defined the movement and
became mired in sensationalism. Muckraking was at its height in 1906 when
President Roosevelt, who generally was supportive of the reform writers, became
irritated and gave his "muckraking" speeches.[10] It was into this climate
that the Phillips' Publishing Company was formed to begin the new editorship of
The American Magazine.
The Phillips' Publishing Company was the result of a split within
McClure's magazine. In the early months of 1906, McClure returned from a trip
abroad with plans to begin a "$15,000,000 corporation to include a new magazine,
a bank, a life insurance company, a school book publishing company and later
with the expected profits, a settlement house and an ideal housing project."[11]
Phillips and the writers saw this new scheme as a creation of an interest, the
very thing they were working so hard against and they refused to be a part of
it. Tarbell wrote in her autobiography, "As organized, it was a speculative
scheme as alike as two peas to certain organizations the magazine had been
battering."[12] This new development added to the increasing tension between
Phillips and McClure over the editorship of the magazine and although they
tried, no resolution could be found. The New York Times reported on May 11,
1906:
S.S. McClure purchased yesterday all of the interest
formerly held by John S. Phillips in McClure's magazine. . . .
With
Mr. Phillips go A. A. Boyden, former managing editor under Mr.
McClure; Miss Ida Tarbell, Standard Oil's biographer; Ray
Stannard
Baker, censor of railroads and rebates, and Lincoln J. Steffens,
who
is an authority on political corruption in American cities.[13]
This group from McClure's soon discovered that The American Magazine,
formerly Leslie's Monthly under the editorship of Ellery Sedgwick, was looking
for a buyer. By pooling their resources and that of their friends, they were
able to incorporate as Phillips' Publishing Company and purchase the magazine
for $360,000.[14] On June 27, 1906, the New York Times reported that The
American Magazine had been sold to J. S. Phillips and several former McClure's
writers for "approximately $400,000." To this McClure's group was added Peter
Dunne, famous for his Mr. Dooley columns, and William Allen White, the editor of
the Emporia Gazette.[15] As the New York Times reported, "The officers are:
John S. Phillips, President, J. Lincoln Steffens, Vice President; Albert A.
Boyden, Secretary; D. A. McKinley, Treasurer."[16]
Who were these men and woman who gave up lucrative positions at the
successful McClure's to band together and strike out on their own? What were
their goals and aspirations for The American Magazine and how successful were
they at attaining them? What did the magazine offer and how did it change?
This study examines these questions by reviewing The American
Magazine years in the autobiographies of Tarbell, Baker, Steffens and White and
the issues of The American Magazine during this group's leadership. A
qualitative content analysis was done of The American Magazine issues from
October, 1906 to March 1911. The beginning and ending dates were chosen from
the Phillips' Publishing Company purchase and sale of the magazine. The
Phillips' Publishing Company took over the offices of The American Magazine on
July 1, 1906, but the first number for which they were responsible appeared in
October. Likewise, it sold its interest in The American Magazine to the
Crowell Publishing Company of Springfield, Ohio, on February 1, 1911.
The Staff
Tarbell, Steffens, Baker, Dunne and White have all had lengthy
biographies written about them, and four of the five wrote autobiographies. It
is neither the scope nor the interest of this study to explore their lives, but
it is necessary to gain a feeling for the personalities involved and the
impressions each made on the others. Tarbell was the sole woman in the group
and is considered by many the greatest of all of the muckrakers. She studied
biology at Allegheny College and taught for two years before beginning her
writing career. She had written biographies of Napoleon and Madame Roland and
was already well-known for her Lincoln books when she was discovered by McClure.
She increased her fame and her reputation as a thorough historian with her
eighteen article series, The History of Standard Oil that she had spent five
years investigating and writing.[17]
Baker described Tarbell as "the best of us." He explained, "No one
could have been more exacting than she was as a studious inquirer, or more
devoted to the truth of the matter, letting the chips fall where they
might."[18] He noted that Dunne, speaking for Mr. Dooley, once remarked,
"Iderem's a lady but she has the punch!"[19] Tarbell was forty-eight when they
began the magazine venture and had just suffered the death of her father.
Steffens was the most radical of the members of The American Magazine
and was the first to leave the venture. He personally claimed and has been
given credit for being the first muckraker for his work on the corruption of the
American cities.[20] Steffens was from a well-to-do family and studied
extensively abroad before returning to the United States, and after a struggle,
finding a job as a reporter for Godkin's Evening Post. He had made a name for
himself in the newspaper world as a reporter and a writer before McClure
discovered him.[21] Steffens was forty years old when he became the vice
president of the Phillips' Publishing Company. He had great hopes for The
American Magazine when it began and was eager to make a difference in the world.
Baker was perhaps the most versatile of the writers and fully
absorbed himself in any current project. He was born in Lansing, Michigan, and
went to Michigan State University and then studied law and literature at the
University of Michigan before beginning a career in journalism. Historian
Filler wrote that as a journalist Baker was "known as the greatest reporter in
America."[22] For his work on the labor question while at McClures, Filler
asserted, "he gave the first authentic picture of labor racketeering that had
appeared in print."[23] Baker was thirty-six when he joined The American
Magazine adventure and was a major player in making it a success.
Dunne had been approached with an offer to join The American Magazine
and as Tarbell wrote, "Rather to my surprise he came along, taking a desk in our
cramped offices and appearing with amazing regularity."[24] Dunne had
established himself as a Chicago newspaperman and by 1900 was already famous for
his Mr. Dooley articles. Filler wrote, "He wrote about trusts and government
with an impudence that few writers would have dared to attempt; his own 'Mr.
Dooley' was of a social class--that of bartender--that only a bold journalist
would have introduced to the American public."[25] His witty satire gave a
much needed comic relief to the muckraking movement, without losing any of its
bite.
Dunne's compatriots on The American Magazine had two overwhelming
impressions of Dunne: he was one of the best thinkers of the day, and he was a
compulsive procrastinator who would work to find distractions rather than sit
down and write his column. Steffens related in his autobiography that one day
as he walked into the offices, Boyden, the office editor, urged him to hurry
past Dunne's door and to ignore any calls to talk; Dunne was working and would
use any excuse to stop. Steffens walked past and was cussed as he failed to
heed Dunne's calls. After allowing him to work for an hour or two, Steffens
heard him moving around and walked in and after much grumbling Dunne explained
what was wrong. His lined, flowered wallpaper had been replaced with a "plain,
tinted paper" and "Now, doggone it, . . . there's nothing to count, no sums to
multiply; I've just got to sit here doing nothing or--write."[26] Dunne was
thirty-nine when he joined The American Magazine staff and was invaluable to the
editorial content, not only contributing many Mr. Dooley articles, but also
becoming largely responsible for the editorial page, In the Interpreter's House.
