The Status Degradation Ceremony of Michael Gartner
Samuel P. Winch
Department of Journalism
Bowling Green State University
Bowling Green, Ohio 43403
(419) 372-6024
[log in to unmask]
Submitted to the Qualitative Studies Division, for presentation at the
annual meeting of the Association for Education in Journalism and
Mass
Communication, Atlanta, Georgia, August 1994.
Winch, Samuel P. "The Status Degradation Ceremony of Michael Gartner,"
paper submitted to the Qualitative Studies Division, for
presentation at
the annual meeting of the Association for Education in Journalism
and
Mass Communication, in Atlanta, Georgia, August 1994.
ABSTRACT: The social institution of journalism relies on cultural
authority to legitimately define and describe reality to the public.
Threats to cultural authority can come from within the institution or
from outside. Internal threats are identified as deviance, then
ritually punished through critical rhetoric. This study examines the
rhetoric surrounding the 1992 Dateline NBC story on General Motors
pickup trucks, identifying it as a case of journalism responding to an
internal threat to cultural authority.
The Status Degradation Ceremony of Michael Gartner[1]
Introduction
This is a study about the cultural authority of journalism and
journalists. Cultural authority is the authority to define and
describe
reality. This cultural authority of journalism depends on several
legitimacy factorsDthings like objectivity and believability, which
affect journalism's credibility with the publicDand therefore,
authority. Journalists respond to threats to these legitimacy factors
through rhetorical discourse. For instance, when a journalist
engaged
in fraud, other journalists declare the person a deviant, and then
denounce the acts of deviance. This is an example of an internal threat
to the cultural authority of journalism. There are also external
threats, such as when an entertainment program disguises itself as
journalistic. Journalists respond to these kinds of threats with
boundary-work rhetoricDdiscourse which attempts to show that there is a
boundary between the two types of mass communication.
This study examines an internal threat to the cultural authority of
journalism. It was a case of journalistic fraud, which was
discussed in
great detail within the institution of journalism: Dateline NBC, a
network news division-produced weekly newsmagazine, broadcast a story
about General Motors pickup trucks which contained a simulated crash
scene which was set-up by the program's producers. Michael Gartner,
the
president of NBC News, was held responsible for the segment, which
was
labeled an act of journalistic fraud. The rhetoric which surrounded
this example of journalistic deviance resembles what Harold Garfinkel
calls a "status degradation ceremony," whereby deviant members are
expelled from an institution (in this case, the institution of
journalism) in order to minimize the harm to the institution as a whole.[2]
These are the questions that are examined in this study: Was the
sanctioning of Michael Gartner and Dateline's producers accomplished
in
such a way as to deflect attention from the structural flaws in the
institution of journalism itself, and instead focus on the
idiosyncrasies of these individuals and the sources of their fakery?
Does the institution of journalism survive the scandal, while Gartner
and the producers are ritually sacrificed; described as unusualDor
rareDdeviants? Did the response strategy resemble what Garfinkel calls
a successful status degradation ceremony?
This rhetorical analysis focuses on locating the elements and arguments
described by Garfinkel, within the discourse among journalists
which
followed the event of the broadcast and the subsequent charges of
wrongdoing. This is an examination of the rhetorical strategies of
journalists reacting to accusations that a prominent news production
institution, the NBC News division, engaged in fakery and fraud, and
that Michael Gartner failed his profession by allowing it to happen.
The Dateline NBC / GM "event"
Dateline NBC is a weekly newsmagazine program which began in April 1992.
On November 17, 1992, Dateline NBC broadcast a report entitled,
"Waiting to Explode?" which criticized the design of General Motors
full-size pickup trucks built between 1973-1987, alleging that they
were
more susceptible to dangerous explosions when involved in
side-impact
vehicle accidents. The report included a powerful visual
demonstration
of the problemDan "unscientific crash demonstration," followed by a
fiery explosion. General Motors Corp. filed a defamation lawsuit
against NBC, and announced its complaints via a two-hour globally-
televised press conference on February 8, 1993. During the press
conference, GM lawyers alleged, among other things, that Dateline's
producers allowed "incendiary," or "sparking devices" (model rocket
engines) to be attached to the underside of the trucks to insure that
any gasoline spilled during the simulated accident would igniteDand
that
Dateline then failed to publicly disclose this fact in the program.
NBC
responded with an on-the-air apology the next night, read by
Dateline
anchors Jane Pauley and Stone Phillips. GM dropped its lawsuit after
the apology. Michael Gartner resigned on March 2, 1993. Three
producers responsible for the GM pickup story segment were forced to
resign on March 19, 1993. NBC President and CEO Robert Wright
publicly
apologized to viewers and to General Motors Corp. on March 22, 1993.
The news media covered the story in detail, and many journalism critics
discussed the event in various newspapers, magazines,
professional
journals, and on television programs. The Poynter Institute for Media
Studies, a non-profit organization in St. Petersburg, Florida, even
sponsored a conference and two-hour discussion of the event by
professional journalists and journalism professors, which was nationally
televised on C-SPAN on April 15, 1993. The title of the conference
was
"When Good Journalists Do Bad Things: Truthtelling and the Public
Trust," which is now being distributed by the Poynter Institute on
videocassette.