The other outsider who joined the McClure's group was White, the
editor of the Emporia Gazette. He had gotten to know Phillips and the writers
at McClure's when he had contributed to that magazine and had struck up a close
friendship with Phillips.[27] White was well-respected in the field for his
honesty, integrity and open admiration for the Mid-West.[28] He agreed to
invest in and help edit the magazine through a long-distance relationship, while
remaining the editor of his Kansas country town paper. Baker, in his
autobiography, explained, "He came to the city when he wanted to come (bringing
Mrs. White to take care of him), stayed as long as he wanted to stay, gave us no
end of good suggestions fresh from the soil, worked out plans for new articles
and stories, and then went back to Kansas where he belonged."[29]
The three men who remained behind the scenes, but were ultimately
responsible for the content of the magazine were the editors: Phillips, Boyden
and Siddall. Phillips had been a partner and an equal part in the success of
McClure's. C. C. Regier explained that by pairing up with Phillips, McClure
"had early found an associate who combined calmness, good judgment, and tact
with no slight editorial gifts."[30] John Tebbel, in his history of American
magazines, explained Phillips' role at McClure's: "Phillips not only kept the
circulation and advertising departments running smoothly, but he performed the
functions of a modern managing editor in keeping the editorial department on an
even, efficient keel. He was a first-rate editor, as well as a
businessman."[31] Phillips was the president of the new company that bore his
name. A measure of his leadership and influence on the writers was evidenced by
their willingness and eagerness to follow him when he left McClure's. Tarbell
explained, "We could not see the magazine without Mr. Phillips."[32] He was
the boss and was instrumental in the direction The American Magazine was to
take.
Boyden was the youngest member of the staff at age twenty-nine and
was a managing editor well-liked by the writers.[33] He was fresh from Harvard
when McClure found him and according to Tarbell, "at once made himself a place
by his genius for keeping things going and his gift for sympathetic
friendliness. . . . He was of the greatest value to the American in bringing
together writers and artists who were attaching themselves to the new
magazine."[34] Siddall also left McClure's with the group, and Baker in his
autobiography praised "his extraordinary editorial perception of those qualities
of human interest and timeliness which are the life blood of the popular
magazine."[35] It is Siddall who replaces Phillips as the editor of The
American Magazine upon Phillip's resignation of that post in 1915.
It was this group of well-known and respected writers and editors who
began The American Magazine. Each of them could have struck out on their own
and commanded the highest prices, and yet they banded together to produce their
vision of the popular magazine.[36]
Goals and aspirations
The early days of The American Magazine were exciting ones for the
group. Baker remembered, "What visions we had, what plans we made!"[37]
Tarbell described "the gay unity of the group" and "the vigor and the
steadiness" with which they began the magazine.[38] Their goals for the
magazine were lofty ones. Steffens wrote to his father in June 1906: "We are
buying an old magazine which we propose to make the greatest thing of the kind
that was ever made in this world--sincere, but good-natured, honest, but
humorous; aggressive, but not unkind; a straight, hard fighter, but
cheerful."[39] Similarly, Baker in his autobiography wrote, "We really
believed in human beings: we really believed in democratic relationships. We
'muckraked' not because we hated our world but because we loved it. We were not
hopeless, we were not cynical, we were not bitter."[40] Rather, the group had
left their previous positions on principle, leaving behind the comfort of
McClure's financial backing and were eager to make it on their own.
The group had purchased the magazine for $360,000. They were able to
raise $200,000 of the purchase price by using their personal savings and
soliciting friends and supporters.[41] Tarbell explained that they had "cut
the salaries of McClure's in two, reduced our scale of living accordingly, and
done it gaily as an adventure. And it had been a fine, fruitful adventure in
professional comradeship."[42] Baker in his autobiography related the same
tale and concluded, "I think there is nothing in this world so dizzily
stimulating, so glamorous with faith and hope, as such an enterprise as ours;
resting in complete confidence upon one's friends, devoted to what one considers
high purposes, each sacrificing to the limit for the common cause."[43]
The editorial announcement that appeared in the October 1906 issue
introduced the five writers-editors of the new concern and stated their intent:
With such a group of associates the editor believes
the new AMERICAN MAGAZINE may reasonably aim to become a lively
and
important journal, which keeps its temper, gets things somewhere
near
as they are, loves mankind, never attempts to puncture anything
which
it is not convinced is a sham, and then does it with good nature
and
precision. . . . Though we have hardly attempted to express it,
we
have a vision of a magazine; it may never be realized, or it may
be
realized in part. But we conceive that in it no great thing of
human
interest would go unrecorded . . . that some glow of truth or
humor or
sentiment would play on every page, and that you would rise from
reading with the mind enlivened and the heart refreshed and a
confirmed belief that it was worth while living in this world and
worth while living to make it better.
So to the adventure! "If there be no vision the people
perish."[44]
Historians have called this magazine "a unique experiment in
periodical publishing,"[45] a magazine "that they quickly pushed to the front
rank of muckraking organs,"[46] and of its value: "no episode in the whole
movement is more indicative of the spirit behind muckraking at its best."[47]
But, what did these writers and editors do with the magazine once it was under
their power? And what was the nature of a "muckraking organ"?
Content Analysis
Magazines of the muckraking period included much more than the
exposes' that receive the attention in the histories. Filler explained the
disappointment a present-day reader of McClure's would likely feel after
examining the magazine: "Is this the famous periodical--this magazine with its
old-fashioned cover illustrations, its worthless verse, its reams of stories and
articles having little if anything to do with muckraking? Is this the great
trust-busting, reaction-smashing tribune of the people?"[48] Regier studied
the content of the magazines of the 1890s that were pre-cursors to the
muckraking era and explained, "The first thing one notes in examining the
leading periodicals is the predominance of fiction." In Harper's he found an
almost equal amount of fiction and articles. "McClure's printed almost as large
a proportion of stories as Harper's, but it gave much more space to history and
biography than it did to literature and art."[49] This trend of McClure's
toward history and biography is largely responsible for its unpremeditated
leadership in the muckraking movement that found its base in such works as
Tarbell's History of Standard Oil. Of the first decade of the 1900s, Regier
wrote, "And one suspects that the literature of the period reflects rather
accurately the middle-class mind. Here and there were people who were awake to
the evils of the social order, but it was easy for the majority to lull their
consciences to sleep with thoughts of prosperity, aided by an occasional
vicarious adventure into the land of romance."[50] Readers were willing to
read about reform, but they also were looking for the pleasure of escape in
their magazines.
A content analysis was made of The American Magazine issues from
October 1906 to March 1911 and the following categories were calculated (See
Appendix One):[51]
Total number of items: This category included all of the
articles, fiction and editorials of each issue.
This amount did not
include verse, illustrations or letters to the
editor.
Total number of articles: This category included all
non-fiction selections, excluding editorials. It
also became a compilation
of the muckraking, the personal, and the
miscellaneous articles.
Editorials: This category included almost exclusively Mr. Dooley
columns and In the Interpreter's House. On rare
occasions, there were
editorial inclusions from other humorists (similiar
to a Mr. Dooley
column), and these were included in this count.
Muckraking: This was the most difficult and perhaps the most
arbitrary to categorize, but it included all
articles that were written
about the history, the politics, or the state of
America in an
investigative and thorough manner. Biographies of
people were excluded
from this category unless the treatment was clearly
analyzing their role in
the status of American politics and life. Note:
it did not need to be a
negative treatment to be included.
Personal: This category was designed to capture the number of
personal accounts and story telling that were
non-fiction, but written in a
style that differentiated them from the articles.
Autobiographical or
first-person accounts, such as Grayson's
"Adventures in Contentment" and
"Letters from G. G." - real correspondence of a
young woman reprinted, were
included.
Miscellaneous articles: This category included all of the
articles that failed to fit into the muckraking or
the personal categories.
It gained significantly in number when the magazine
began to publish
monthly department articles on sports, interesting
people and the theater.
Fiction: This category included all fiction selections with the
exception of poetry.
Along with this categorization of the contents of the magazine, a
record of the serial offerings for the four-year period was kept.[52] In this
way, it was possible to view the magazine contents over time and record the slow
changes and shifts as well as the nature of the material that was worthy of
longer treatment.
Findings
The American Magazine, as Regier's findings suggested, was an even
mix of fiction and articles. The typical issue of The American Magazine from
October 1906 until mid-1909 had twelve selections, two or three poems, and an
array of pictures and illustrations throughout. Of the twelve selections, five
or six would be articles with an emphasis on history, biography and politics;
five or six would be fiction, primarily short stories with one or two continuing
serials; and the remaining one or two would be editorial pieces, most typically
a Mr. Dooley column and In the Interpreter's House that almost always closed the
issue. Each issue had approximately 100 pages of content not including the
front and back advertising pages.
The first October issue was primarily fiction (eight selections
versus the three articles and two editorials) as the new editors scrabbled
around for material to put into their new venture. The issue began with an
editorial announcement introducing the major members in the group and giving
their "vision" of the magazine. They contributed from the beginning, and the
October issue included The Partnership of Society by White, described by the
editors as "a sermon of great sincerity and power--a modern lay sermon of right
thinking;" a Mickey Sweeney investigative detective short story by Steffens, a
much publicized "Mr. Dooley on the Power of the Press" by Dunne, and
announcements for Tarbell's historical series on the tariff, and Adventures in
Contentment by the unknown David Grayson.
Early offerings and some standard features
Baker, in his autobiography, explained that as they began the
magazine Phillips asked them to dig up old projects, finish half-completed ideas
and search for new ideas to fill the magazine. They wanted "to start the new
magazine with a bang. It must be worthy of the announcements we were
making."[53] Baker took this plea seriously and went home to the country to do
just that. The result was his alter-ego, David Grayson and the series,
Adventures in Contentment. Baker's autobiography rings with the pleasure and
the ease with which he began this series about a man escaping from the rush of
city life to live on a farm, taking time to enjoy his life and the nature around
him. He wrote the first six chapters in "about three weeks" and, pledging
Phillips to secrecy, sent them away with the request that he, "Take care of my
child." Phillip's reply came in a telegram: "Manuscript a delight. Bully
boy. Send more chapters. Best wishes."[54]
Baker's authorship of the Grayson chapters remained a secret to the
public, but the magazine staff knew almost at once. In a letter dated July 25,
1906, Steffens wrote to Baker, "Your David Grayson . . . is beautiful. . . .It
did me good; it reminded me of art and right living and the love of man for
man."[55] The first chapter appeared in October and the readers' response was
immediate and appreciative. Baker received letters in great volume. He
related in his autobiography, "So many of the letters I received seemed to imply
that the design of the books was to give courage and hope; could I have been
more effective if I had really had some such design? It was not, honestly,
there."[56] Adventures in Contentment ran through 1907, and then a second
series, The Open Road appeared in spurts during the first half of 1908. Grayson
was no doubt a selling point for the magazine, but it was not the only
contribution Baker was making.
He also was working on the investigative reporting for which he had
become well-known. He became interested in exploring race relations in the
United States after race riots broke out in September 1906 in Atlanta, Georgia.
The series, The Color Line, was announced in the March 1907 issue with the
explanation, "The American Magazine seeks in the present series of articles to
set forth the real conditions on the Negro South and North, always, of course,
in his relationship with the white people; to understand every point of view and
to set down the facts without prejudice."[57] The Color Line ran from April
1907 to August 1907 in its exploration of the South and then continued in
February 1908 through September 1908 looking at the Negro's life in the North.
The series was met with approval, if not a stir for action. A biographer of
Baker noted,
He tended to share the dominant attitudes of his
generation, but, as he was to find, his broad humanity and firm
commitment to democratic principles in the matter were far from
typical . . . . What he had really hoped to do was to educate and
energize his fellow Americans. This he had succeeded in doing in
many
of his muckraking articles, but his study of the Negro was
praised and
then forgotten, and no national sentiment developed.[58]
As Baker was exploring race relations, Tarbell was immersed in the
tariff issue that had become "a matter of popular concern." It was decided that
she would write a history of the tariff as she had of Standard Oil. She
explained that she ran into two difficulties: first, "while in the case of
Standard Oil I had spent my life close to the events, the tariff and its makers
had never touched my life," and second, "another handicap was that my
indignation was directed towards legal acts. . .The beneficiaries had the
sanction of the law."[59] Nonetheless, she waded through the congressional
records, spoke to former president Grover Cleveland, and wrote a six-part series
on the history of the tariff that appeared in The American Magazine from
November 1906 to June 1907.[60] This series was then halted so that she could
work on an update on Standard Oil and the current law suit. This three-part
series, "Roosevelt vs. Rockefeller," appeared from December 1907 to February
1908. The tariff series was continued in 1909 when the Payne-Aldrich bill
renewed the tariff fight. As Tarbell described, it "finally gave a certain
life to my narrative. Here was something belonging to the present, not
something of the past."[61]
Dunne, meanwhile, was writing the occasional Mr. Dooley column and
taking charge of the editorial column. Tarbell explained in her autobiography,
"He came out strongest in his contributions to the department of editorial
comment, which Mr. Phillips had introduced under the head of 'The Interpreter's
House.' We were all supposed to contribute whatever was on our minds to this
department. Mr. Phillips and Mr. Dunne did the censoring and dovetailing."[62]
In the Interpreter's House was written in the style of Bunyan's Pilgrim's
Progress in which Roosevelt had found the "man with the muck rake." The
introductory inscription under the title was a quote from Pilgrim's Progress:
"So they drew on towards the house (the house of the Interpreter) and when they
came to the door they heard a great talk in the house."
Pilgrim's Progress is an allegory of a Christian's travels to
salvation. Through his travels, the Christian meets up with Pliable,
Evangelist, Envy, Hope, and the Judge among others. In The American Magazine's
In the Interpreter's House, the major characters were reminiscent of the editors
and writers of the magazine: the Observer, the Philosopher, the Poet, and the
Responsible Editor (to name just a few). Also featured were characters that
carry a voice of the opposition, for instance, Mr. Worldly Wiseman taken from
Pilgrim's Progress, who "dwelt in the town of Carnal Policy, a very great town,
and also hard by from whence Christian had come,"[63] and Candid Pirate who in
the May 1909 issue told the Responsible Editor that "he has stopped his
subscription to this magazine. . . 'You are a bunch of dreamers and idealists,'
he told me."[64] It is mere speculation to believe that they chose this format
in part to voice their opinions and to poke fun at Roosevelt and the name that
had been chosen for them. It is just as likely that theirs' and Roosevelt's use
of Bunyan's Pilgrim's Progress was indicative of the widespread readership and
popularity of the work.