Responding to deviance
The very public outcry by professional journalists and journalism
critics is a signal that a boundary line was crossed by Dateline
NBCDthe
line could be described as one between truth and fiction, between
news
and entertainment, between disinterestedness and agency, between
professional and unprofessional journalism, or between mainstream and
tabloid journalism. This public discourse served several purposes:
1)
to distance the techniques used by Dateline from commonly accepted
professional journalism practices and signal that this kind of behavior
is deviant; 2) to reassure the public that professional journalists
are
able to police their ranks; and 3) to maintain the social boundaries
between journalism and entertainment or tabloid television by showing
that deviant behavior which may resemble these other genres of
communication will not go unpunished. As sociologists Gieryn, Bevins
and Zehr note:
Erection of social boundaries around a niche in the division of labor
aids professionalization in two ways: (1) Boundaries create
demand for a
distinctive commodity by demarcating the professional's
services from
similarDbut in crucial ways dissimilarDservices provided by
outsiders.
(2) Boundaries serve to exclude providers of "similar"
services who
falsely claim (according to insiders) to be within the
profession. Both
are essential steps toward the monopolization of a
profession's market,
for the boundaries can be used to deny expertise, authority
and thus
employment and material resources to potentially competitive
outsiders.[3]
There are both costs and benefits to revealing deviant behavior: "the
basic dilemma of social control: to publicize or not to
publicize
deviant behavior."[4] Such publicity is negative and can serve to
undermine public confidence in the institutionDespecially in the short
term. A pattern of unpunished violations of norms, however, could
be
more damaging to the perceived integrity of the profession in the
long
run.
Emile Durkheim says the public sanction of deviance is a healthy
exercise for a group or institution because it helps to show group
members how to recognize the area between acceptable and unacceptable
behavior.[5] In his study on the sociology of deviance among the
Puritan
settlers of America, Kai Erickson notes, "the interactions which do
the
most effective job of locating and publicizing the group's outer
edges
would seem to be those which take place between deviant persons on
the
one side and official agents of the community on the other."[6]
Journalism credibility and authority
Journalists often talk about journalistic credibility and how to
preserve it. The essential elements of journalistic credibility are
believability and trust.[7] Journalists and journalism researchers
seem to
agree that the concept of journalistic credibility rests on the
ability
of journalists to provide true, accurate, factual information.[8]
The
information must be fair, unbiased, and independent from outside
influences.[9] Without credibility, a journalist cannot function as an
information provider, so credibility is the basis of authority for
journalists. Journalists use this authority to inform the public, and
to engage in debate.
James Carey, building on the insights of James Dewey and Walter
Lippmann, has argued that the true role of the news media is not to
inform the public in the traditional sense, but is to "activate
inquiry," or to get people interested and engaged in debate and
discussion.[10] Carey says the news media should be "an agency for
carrying
on the conversation of our culture." An agency of cultural
conversation
must enjoy a certain measure of authority and legitimacy if it is to
be
taken seriously, and therefore, if it is to function. It has the
power
to describe the conversations of our culture and send these
descriptions
to all the citizens who care to see or listen. Sociologists of
science
have described the legitimated power to describe and define reality
as
cognitive authority.[11] I believe journalists have this same type
of
authority or power. Paul Starr, in his studies of the medical
profession, calls this power cultural authority.[12] He says "cultural
authority entails the construction of reality through definitions of
fact and value." Starr distinguishes cultural authority from social
authority, which he says "involves the control of action through the
giving of commands."
Cultural authority, on the other hand, is derived from performing a
service, and from the ability to determine the needs of clients.
Journalists perform the service of informing public debates, and they
determine which cultural conversations people need to be aware of,
and
engaged in. The cultural authority of journalists therefore, is
based
on the dependence of the public on the ability of journalists to
present
important information in a coherent and reliable fashion. Starr
says
the cultural authority of medical doctors rests on three aspects of
legitimacy: collegial, cognitive, and moral. For journalistic cultural
authority, these same aspects of legitimacy are appropriate: 1. the
collegial legitimacy of the journalistDthe acceptance by others in
their
profession; 2. the cognitive legitimacy of the journalistic
productDbased on rational, objective methods; and 3. the moral
legitimacy of the journalistDthe journalist's judgments are oriented
toward altruism and public service.[13]
The need for research
Mass communication researchers need to investigate the cultural
authority of journalism. As an area of inquiry, it has been largely
ignored. As Peter Dahlgren argues, "Journalism's centrality in
politics
and culture, as well as its vested economic and occupational
interests,
make questions regarding its boundaries, uses and contingencies of
more
than idle concern."[14] Some of the questions along this vein which
demand
our attention include: How have journalists been able to demarcate
their
area of mass communication from other types of mass communication?
How
are journalists able to maintain control over the production and
evaluation of news? How are they able to maintain the public perception
that they are authoritative or credible? How do journalists convert
cultural authority into other opportunities, such as jobs, political
influence, and prestige? How does the profession of journalism
respond
to threats or challenges to its cultural authority?[15] This study
is a
start in this line of research.
Other culture-producing social institutions such as the advertising,
public relations, and entertainment industries communicate to the
masses. When these institutions and industries produce messages which
appear similar to journalism, journalists interpret these events as
external threats to the boundaries of journalism.[16] The cultural
authority of the institution of journalism depends on the ability of
people to distinguish between it and other kinds of mass
communication.