The editorial department, In the Interpreter's House, addressed many
current issues with a mix of wisdom, wit and humor. It, like no other part of
the magazine, expressed the group's earnestness to find good in man, help direct
their readers and improve the world in which they lived. Tarbell wrote that
Dunne saved the December 1906 Christmas issue. She explained, "We had each of
us broken forth in lament for the particular evil of the world which was
disturbing us, offering our remedies." Dunne concluded the piece:
It seems to me that we are serving up a savory
Christmas number . . . a nice present to be found in the bottom
of a
stocking. . . . You cannot go to the Patent Office in Washington
and
take out a patent that will transform men into angels. The way
upward, long and tedious as it is, lies through the hearts of
men. . .
. Let us close down our desks for the year. If you want to find
me
for another week I will be found in the wonderful little toy shop
around the corner.[65]
The subjects and issues that appeared on the back-page editorial, In
the Interpreter's House, is the best reflection of what the editors believed to
be the important topics of the day. Often, not one, but two or three opinions
were expressed, and both sides of an issue were given equal consideration,
although one side, naturally, got the last word.
In the prospectus for 1909 printed in the December 1908 issue the
editors wrote, "In the Interpreter's House is the freshest and most interesting
form of editorial expression in current journalism, so we have been told
probably a thousand times. It is written by a group of people who not only have
a first-hand knowledge of the day's events, but a background of wide
acquaintance with men and affairs."[66] Subjects ranged from attacking socialism
to rejecting Mr. Worldly Wiseman's plan of patronage to discussing the
temperance issue and the anti-vivisection movement. In some issues, it was used
as a forum to speak directly to the readers about the direction the magazine was
taking or to defend an article that had received negative mail or press. For
instance, in the August 1909 issue the editorial ran a subhead, "In Defense of
Pugilism" discussing the new addition of sports to the magazine's offerings.[67]
Likewise, in the September 1909 issue the editorial defended Tarbell's criticism
of the city of Pittsburgh. The editorial began: "The city of Pittsburgh,
judging from her press,--began the Responsible Editor--is highly incensed at
that member of this household who at our May meeting called attention to the two
extremes of her tariff-made prosperity."[68] In the Interpreter's House
reflected the topics utmost in the minds and hearts of The American Magazine
staff, and Dunne is often given the credit for making it the success that it
was.
If In the Interpreter's House reflected The American Magazine staff,
The Pilgrim's Scrip reflected the readership. The Pilgrim's Scrip, subtitled,
Letters, Comments and Confessions from Readers of the Magazine, began in
September 1907 with a letter from "a woman who is connected with a prominent
college in the middle west" titled, "The Rise in the Cost of Living."[69] This
letter sparked replies and readers began to correspond with each other and the
editors through the pages of the magazine. As it became a standard edition to
the magazine, the editors included praise and complaints about the various
articles and selections within the magazine. The Pilgrim's Scrip offers a
profile of the readership of the magazine that was solidly middle class. For
instance, the December 1907 Pilgrim's Scrip included a letter written by a
gentleman from New York describing "a long talk with our washerwoman about the
cost of living, as she finds it," a letter from "a professor in a middle
western college" and yet another from a self-described "graduate of the largest
university in the country" who had a wife who attended "one of the large and
expensive finishing schools."[70]
A variety of articles and topics gained the praise and criticism of
readers, but the two topics that dominated the Pilgrim's Scrip over the
four-year span was the cost of living and religion.[71] It is not possible to
determine if the Pilgrim's Scrip accurately reflected the volume and tone of all
of the mail that The American Magazine received, but there are indications that
the editors attempted to print both praise and criticism. In the October 1909
issue The Pilgrim's Scrip began with the editorial comment, "Interesting letters
about the church continue to pour in--letters praising our articles, and letters
criticizing them. This month we are printing a number which present the other
side of the case stated by 'An American Woman' in our August number."[72] The
letter from "An Average Preacher" is a diatribe against both the article and the
writers of "Frank Letters." An excerpt read, "He is a sorry sort, indeed, who
cannot now-a-days have his little fling at the church and the preacher in public
print."[73] It is impossible to determine how representative the printed
material was to all of the letters written to the magazine or to know how many
of the readers believed as a clergyman did in praising Tarbell's criticism of
Pittsburgh. He concluded, "I do hope that the American Magazine may continue to
champion the cause of the right and the common people. While I am writing I
want to congratulate you on the kind of magazine you are giving us. I wish that
it might be read in every home in our land."[74]
Difficulties and Steffens' Departure
The readership of the magazine improved slightly over time, but the
circulation remained between 250,000 to 300,000 readers over the four years of
Phillips' Publishing Company ownership. Ayer's American Newspaper Annual and
Directory reported circulation figures of 250,000 in 1907, 280,000 in 1908,
down slightly to 267,339 in 1909 and back up to 287,181 in 1910.[75]
Unfortunately, finances continued to be a problem for the magazine. The
financial panic of 1907 was damaging to the company which was still in debt
from the purchase price.[76] But, as historian John E. Semonche wrote, "Most
distressing of all was the constant shortage of working capital, for a magazine
often must expend its resources far in advance of expected profit."[77]
Phillips returned to "one of the magazine's most enthusiastic supporters,
William Kent the millionaire reformer from California," who was willing to help,
but was hesitant to invest too much.[78]
Another early problem was Steffens' dissatisfaction with and eventual
departure from the venture. The reason for his leaving apparently stemmed from
his ego and his principles. Steffens did not like nor agree with the editing of
his contributions to the magazine. He wrote in his autobiography,
The editing of the American Magazine by a group of
fellow writers was a scattered control which was more cautious
and
interfering than S. S. McClure dictatorship. We all had been a
unit
against S.S. and we could disobey him, the lone boss. I rarely
let
him influence me against my judgment. All the writers on the
editorial board of our own magazine took an interest in what I
was
writing, and they had an appeal that McClure's lacked.[79]
Tarbell in her autobiography remembered,
A few months after we started Lincoln Steffens
withdrew. He objected to the editing of his articles, demanded
that
they go in as he wrote them. The same editorial principles
applied to
his productions that were applied to those of other contributors.
The editorial board decided that the policy could not be changed
and
accepted Steffens' resignation.[80]
But, beyond not liking his material edited, Steffens explained that he
"was asked to 'go easy' at first because we were just starting and needed
friends. . . . And I noticed, with some pain, shame, and lying denials to
myself, that I was going easy. All by myself, without any outside influence, I
was being bought off by my own money, by the prospect of money."[81] Therefore,
Steffens wrote, he resigned.