It may be useful for journalism researchers to examine what
sociologists
of science call "boundary-work rhetoric," which is the rhetorical
strategy of scientists wishing to distinguish between science and
non-science.[17] For example, physicists tend to draw a boundary (in
their
discourse) between what they do and what psychics do. Likewise,
mainstream journalists tend to draw a boundary between what they do and
what tabloid journalists do. When the public doesn't notice the
difference between a psychic and a physicist, the physicist will engage
in boundary work rhetoric; socially-constructing a boundary in order
to
protect their cultural authority. Likewise, mainstream journalists
engage in boundary-work rhetoric because they would like the public to
be aware of the differences between their journalism and tabloid
journalism.
Threats to cultural authority of an institution or profession can also
come from within the institution or profession itself. A
well-publicized case of fraud or fakery is perhaps the prime example
of
an internal threat to cultural authority. For example, when it was
revealed that reporter Janet Cooke fabricated a journalistic story
about
a heroin addict who was 8-years-old, the Washington Post and the
rest of
the American journalism institution reeled from the impact to
journalistic credibility and cultural authority.[18] A more recent example,
which is the subject of this paper, is the case of the NBC weekly
newsmagazine program Dateline NBC and the revelation that it "rigged" a
fiery crash in a story about the safety of General Motors pickup
trucks.
As Dahlgren notes, one of the distinctive aspects of turmoil within the
institution of journalism is that those within the institution
"strive
to maintain discursive control over such turmoil. Among other
things,
this helps to consolidate and legitimate professional practices and
identity (by) ... retain(ing) definitional control of the field, its
problems and potential solutions."[19]
The site of this study is in the symbolic interaction of
journalistsDtheir communicative actsD as they respond to threats to the
cultural authority of the journalism institution. These rhetorical
interactions are interpreted and evaluated according to how they fit
the
model proposed by Harold Garfinkel for a successful status
degradation
ceremony. Such a ceremony consists of "communicative work directed
to
transforming an individual's total identity into an identity lower
in
the group's scheme of social types."[20] The individuals in this
case are
Michael Gartner and the three Dateline producers who were also
fired:
executive producer Jeff Diamond, senior producer David Rummel, and
field
segment producer Robert Read. Most of the attention will be given
to
Gartner simply because he was the lightning rod for much of the
rhetoric
surrounding this case. He symbolized everything that was wrong with
NBC
News.
Some contextual notes
Michael Gartner was the president of NBC News when the Dateline NBC
report on General Motors pickup trucks was broadcast in 1992.
Gartner
was (among journalists) one of the most well-known and outspoken
personalities in the profession. For journalists in the 1980s, he and
his trademark bow-tie became an icon for First Amendment absolutism.
He
was a third generation journalist; his father and grandfather both
worked at newspapers in Iowa.[21] Some of his previous accomplishments
include: page one editor, Wall Street Journal; editor and co-owner,
Ames, Iowa, Daily Tribune; general news executive, Gannett Co.;
president, Des Moines Register and Tribune Co.; editor, Louisville
Courier-Journal and Louisville Times; member, Pulitzer Prize board; and
president, American Society of Newspaper Editors. A New York
University
Law School graduate, he is known as a strict interpreter of First
Amendment press rights. For instance, Gartner argued that "there is no
right to privacyDexcept from the government."[22] He was also
famous among
journalists for having argued that it is wrong for reporters to use
anonymous sources "in all but the most delicate of stories," because it
damages the credibility of all journalism.[23] Gartner was also
known for
his business and financial expertise. In 1984, he managed to get
the
Gannett Co. into a bidding war for control of The Des Moines
Register,
and reportedly pocketed more than $3 million from the deal.[24]
Notes on method
This study is an examination of how deviance in American journalism is
confronted by the official agents of the institution of
journalismDnamely, other journalists. This examination strives to
explain how members of a public institution, namely journalism, produce
cultural meaning and reproduce social structures by engaging in
rhetorical discourse. By the way, in this study the term "rhetoric" is
not used in its traditional pejorative sense: as baseless, flowery
argument; but in the tradition of contemporary rhetorical theorists such
as Kenneth Burke, J rgen Habermas, and Steven ToulminDwho, in
general,
study and theorize about persuasive communicative actions and the
motivations for these actions.[25]
I embrace the hermeneutic approach in this examination. It is an
individual attempt to make sense of a cultural event and the
surrounding
rhetoric through interpretation.[26] My primary interest is
improving the
self-understanding of journalists by examining their participation
in
this event. The meanings generated by this examination can never be
"completed," as they will be re-negotiated and mediated by future
interpreters.[27] Although the evidence gathered for this study seems
persuasive to me, other interpreters are encouraged to discover
alternate explanations.
The "universe" sample for this study included all the articles appearing
in NEXIS containing the words "Dateline NBC" and "General
Motors"
appearing between November 1, 1992 and June 30, 1993 (some 521
newspaper, magazine, wire service, and journal articles). Also
examined: the videotape of the conference at the Poynter Institute on
April 15, 1993, and the lawyer's report commissioned by NBC and
released
March 21, 1993.