Tarbell offered another reason for Steffens' dissatisfaction by
explaining his growing conviction that socialism was the answer. She related a
conversation she had with Steffens in which he asked her if they should not make
The American Magazine a socialist organ. She wrote, "I flared. Our only hope
for usefulness was in keeping our freedom, avoiding dogma, I argued. And that
the American continued to do."[82] Semonche also explained the strain included
the rest of the staff's belief that Steffens was not pulling his weight. He
reported that Dunne in a letter to Kent on June 3 wrote in reference to
Steffens, "We don't need any sleeping partners in this concern." In February
1908 the magazine bought out his interest.[83] Both sides had determined that
it was best for him to leave, but he remained a friend and an occasional
contributor to the magazine.
The latter years and change
In the years from 1906 to 1911 muckraking saw many shifts in
popularity. It was strong in 1906 when The American Magazine began, but it
dwindled down by 1908 and seemed to be on its way out. Then, the Taft
administration, the activities of the insurgents in Congress and tariff
legislation revived muckraking and sustained the literature of exposure through
1909 and 1910. The year 1911 was again a high point, but by 1914 any remnants
of muckraking were gone.[84] The American Magazine attempted to relate to
these changes and to the mood of its middle-class readers.
The largest shift in the magazine coverage came in mid- to late 1909
as the magazine attempted to broaden its base of coverage. In May 1909 an
article on baseball appeared and soon there was a monthly sports article. Then
in October 1909 an Interesting People section was added. Each month, the
section included five or six one-page biographies with a full-page illustration
of each person featured. A variety of people were included. For example, in
June 1910 the men and women featured were David Starr Jordan, a professor of
biology; Maude Miner, head of Waverly House in New York City; Edward Trudeau, a
physician; Erman Ridgway, publisher of Everybody's magazine; Henry Davison, a
"young blood" in the banking house of J. P Morgan; and Bishop Charles Williams.
Another section that began to appear regularly was Plays and Players,
which began in September 1909. Written in a large part by Walter Prichard
Eaton, such articles as "Where We Get Our Plays," "What the Players Earn,"
"Plays that Make People Think," and "The Extension of Opera in America" appeared
from November 1909 to February 1910. One other addition worth mentioning that
began at roughly the same time was the inclusion each month of a prayer by
Walter Rauschenbusch of the Rochester Theological Seminary. Baker had met
Rauschenbusch while researching and writing his series, The Spiritual Unrest,
and he admired him and his philosophy.[85] The prayers were most typically
printed on the inside of the back cover and were specific to an occupation. For
instance, prayers were written for public officers, lawyers and working men.
The changes toward these regular departments did not, for the most
part, replace other selections. In October 1909 when most of these changes
began, the number of total items per magazine jumped from twelve to fifteen or
sixteen. The price of the magazine was also changed from ten cents to fifteen
cents sometime between 1909 and 1910.[86] It is likely that the editors began
these departments to fill out the pages of the magazine and to convince the
readers that with the new price they would be receiving additional material.
While these new departments were beginning to appear, Baker's series,
The Spiritual Unrest was running and receiving considerable attention. Tarbell
also was continuing her tariff series in light of the renewed interest in tariff
legislation that was currently in Congress. White's six-part series, The Old
Order Changeth, began in January 1909. The 1909 prospectus of the magazine
explained:
We have been going through a period of agitation and
discussion, almost of revolution; in the confusion of combats,
local
and national, involving political and economic issues, few have
any
definite idea as to what has been gained or lost. We need just
such a
clear, wise and humanly sympathetic writer as Mr. White to tell
us
where we have got to, what is the result of it all.[87]
One muckraking series that began in October 1909 was advertised in
the magazine: "Barbarous Mexico: A series of articles in which important facts
about despotism and slavery in that unhappy country are reported for the first
time and in which the author narrates thrilling personal experiences."[88] The
series was written by John Kenneth Turner, but after the first three, his
articles ended and were replaced by other writer's articles that continued on
the theme of slavery. Turner wrote an article in the socialist Appeal to
Reason, accusing The American Magazine of stopping his articles because of
pressure from advertisers.[89] The American Magazine vehemently denied this
charge in its August issue and Semonche related that in a letter to Kent, Boyden
"said that Turner was simply unreliable and that the staff had to work for two
years in an effort to make the first three articles sound."[90] Semonche
asserted that the handling of this Mexican series hurt the reputation of The
American Magazine: "The suspicion was abroad that perhaps the magazine was
pulling its punches."[91]
Selling the magazine
The magazine was doing well, but had never fully recovered from the
debt with which it began. The embarrassing Mexico series and the continued
financial uncertainty was apparently humiliating and frustrating to Phillips.
According to Semonche, "He [Phillips] conferred with the rest of the staff and
then agreed to sell The American Magazine to a rapidly growing and prosperous
enterprise, the Crowell Company."[92] The New York Times reported on February
2, 1911, that the Crowell Publishing Company of Springfield, Ohio, had purchased
The American Magazine. The article was primarily about the possibility that it
was a sale to a trust to silence the muckrakers. It stated:
In magazine circles, where it had been rumored for
several weeks that the American Magazine was to change hands,
there
were stories to the effect that the Trusts, at last, were looking
after the "muckrakers" and had decided to gather in their centers
of
publicity. "Nothing is farther from the truth, said an officer
of the
Phillips Publishing Company. . . . We simply recognize the fact
that
this is an era in which all forms of enterprise are moving to
larger
and larger units. We got a chance to move into a large unit. We
accepted it. . . . instead of reaching 300,000 readers, we can
now
reach 3,000,000 readers through our new allies in the publication
field."[93]
Further speculation arose three days later when it was discovered that
a partner in the J. P. Morgan Co. was a partner in the magazine firm.[94] The
majority of the staff, as stated in the first article remained with the magazine
for the next few years. Semonche stated that the arrangement worked well for a
year before Baker ran into opposition from the new leadership in March 1912.