The Status Degradation Ceremony
Garfinkel says there are eight sequential stages of a successful status
degradation ceremony, consisting of specific "effects that the
communicative tactics of the denouncer must be designed to accomplish."[28]
These eight types of arguments must be put forward by people within
a
community or institution that wants to banish deviants and at the
same
time, minimize harm to the institution itself. The eight types of
rhetoric are:
I. Both the event and the perpetrators must be made to look unusual.
This is accomplished by charging the people with the deviant
behavior.
II. The perpetrators must be stereotyped as badDimplying that they are
not just accidentally bad.
III. The denouncers must show that they belong to the community and that
they are speaking for the community or institution, not just as
private
individuals with other than communitarian motives.
IV. The denouncers must show that the values of the community are
salient, and that they are good and right.
V. The denouncers must show that they speak for these values.
VI. The denouncers must show that they have support from the community.
VII. The deviants are banished.
VIII. The deviants must be ritually separated from the community so that
the community may go on as before.
Below, I go through each of these kinds of rhetorical discourse, giving
examples of how each of the steps were followed.
I. Both the event and the perpetrators must be made to look unusual.
This is accomplished by charging the people with the deviant
behavior.
The Dateline NBC / GM event and the perpetrators, Gartner, et al, are
made to seem "out of the ordinary," and the charges against them
are
filed in several distinct ways, as listed below:
A. Dateline NBC and Michael Gartner were charged with the following
offenses:
1. Fraudulent practices
General Motors initiated the charges of wrongdoing against Dateline NBC.
Harry Pearce, executive vice president and general counsel of General
Motors Corp. said in the February 8, 1993 press conference: "We
now face
a poisoned environment spawned by the cheap, dishonest,
sensationalism
of NBC's program 'Waiting to Explode?' and its aftermath." The
charges
revolved around a 55-second part of the 15-minute story on GM
pickups.
During those 55 seconds, reporter Michelle Gillen narrates the
action on
the screen:
To see for ourselves what might happen in a side-impact crash, Dateline
NBC hired The Institute for Safety Analysis to conduct two
unscientific
crash demonstrations. In our demonstrations, unlike GM
tests, the fuel
tanks were filled with real gasoline. In one crash, at
about 40 miles
per hour, there was no leakage and no fire. But in the
other, at around
30 miles per hour, look what happened. {scene of car
crashing into
truck, then flames, repeated several times in slow motion}
At impact, a small hole was punctured in the tank. According to our
experts, the pressure of the collision, and the crushing of
the gas
tank, forced gasoline to spew from the gas cap. The fuel then
erupted
into flames, when ignited by the impacting car's headlight.
The
pickup's tank did not split wide open. If it had, the fire would
have
been much larger.
Nowhere were incendiary devices mentioned. After the initial attack by
General MotorsDpublicly revealing that incendiary devices were
attached
to the pickup truckDthe discourse against Dateline was quickly taken
up
by those within the journalism community who charged Dateline with
"rigging" the test, "staging" the news, "fabricating" the story, and not
disclosing important, relevant facts.
2. Relying on biased sources
GM also charged that The Institute for Safety Analysis (TISA), the
agency which conducted the crash demonstration, was not an
unbiased
independent source. TISA is not a watchdog consumer agency, but
instead
is commonly called uponDand paidDto provide evidence for plaintiffs
in
personal injury lawsuits. GM argued that the Institute had an
agenda to
promote, and Dateline did not disclose this fact, or attempt to
balance
it with other sources. Dateline also hired automobile safety design
consultant Byron Bloch, who also has been hired before by plaintiffs
in
personal injury lawsuits. Bloch has also been hired by other
television
newsmagazine shows before, such as ABC's 20/20, to make programs
about
unsafe vehicles.[29] It appears that for this crash demonstration,
Dateline
only hired people who had a stake in the results of the
demonstration;
they based a major element of the story on paid testimony and on
paid
help from people who were biased. Again, the discourse containing
these
charges was controlled by fellow journalists.
3. Stonewalling
Stonewalling is the one thing journalists despise (and love) most. When
they see a government official holding back information or
denying
wrongdoing when all the evidence points otherwise, they charge them with
stonewalling and cover-up, and instinctively go into an attack mode.
The most famous cover-up scandal in the U.S.Dwhich glorified the role
of
the media as watchdogDwas, of course, Watergate. Ironically,
Michael
Gartner admitted that the scandal precipitated by the Dateline NBC
story
on GM pickup trucks and the subsequent investigation and media
attention
were "his Watergate." Media critic Edwin Diamond picked-up on the
similarities: "Like Nixon, Gartner took the fall as much for his own
stubborn hubris as for the stupid tricks of his subordinates."[30]
Among
journalists, this is perhaps the greatest indictment: to be compared
to
Nixon.
Other journalists also described Gartner and his behavior in terms that
are generally reserved for corrupt officials. For instance, a
few days
after GM wrote a letter to NBC complaining about the Dateline NBC
program, Gartner wrote back to them saying: "NBC does not believe that
any statements made...were either false or misleading. The
'Dateline'
report was and remains completely factual and accurate." Jonathan
Alter
of Newsweek commented that if GM hadn't held its news conference a
few
days later, "Gartner may well have kept stonewalling."[31]
Former NBC News president Lawrence Grossman charged that "Even after the
use of sparking devices was exposed, they were stonewalling and
trying
to get away with calling the staging an 'unscientific demonstration'
when it actually was a distortion."[32]
As public relations practitioner Robert Dilenschneider notes, "the media
like nothing better than stonewalling. 'They go after
hardballers...the
best thing you can do is cooperate.'"[33] Critics of Gartner seemed
to be
signaling that they would not tolerate someone within their ranks
who
acted as an adversaryDwho fought back when challenged to confess to
wrongdoing.
Steven Brill, Editor in Chief of The American Lawyer and chairman of
American Lawyer Media said, "The Gartner letter was a classic in
obfuscation, the kind the media would have a field day with if written
by, say, a politician or a defense contractor."[34] But Brill says
Gartner
eventually realized how he was stonewalling and decided to come
clean.
Gartner told Brill, "I realized that we were just plain wrong....
We
were stonewalling them, using all kinds of excuses and
rationalizations.
What we had done was just plain dumb, and wrong. And I was raised to
admit you're wrong when you're wrong..."[35]
Howard Kurtz, a reporter for The Washington Post, argues in an article
published several months after the event that Gartner's
slowness to
admitting guilt that Gartner is not all that unusual among journalists:
Although news organizations make their living pointing fingers and
hurling accusations, they are notoriously slow to fess up to
their own
mistakes. With varying degrees of stubbornness, stupidity,
and
arrogance, media executives often circle the wagons when their own
actions come under scrutiny. They refuse to admit error unless
forced
to do so, and then only grudgingly. In short, journalists
are quite
adept at the sort of stonewalling for which they love to
denounce
political hacks and corporate executives. ...
When it comes to self-righteous stonewalling, NBC set the standard in
the General Motors case. For weeks, the network insisted
there was
nothing wrong with Dateline NBC attaching toy rocket engines to
a GM
truck to stage a fiery crash for the cameras. Nothing wrong
with using
an ill-fitting gas cap that virtually guaranteed a leak.
Nothing wrong
with failing to disclose that the puny fire went out after
fifteen
seconds. The piece was completely factual and accurate, NBC
News
president Michael Gartner insisted in a defiant letter to GM.[36]
Kurtz argues that "stonewalling" is something that a lot of journalists
do when the tables are turned and they are facing the glare of
scrutiny.
Kurtz's persuasive interpretation makes it clear that Gartner and NBC
News may not have been not so unusual after all.
B. The way the charges were filed, Dateline NBC, NBC News, and Michael
Gartner were made to seem out of the ordinary:
1. Staging events is not ordinary in journalism
One of the strategies of the critics of Dateline was to make the
principles which were violated seem elementary or commonsensical. As
Howard Rosenberg of the Los Angeles Times argued: "A high school
journalism student knows that staging or faking or fabricating or
falsifying news is, under any circumstances, absolutely forbidden. The
big lie, the ultimate corruption. Sweep that ethic under the rug,
and a
news organization becomes morally barren."[37] How could Dateline
NBC
forget such fundamental principlesDprinciples learned in high school
journalism courses? Perhaps Rosenberg is implying that Dateline's
producers were not journalists at all, since they did not receive (and
reproduce) the training common to all journalists.
2. NBC News is not like other network news divisions
Long before the Dateline / GM event, critics charged that NBC was not
able to launch a successful newsmagazine or other types of news
programming, perhaps signaling that NBC had an inferior network news
division. Several years before Dateline debuted, a critic said NBC
"lags behind CBS and ABC in developing fresh news programming."[38] An
early review of Dateline NBC noted that the program was NBC News's
"18th
attempt at launching a newsmagazine," while the other networks had
successful programs, such as CBS's 60 Minutes, and ABC's 20/20.[39] The
implication of this kind of rhetoric is that the programmers and
producers at NBC News were not as competent at developing and nourishing
news programs as their counterparts at the other networks.
Another way NBC News was criticized in the journalistic community was
for a lack of competent journalists. Shortly after the Dateline
/ GM
event, Jonathan Alter, media critic at Newsweek, for example, argued
that the NBC News division was staffed with lower quality personnel.
Alter said "NBC, with its weaker bench of reporters and producers, is
still regarded within the industry as last overall in news
qualityDlast
and now falling further."[40]
Other journalists argued that NBC News personnel were not as "in-touch"
with journalistic standards as the journalists at other network
news
divisions. For example, Ed Turner, executive vice president of CNN
said
after the Dateline / GM event: "'If you have to send a memo around'
concerning such obvious don'ts as what occurred at NBC, he said,
'you've
got problems.'"[41]
Peter Herford, a 26-year veteran broadcast journalist from CBS, said the
Dateline NBC / GM event would have never happened at ABC, where
someone
is in charge of standards. Herford, who now heads the broadcasting
program at Columbia University Graduate School of Journalism, said,
At ABC, they had a full-time person, a vice president for news
standards, who had a staff, who did nothing but review every
investigative piece that went on the air, every major magazine piece
that went on the air. He read all the scripts, etc., etc.,
etc....At
ABC, that ['Dateline'] piece never would have gotten past
him.[42]
Thus, the NBC News division was portrayed as an inferior institution,
staffed with inferior journalists, who were unaware of, or
unconcerned
with, journalistic standards.