But, with persuasion from Tarbell and Phillips, Baker continued until the
changes and the editorial policy became unpalatable to the old muckrakers, and
they resigned in October 1914. After some persuasion, Phillips remained as an
editorial consultant to the new editor from the older group, Siddall, but the
rest of the group left and began other pursuits[95]
The autobiographies of Tarbell and Baker have confused the historical
record of when the magazine was purchased by Crowell because both wrote that as
soon as the magazine was sold, they resigned. Tarbell, writing about the lack
of money and the subsequent sale: "The upshot was that in 1915 the American was
sold to the Crowell Publishing Company. The new owners wanted a different type
of magazine, and John Siddall . . . was made active editor. . . . As for me it
was soon obvious there was no place for my type of work on the new
American."[96] Baker wrote, "I saw the control which had seemed to be firmly in
our group of friends sold to a publishing company far more strongly financed
than we were or could ever hope to be. . . . I could see, or thought I could
see, that our old freedom of complete expression as writers could not be
maintained. I resigned at once."[97]
Conclusion
This group of well-intentioned and principled muckrakers ran the
magazine without interference from October 1906 to March 1911. Were these
writers and editors successful in attaining the goals they set for themselves at
the beginning of the adventure? Yes, as much as such goals were attainable. In
November 1910 the editors devoted In the Interpreter's House to a review of the
progress they had made in their four years of leadership. They concluded:
"You do not work out an ideal in four years. We have not, but we are more
convinced than ever that the things we wanted to be are still the best things in
the world to work for, and if we are a longer way from achieving them than we
would like, we are nearer than when we began."[98] The magazine addressed many
of the political and social issues of the day with series such as Baker's The
Color Line and The Spiritual Unrest, Tarbell's tariff history and studies, and
White's The Old Order Changeth . Changes toward human interest stories and
positive portrayals of some business and politics were made before the magazine
was under new leadership and was consistent with the self-proclaimed "faith in
people . . . which gives us as editors an absorbing interest in the common
American life, all phases of it--religion and economic not less than baseball
and the drama."[99]
Historians of the muckraking era have concluded that the venture
was an exciting one that did not quite live up to its potential. An article
that focused on the finances of the magazine from 1906 to 1915 stated in the
beginning summary that the author, Semonche "traces the melancholy story of the
magazine's decline and its passing into the hands of owners who put profits
first."[100] The well-cited Frank Luther Mott in his History of American
Magazines wrote, "It was the human interest side of the tandem that ran away
with the magazine in the course of time"[101] Filler asserts "By the time they
had lost the magazine entirely it was hardly recognizable as the organ they had
launched so bravely in 1906."[102]
The American Magazine may not have lived up to the liberal
expectations of many of the historians of the muckraking period, but did remain
true to its goal to be fair-minded and to accurately reflect American life--both
the bad and the good. As for Steffens accusation that Phillips and the others
wanted him to "go easy" it is hard to say how much truth was in his statement.
The question is not necessarily whether Steffens was lying, but whether the
staff of The American Magazine intentionally softened their blows and
compromised their principles or whether it was Steffens' more radical views that
they believed needed softening. Regier explained that muckrakers in general
"were neither doctrinaire reformers nor hard-boiled economists; they were
newspaper men with a generous interest in human nature, considerable confidence
in American democracy, and a sportsmanlike desire for fair play."[103]
The staff of The American Magazine wanted to be successful in
educating, informing and entertaining its middle-class audience while reaching
more and more people with their ideal message. Larger circulation translated
not only into financial profit, but in reaching a larger readership. It was
possible that "going easy" or shifting the magazine toward more human interest
stories was consciously undertaken to reach a larger readership. In this way,
the staff could continue to address issues which they felt were the most
important and reach an audience drawn to the magazine for its other features.
It is more likely that the staff's interests and philosophies had
matured and mellowed with experience. The staff had begun The American Magazine
in the later years of their career: Tarbell was forty-eight, Baker thirty-six,
Dunne thirty-nine and Steffens was forty. And, it can be argued, that even in
their youth Tarbell, Baker, Steffens and the others were more interested in
giving an accurate, thorough and factual picture of any issue they were
researching than to prove its corruption or negative nature. They firmly
believed that the facts spoke for themselves. Steffens became dissatisfied with
exposure that did not bring enough reform and turned toward socialism. The
others rejected socialism, but they, too, seemed discontent in 1906 when they
were being labeled "muckrakers." Tarbell wrote, "The American Magazine had
little genuine muckraking spirit. It did have a large and fighting interest in
fair play; it sought to present things as they were, not as somebody thought
they ought to be."[104]
The American Magazine from 1906 to 1911 was under the direction of a
group of middle-class idealists, journalists and editors who believed in America
and wanted to aid in its success. To do so, they worked to expose both the
good and bad in American social and political life in the hope that an educated
public would not let America ruin itself. When the venture was not successful
financially and they could no longer produce the magazine to which they aspired,
they sold it to the prosperous Crowell Company for whom they continued to
produce the magazine for the next few years. Then, when the new leadership of
the magazine no longer allowed them their voice, they resigned and continued
their careers in new directions, but with the same fair-minded and muckraking
spirit that they had begun.
[1] C. C. Regier, The Era of the Muckrakers (Chapel Hill: The
University of North Carolina Press, 1932), 198.
[2] Louis Filler, The Muckrakers: New and Enlarged Edition of
Crusaders for American Liberalism (New York: Harcourt, Brace and Company, Inc.,
[Crusaders for American Liberalism], 1939; University Park, Pennsylvania: The
Pennsylvania State University Press, 1976), 252.
[3] Regier, The Era of the Muckrakers, 2-3.
[4] Ibid., 5-6.
[5] Filler, The Muckrakers, 9.
[6] Regier, Era of the Muckrakers, 55-56.
[7] Ibid., 56.
[8] Ibid., 55.
[9] Ibid., 22.
[10] Filler, The Muckrakers, 245.
[11] John E. Semonche, "The "American Magazine" of 1906-1915:
Principle vs. Profit," Journalism Quarterly, 40 (1963), 36.
[12] Ida M. Tarbell, All in the Day's Work: An Autobiography (New
York: The Macmillan Company, 1939), 256.
[13] "J. S. Phillips Quits McClure Partnership," New York Times,
May 11, 1906, 9:3
[14] Semonche, "The American Magazine of 1906-1915," 37.
[15] Emporia, Kansas.
[16] "American Magazine Sold," New York Times, June 27, 1906, 7:5
[17] Filler, The Muckrakers, 103-5; Regier, Era of Muckrakers, 38.
[18] Ray Stannard Baker, American Chronicle: The Autobiography of
Ray Stannard Baker (New York: Scribner's Sons, 1945), 220.
[19] Ibid.
[20] Regier, The Era of Muckrakers, 59; Filler, The Muckrakers, 55.
[21] Filler, The Muckrakers, 91-93.
[22] Ibid., 87.
[23] Ibid., 88.
[24] Tarbell, All in the Day's Work, 260.
[25] Filler, The Muckrakers, 58.
[26] Lincoln Steffens, The Autobiography of Lincoln Steffens (New
York: Harcourt, Brace and Company, 1931), 537-538.
[27] Tarbell, All in the Day's Work, 259-260.
[28] See the editorial announcement in the October 1906 issue of The
American Magazine for a description of White and the other writers, 569-574.
[29] Baker, American Chronicle, 223.
[30] Regier, Era of the Muckrakers, 56.
[31] John Tebbel, The American Magazine: A Compact History (New
York: Hawthorn Books, Inc., 1969),177.
[32] Tarbell, All in the Day's Work, 258.
[33] Baker, American Chronicle, 220.
[34] Tarbell, All in the Day's Work, 261.
[35] Baker, American Chronicle, 220.
[36] Regier, Era of the Muckrakers, 155.
[37] Baker, American Chronicle, 228.
[38] Tarbell, All in the Day's Work, 262.
[39] Ella Winter, The Letters of Lincoln Steffens: Volume I:
1889-1919 (New York: Harcourt, Brace and Company, 1938), 174.
[40] Baker, American Chronicle, 226.
[41] Winter, The Letters of Lincoln Steffens, 174; Semonche, "The
American Magazine from 1906-1915," 37.
[42] Tarbell, All in the Day's Work, 299.
[43] Baker, American Chronicle, 228.