3. Gartner was an outsider to broadcast journalism
In some of the rhetoric following the event, Gartner was portrayed as an
outsider to broadcast journalism. For instance, Jonathan Alter
notes
that a few years before he went to work in broadcast journalism
Gartner
once told some ABC News producers that he thought:
TV News is nothing more than a "shallow comic book"...a superficial
medium incapable of complex ideas. Today Gartner is in danger
of being
fired as president of NBC News, in essence for living down
to his low
expectations for the medium in which he works.... Ultimately
he looked
down his nose a bit at what he did for a livingDand it
showed. That
both loosened his own standards and left him without allies
below him.[43]
Thus, according to Alter's arguments, Gartner's outsider attitude toward
television journalism carried on during his tenure at NBC News,
and is
one of the causes for his misbehavior. Alter also criticized
Gartner
for being more of a money manager than a journalist. He said
"Gartner
is all for serious television newsDas long as General Electric's
money
goals are met first."[44] This is a familiar charge among
journalists who
bristle at the thought of money managersD"bean counters"Dinvading
their
boundaries and controlling journalistic output.[45]
II. The perpetrators must be stereotyped as badDimplying that they are
not just accidentally bad.
In this step the event and perpetrators are stereotyped as against
journalistic valuesDcut from the same cloth as other aberrant
events and
perpetrators. This was accomplished through the following
rhetorical
moves:
A. The Dateline NBC / GM event is stereotyped as just like Janet Cooke's
fabrication and ABC's Felix Bloch simulation
One of the ways journalists made sense of the Dateline NBC / GM event
was to stereotype it as similar to other well-publicized
instances of
deviance. "This was TV's Janet Cooke affair," said Robert Lichter of
the Center for Media and Public Affairs, a Washington, D.C.-based
watchdog group.[46]
The 1980 Janet Cooke/Washington Post scandal, and the 1989 scandal
following ABC News's re-enactment of the Felix Bloch suspected spy
case
were mentioned by several journalists as examples of similar lapses
in
journalistic standards. In the Felix Bloch case, ABC's World News
Tonight showed a tape which it identified as suspected spy Felix Bloch,
passing a briefcase of secrets to a Soviet spy. The people in the
video
were actually actors hired by ABC, and the video was doctored to
make it
look like a surveillance tape.[47]
By stereotyping the practices of Dateline NBC as similar to those of
other well-known journalistic scandals, journalists were able to
quickly
make sense of the event, understand its significance, and formulate
responses to it. I found four authors who mentioned the Cooke scandal
and one who mentioned the Bloch scandal as stereotypical
examples.[48]
B. The Dateline NBC / GM event is just like fakery in other countries
One author implies that the Dateline NBC / GM event is stereotypical of
news values used in other countries where simulations, staging,
and
non-disclosure are not taboo:
If NBC is looking for some consolation, it can find plenty of company in
Japan. Staging the news is so commonplace that the Japanese
have a word
for it: yarase.
"In America, it's the exception rather than the rule," says Newsweek's
Tokyo Bureau Chief Bill Powell. "Here, it's just standard
operating
procedure. There is much greater latitude given to producers
to set
things up if it doesn't work out." Adds Dorian Benkoil, an
Associated
Press editor who researched Japanese media on a Fulbright
journalism
fellowship: "In the U.S. the lines between entertainment and
news are
blurring recently. In Japan they never developed."[49]
The implication of this rhetorical claim is that the way Dateline NBC
operates is completely foreign (literally and figuratively) to
American
journalists.
C. Dateline NBC is just like tabloid TV shows (entertainment not
information)
One of the rhetorical claims made by journalists following the Dateline
NBC / GM event was that the "unscientific crash demonstration"
was
similar to things done on tabloid television programs, and that there
were other similarities as well. For instance, several journalists
noted that some of the people who worked on the Dateline NBC program
had
experience working on tabloid shows. Long before the event, an early
review of Dateline NBC reveals that the program attempted to
"spice-up"
its drama by hiring tabloid TV personnel: "...there has been little
heat
to the show, a failing Dateline tried to rectify by hiring
enterprising
correspondent Jon Scott away from the tabloid show Inside Edition
this
month."[50]
After the event, Edwin Diamond noted that "Robert Read, the segment
producer for the GM story, did, in fact, work at the tab show
Inside
Edition..."[51] Diamond goes on to say that, Dateline NBC "(takes)
its
cues from downmarket shows like Hard Copy and A Current Affair."
Los Angeles Times media critic Howard Rosenberg says the similarities to
tabloid shows is part of a pattern: "Far from being an isolated
example
of shoddiness at NBC News, the GM incident is part of a tabloidesque
pattern that's been developing for at least a couple of years under
the
division's president, Michael G. Gartner."[52] Rosenberg recites a
list of
examples of NBC's journalistic lapses: NBC was the only network to
identify the alleged rape victim in the William Kennedy Smith case
(Rosenberg lists her name too, but NBC did it before she decided to go
public); NBC Nightly news was the only network newscast to show the
videotaped murder of a woman in Miami, Florida; NBC Nightly News was
the
only network newscast to show a car chase from central California
into
Los Angeles; NBC's Today program canceled the visit of Helen
Caldicott,
reportedly because her book was critical of GE's nuclear power
division;
and NBC aired a story about Betty Friedan "using 5-year-old 'Today'
sound bites of people commenting on the pioneer feminist, presenting
the
comments as if they were current."[53]
Former NBC News president Lawrence Grossman said "What happened on
'Dateline' is characteristic of the attitude toward news of GE. ...
This
is a news division that has put on 'I Witness Video' and a daytime
show
('A Closer Look') that, in my opinion, is as tabloid and sleazy as
any
of the syndicated talk shows."[54]
Ironically, tabloid TV producers used the Dateline NBC event as an
opportunity to argue that their standards were higherDif
anythingDthan
NBC's network news standards. New York Times media critic Elizabeth
Kolbert wrote:
Producers at the tabloid shows...seemed to see NBC's embarrassment as a
chance to make some comments about the standards of their
network
competitors. "We would not have re-enacted a car crash using
little
rockets to blow up the car," said John Terenzio, executive
producer of
"A Current Affair" and a former producer at ABC News. "We
would have
felt that was not correct, and our legal department would not
have
allowed it."[55]
Kolbert thus delivers the fatal rhetorical blow to Dateline NBC: its
standards are even lower than those of the tabloid programs.
Rosenberg
makes a similar point about NBC News's standards when he notes that
none
of the tabloid shows identified Patricia Bowman, William Kennedy
Smith's
accuser, though NBC's Nightly News did.[56] Thus, Dateline NBC is
rhetorically "moved" to the margins of journalism where tabloid
television, "reality-based programming," and entertainment television
programs reside.
III. The denouncers must show that they belong to the community and that
they are speaking for the community or institution, not just as
private
individuals with other than communitarian motives.
In this step, it must be shown that judgment is passed only by fellow
journalistsDwho understand the nuances of journalismDand who
alone have
the jurisdiction to police their ranks. This condition of
Garfinkel's
might be difficult not to find, simply because the content of
newsmagazines, newspapers, and television news programs is produced by
journalists. Obviously, journalism critics and broadcasting critics
did
the denouncing in print and on the airwaves. It does appear,
however,
that there was a lack of public discourse by outsiders and invited
columnists, such as politicians. Some comedians did comment on the
event. For instance, David Letterman reportedly made a joke on his
program that the reason Michael Jackson's hair caught on fire during
the
filming of a Pepsi commercial was because NBC had hidden igniters in
his
hair.
The lawyers and executives who ran the General Motors press conference
were quoted and televised, but their comments were interpreted,
condensed, and paraphrased by journalists covering the event. As would
be expected, most, if not all, of the communicative acts denouncing
Dateline NBC and Michael Gartner after the GM press conference were
accomplished by journalists. The Poynter Institute conference was
filled with members of the journalism communityDreporters, editors,
producers, and journalism professors. Lawyers were notably absent from
the field of invited participants.
NBC hired two "outside" lawyers, Robert Warren of Gibson, Dunn &
Crutcher in Los Angeles, and Lewis Kaden of Davis, Polk & Wardwell in
New York, on February 12, 1993, to conduct an investigation of how
the
event came to be. This concerned some journalists who felt
threatened
by the fact that people from outside the institution of journalism
were
going to judge the performance of journalists:
Some NBC News staffers have questioned why the network hired lawyers to
investigate the case rather than...asking a respected
journalist to
conduct an internal inquiry. NBC's [spokeswoman Peggy] Hubble
said that
management felt outsiders would provide the most impartial
investigation. ...one source speculated that hiring attorneys may be in
part to protect lawyer-client confidentiality and to protect
the network
[from] lawsuits.[57]
In the final analysis, journalists quickly assumed the role of jury in
this case, undercutting any attempts by General Motors to have
the trial
go to a real court. Instead, journalists brought the issue to the
court
of public opinion. Later, Michael Gartner said that he wanted to
settle
the case quickly and get it behind them, and this is why the on-air
apology was broadcast the day after GM filed its lawsuit. At the
Poynter conference, Gartner said that he had complete authority on the
wording of the apology, and whether to accept the conditions of it
or
not.[58] This statement by Gartner could be seen as an assurance to
the
journalists present at the conference that journalists were deciding
the
outcome of this case. It is unclear whether GM wanted the case to
go to
trial, but the swiftness of their acceptance of the apology and
their
dropping the suit tend to indicate that the lawsuit was intended to
provoke media criticism and the embarrassing public apology from
Dateline NBC.
IV. The denouncers must show that the values of the community are
salient, and that they are good and right.
In this step, journalistic values (and the dignity of these values) must
be explained, and the denunciation must be carried out in the
name of
these values. For instance, the following virtues were extolled:
A. Public service altruism (lose money) vs. business/self-service (make
money)
Some journalists make the argument that television news was originally
designed to lose money for the networks, yet provide them with
invaluable public goodwill and a positive public image. In the 1970s
and early 1980s, network news divisions spent lavish amounts of money
on
foreign news bureaus, huge staffs, and were run at a loss, balanced
by
the highly profitable prime time entertainment programming.