[44] "Editorial Announcement," The American Magazine, October 1906,
575.
[45] Arthur and Lila Weinberg, editors, The Muckrakers: The Era in
Journalism that Moved America to Reform--The Most Significant Magazine Articles
of 1902-1912 (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1961), xv.
[46] Filler, Muckrakers, 242.
[47] Regier, Era of Muckrakers, 155.
[48] Filler, The Muckrakers, 82.
[49] Regier, Era of Muckrakers, 22-23.
[50] Ibid., 48.
[51] Appendix One is a table of the categories calculated.
[52] Appendix Two is a listing of the serial offerings. This
listing includes fictional and factual essays as well as insertions that became
departmental features of the magazine.
[53] Baker, American Chronicle, 228-229.
[54] Ibid., 234.
[55] Ibid., 239.
[56] Ibid., 243.
[57] Editorial Announcement, The American Magazine, March 1907, 193.
[58] John E. Semonche, Ray Stannard Baker: A Quest for Democracy in
Modern America, 1870-1918 (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press,
1969), 210.
[59] Tarbell, All in the Day's Work, 267-268.
[60] Ibid., 269-271.
[61] Ibid., 271.
[62] Ibid., 260.
[63] John Bunyan, The Pilgrim's Progress (1678; Chicago: The New
American Library of World Literature, Inc., 1964), 24.
[64] "In the Interpreter's House," The American Magazine, May 1909,
102.
[65] Tarbell, All in the Day's Work, 260.
[66] "The American Magazine for 1909," The American Magazine,
December 1908, 17.
[67] "In the Interpreter's House: In Defense of Pugilism," The
American Magazine, August 1909, 414.
[68] "In the Interpreter's House," The American Magazine, September
1909, 517.
[69] "The Pilgrim's Scrip," The American Magazine, September 1907,
554.
[70] "The Pilgrim's Scrip," The American Magazine, December 1907,
220-224.
[71] Religion became a dominant subject because of a series of
articles by Baker entitled, The Spiritual Unrest. The series ran in The
American Magazine from December 1908 to December 1909.
[72] "The Pilgrim's Scrip," The American Magazine, October 1909,
659.
[73] Ibid.
[74] "The Pilgrim's Scrip," The American Magazine, July 1909, 308.
[75] Ayer's American Newspaper Annual and Directory, 1880-1971.
[76] The Panic of 1907 was the result of a shaky stock market and
widespread speculation trading. One failure perpetuated rumors of the
unsteadiness of the banks causing a run and when one of the largest banks in
America, the Knickerbocker Trust, had to close its doors, the panic began. J.P.
Morgan led a united group of financers to end the run, but the depression and
threat that followed left an unstable financial environment. For more detailed
information, see Filler, 307-319.
[77] Semonche, "The American Magazine from1906-1915," 38.
[78] Ibid., 38-39.
[79] Steffens, Autobiography, 575.
[80] Tarbell, All in the Day's Work, 297.
[81] Steffens, Autobiography, 575.
[82] Tarbell, All in the Day's Work, 298.
[83] Semonche, "The American Magazine from 1906-1915, 38.
[84] Regier, Era of the Muckrakers,194.
[85] Baker, American Chronicle, 256.
[86] The exact issue that this change occured is not known because a
large portion of the issues available for this research were in bound volumes
that had a complete volume title page and table of contents, but did not have
the front covers, advertising, or table of contents for each of the included
issues. The most likely time for a change in price would be with the new year
because of the number of yearly subscriptions.
[87] "The American Magazine in 1909," The American Magazine,
December 1908, 9.
[88] "Barbarous Mexico," The American Magazine, October 1909, 523.
[89] Semonche, "The American Magazine from 1906-1915," 40.
[90] Ibid.
[91] Ibid.
[92] Ibid.
[93] "Gets American Magazine," New York Times, February 2, 1911,
1:2; The allies referred to are the Women's Home Companion and Farm and
Fireside, two successful publications that Crowell owned.
[94] "Partner of Morgan in Magazine Firm," New York Times, February
5, 1911, 7:1.
[95] Semonche, "The American Magazine from 1906-1915," 44.
[96] Tarbell, All in the Day's Work, 300.
[97] Baker, American Chronicle, 302.
[98] "In the Interpreter's House," The American Magazine, November
1910, 142.
[99] Ibid., 143.
[100] Semonche, "The American Magazine from 1906-1915," 36.
[101] Frank Luther Mott, A History of American Magazines, Vol. III,
1865-1885 (Cambridge, Massachsetts: The Belknap Press of Harvard University
Press, 1967), 514; It is interesting to note that Mott, who is often cited by
many other historians, is one of those who incorrectly states that the magazine
was sold in 1915.
[102] Filler, The Muckrakers, 364; Filler incorrectly has the
timing of the sale of the magazine coming before the Mexico series and uses
"Barbarous Mexico" as an indicator that the muckrakers had been taken over. See
pages 363-364.
[103] Regier, Era of the Muckrakers, 147.
[104] Tarbell, All in the Day's Work, 280.
Appendix One
The Contents of The American Magazine Issues from October 1906 to
March 1911
Mon./Yr
Total #
Articles
Muck
Personal
Misc.
Fiction
Editorial
Oct. 06
13
3
1
0
2
8
1
Nov. 06
13
4
1
1
2
8
1
Dec. 06
14
4
1
2
1
8
2
Jan. 07
11
5
2
1
1
5
1
Feb. 07
15
7
1
1
5
7
1
March 07
13
6
2
1
1
6
1
April 07
12
5
2
1
1
5
2
May 07
12
5
3
1
1
6
1
June 07
12
6
3
1
2
5
1
July 07
12
5
1
2
2
4
3
Aug. 07
12
3
2
1
0
8
1
Sept. 07
11
5
2
1
2
5
1
Oct. 07
11
5
2
1
2
5
1
Nov. 07
12
5
1
1
3
7
1
Dec. 07
13
5
2
0
2
7
2
Jan. 08
13
6
3
3
0
5
2
Feb. 08
12
5
4
1
0
5
2
March 08
11
6
4
1
1
3
2
April 08
12
5
2
0
3
5
2
May 08
12
3
2
0
1
7
2
June 08
12
5
2
3
0
5
2
July 08
12
3
2
1
0
6
3
Aug. 08
12
2
2
0
0
8
2
Sept. 08
15
6
3
1
2
7
3
Oct. 08
13
5
1
1
3
6
2
Nov. 08
13
5
2
1
2
6
2
Dec. 08
13
5
2
2
1
5
3
Jan. 09
12
6
2
2
2
5
1
Feb. 09
11
5
3
2
0
5
1
March 09
12
6
3
3
0
5
2
April 09
11
6
3
2
1
4
1
May 09
12
6
3
1
2
5
1
June 09
12
5
2
1
2
5
2
July 09
12
5
3
1
1
7
0
Aug. 09
12
5
1
1
2
6
1
Sept. 09
12
5
2
0
3
6
1
Mon./Yr
Total #
Articles
Muck
Personal
Misc
Fiction
Editorial
Oct. 09
15
7
2
2
3
6
2
Nov. 09
15
8
2
1
5
6
1
Dec. 09
16
8
3
3
2
7
1
Jan. 10
16
9
4
2
3
5
2
Feb. 10
15
7
4
1
2
7
1
March 10
16
10
5
2
3
5
1
April 10
16
9
4
2
3
6
1
May 10
16
9
4
2
3
6
1
June 10
15
10
2
3
5
4
1
July 10
16
9
2
3
4
6
1
Aug. 10
16
7
1
3
3
6
2
Sept. 10
13
9
3
3
3
5
0
Oct. 10
16
8
3
1
4
7
1
Nov. 10
14
7
2
1
4
6
1
Dec. 10
16
9
4
2
3
6
1
Jan. 11
14
6
2
2
2
6
2
Feb. 11
15
6
3
1
2
5
3
March 11
12
6
3
0
3
6
1
Appendix Two
Serial Offerings of The American Magazine Issues from October 1906 to
March 1911
Mon./Yr
Fiction
Articles/Tarbell
Articles/Grayson
Articles/Baker
Other/Departments
Personal/Editorial
9/06
10/06
11/06
Tariff - Tarbell
Adventures in Content (Grayson)
12/06
1/07
Arethusa (fiction)
Tariff - Tarbell
Adv. in C. (Grayson)
Letetia (f)
2/07
Arethusa (fiction)
Adv. in C. (Grayson)
3/07
Arethusa (fiction)
Tariff - Tarbell
Adv. in C. (Grayson)
Letetia (f)
4/07
Arethusa (fiction)
Tariff - Tarbell
Adv. in C. (Grayson)
Color Line (Baker)
5/07
Arethusa (fiction)
Tariff - Tarbell
Adv. in C. (Grayson)
Color Line (Baker)
6/07
Arethusa (fiction)
Tariff - Tarbell
Adv. in C. (Grayson)
Color Line (Baker)
Letetia (f)
7/07
Arethusa (fiction)
Adv. in C. (Grayson)
Color Line (Baker)
8/07
Arethusa (fiction)
Adv. in C. (Grayson)
Color Line (Baker)
9/07
Arethusa (fiction)
Adv. in C. (Grayson)
Taming of the West (Steffens)
Slaves who stayed (f)
10/07
Adv. in C. (Grayson)
T. of West (Steffens)
11/ 07
Adv. in C. (Grayson)
Mote&Beam(Steffen)
Letetia (f)
12/07
Roosevelt vs. Rockefeller (Tarbell)
Mote & Beam
(Steffens)
Slaves who stayed (f)
1/08
R. vs. R. (Tarbell)
Open Road (Grayson)
Metropolis (Sinclair)
Mr. Dooley
2/08
R. vs. R. (Tarbell)
Color Line (Baker)
Metropolis (Sinclair)
Mr. Dooley
3/ 08
Open Road (Grayson)
Color Line (Baker)
Metropolis (Sinclair)
Mr. Dooley
4/ 08
Color Line (Baker)
Mr. Dooley
5/08
Simple Septimus (f)
Color Line (Baker)
Mr. Dooley
6/08
Simple Septimus (f)
Open Road (Grayson)
Color Line (Baker)
Mr. Dooley
7/08
Simple Septimus (f)
Color Line (Baker)
Mr. Dooley
8/08
Simple Septimus (f)
Color Line (Baker)
9/08
Simple Septimus (f)
Color Line (Baker)
10/08
Simple Septimus (f)
11/08
Simple Septimus (f)
Chicago (Tarbell)
Letters from G.G.
12/08
Simple Septimus (f)
Chicago (Tarbell)
Spiritual Unrest (Baker)
1/09
Simple Septimus (f)
Old Order Changeth/ Open Road (Grayson)
Spirit Unrest (Baker)
Letters from G.G.
2/09
Mary Soul (f)
Old Order (White)
Slaves who stayed (f)
Letters from G.G.
3/09
Margarita's Soul (f)
Tariff (Tarbell)
Old Order (White)
Letters from G.G.
4/09
Margarita's Soul (f)
Tariff (Tarbell)
Old Order (White)
Letters from G.G.
5/09
Margarita's Soul (f)
Old Order (White)
Spirit Unrest (Baker)
Baseball story
Letters from G.G.
6/09
Margarita's Soul (f)
Tariff (Tarbell)
Spirit Unrest (Baker)
Baseball story
Letters from G.G.
7/09
Margarita's Soul (f)
Spirit Unrest (Baker)
Letters from G.G.
8/09
Margarita's Soul (f)
Old Order (White)
Baseball story
Letters from G.G.
9/09
Margarita's Soul (f)
Spirit Unrest (Baker)
Drama
10/09
Margarita's Soul (f)
Spirit Unrest (Baker) /Barbarous Mexico
Plays & Players/ Interesting People/ Football
Mr. Dooley
11/ 09
S. Jester (f)/Togo Tales (f)
American Woman
(Tarbell)
Barbarous Mexico
P & P / Int. People
12/09
S. Jester (f)/ Togo (f)
Am. Woman (Tarbell)
New Adv. (Grayson)
S. Unrest/B. Mexico
P & P / Int. People
1/10
S. Jester (f)
Am. Woman (Tarbell)
New Adv. (Grayson)
Barbarous Mexico
P & P/ People/BBall
The Cabin (f)
2/10
S. Jester (f)/ Togo (f)
Am. Woman (Tarbell)
Barbarous Mexico
P & P / Int. People
The Cabin (f)
3/10
S.Jester (f)
Am. Woman (Tarbell)
Barbarous Mexico
P & P / Int. People
The Cabin (f)
4/10
S. Jester (f)/Togo (f)
Am. Woman (Tarbell)
Barbarous Mexico
P & P / People/BBall
Cabin (f)/ J.Adams(p)
5/10
S. Jester (f)
Am. Woman (Tarbell)
P & P /People/BBall
Cabin (f)/ Adams(p)
6/10
S. Jester (f)
P & P /People/BBall
Cabin (f)/Adams (p)
7/10
S. Jester (f)
P & P /People/BBall
Cabin (f)/ Adams (p)
8/10
S. Jester (f)
New Adv. (Grayson)
Barbarous Mexico
P & P /People/Tennis
Cabin (f)/ Adams (p)
9/10
New Adv. (Grayson)
Barbarous Mexico
P & P/People/Horses
/ Adams (p)
10/10
Tariff (Tarbell)
New Adv. (Grayson)
Barbarous Mexico
P & P / Int. People
11/10
Secret Garden (f)
Tariff (Tarbell)
P & P /People/BBall
12/10
Secret Garden (f)
Tariff (Tarbell)
Caesar-taxes (Nock) /B. Mexico
P & P / Int. People
Human Grit (p)
1/11
Secret Garden (f)
Tariff (Tarbell)
Caesar-taxes
P & P / Int. People
Human Grit (p)
2/11
Secret Garden (f)
Caesar-taxes
P & P / Int. People
Human Grit (p)
3/ 11
Secret Garden (f)
Caesar-taxes
P & P / Int. People
Human Grit (p)
|