Television newsmagazine programs such as CBS's 60 Minutes were
originally designed to run against unbeatable entertainment shows, and
to be a showcase of journalistic work. In the late 1980s,
television
newsmagazines started to actually make money for the networks. When
this happened, all the networks launched new newsmagazine programs
which
were designed with a different purpose: to make money and to win
ratings
periods.[59]
Several broadcast news critics sounded alarms when they heard that John
F. Welch, Jr., the president of General Electric (which bought
RCA and
its subsidiary NBC in 1985), wanted to make the NBC News division
profitable. After all, they argued, the entertainment division was way
ahead of the other networks in prime time ratings points, so NBC had
a
comfortable profit margin; and besides, they argued, News was
traditionally an unprofitable division.[60] In August 1988, former news
division president Lawrence Grossman was fired for not cooperating in
GE's quest to make the division profitable; and Michael Gartner was
hired in his place, partly because of his devotion to the idea that
news
businesses should make money.[61] In a 1992 interview, Gartner said
that
"You can't be journalistically vigorous unless you're financially
strong. You just don't want to lose moneyDyou don't want to be walking
around with a tin cup. It is a news business and you want to be
successful in both worlds, news and business."[62]
In 1989, television journalism critic Jonathan Alter attacked the bottom
line ethic of NBC:
Instead of feeling liberated by their entertainment success to spend
more of their riches on serious journalism, G.E.'s managers
have
downgraded the news division. ... Lacking the ratings benchmarks
of
(NBC's) hits like "L.A. Law" and "Cosby," the other networks
don't
expect as much ratings success from news, and have more air time
to
devote to it. At CBS, news is still the jewel in the crown.
At ABC,
now loaded with talent, news is practically the crown itself.
At NBC,
it's a fancy belt buckle. ... What really matters is proving
(NBC is) a
company with a commitment to something beyond the bottom
line.[63]
Alter was echoing a familiar theme in newsrooms: journalism is a public
service which should not be concerned with profits. What this
attitude
neglects, of course, is the fact that other types of news media,
namely
newspapers, are (or were, in the 1980s) some of the most profitable
enterprises in the United States. Broadcasting is a little different.
The public service role of broadcast journalism was not just
motivated
by altruism and public service ideals. It was mandated by early
legislation regulating the granting of licenses to broadcasters. The
Radio Act of 1927 provided that licenses for broadcasting stations
would
be granted by the guiding standard of "the public interest,
convenience
or necessity." At renewal time, stations could argue that the
newscasts
they carried were a public service. In 1961, Federal Communications
Commission chairman Newton Minnow told a convention of the National
Association of Broadcasters, "You earn your bread by using public
property (the airwaves). When you work in broadcasting, you volunteer
for public service..."[64]
The fact is, television journalism was long considered an altruistic
enterprise simply because it was unable to make much, if any,
money.
The rhetoric following the Dateline NBC / GM event contains many
allusions to the fact that this tradition of running news as a
money-losing enterprise was lost at NBC News. Arthur A. Lord, a senior
producer for NBC News, and 25-year employee of NBC, offered the
following sour commentary on economic pressures at NBC News in an
editorial column published a week after the firings of the three
Dateline producers: "Since the General Electric Co. bought NBC, the news
division has been under relentless pressure to cut costs and make
profits, just as GE's light bulb factories do. Experienced
correspondents, producers and technicians were replaced by freelancers,
daily hires and the inexperienced."[65] Clearly, the profit motives
of NBC
and its parent GE were foreign to the veteran journalists of NBC
News.
B. Facts vs. drama
Other critics of the Dateline NBC / GM event warned that facts and drama
were not meant to be mixed, no matter how appealing to
producers.
Arnold J. Kleiner, vice president and general manager of WMAR-TV, an NBC
affiliate in Baltimore, says "The desire to be compelling in a prime
time way does not excuse not being accurate."[66]
A network entertainment division executive even shows evidence of
feeling threatened by the drama that has started to appear in
television
newsmagazine programming:
It (television news magazine shows) is an environment lacking in
traditional journalistic values. "I think they are giving...the
audience their drama fix," says ABC Entertainment President Ted
Harbert,
referring to ABC's "20/20" and "PrimeTime Live." ...
There's no more
dramatic programming I've seen in a long time," he says.[67]
And journalists agree:
Howard Rosenberg, Pulitzer Prize-winning television critic at the Los
Angeles Times, says that kind of drama is ultimately harmful
to serious
broadcast journalism. "Everybody is destined to be flushed
into the
same toilet," says Rosenberg.[68]
Clearly, people throughout the television industry are concerned with
the blurring of distinctions between the news business and show
business. Television newsmagazine shows are an evolving journalistic
form which have borrowed dramatic conventions from the entertainment
division. Is it any wonder that the Fox network now lumps all
tabloid,
news, and fact-based dramatic shows into one category called
"reality-based programming?"
C. Separation between news and entertainment divisions
The "outside" lawyers which NBC hired to investigate the Dateline NBC /
GM event noted in their report that the entertainment division
of NBC
enjoyed a certain amount of control over the News division in that it
alone determined which programs and segments would be mentioned
during
self-promotion advertisements:
Dateline is part of the news division at NBC, but it must also work with
the entertainment division headquartered in Burbank,
California. The
entertainment division's promotion staff decides how to
promote each
Dateline segment, proposes promotional material, and decides
how much
promotion each segment gets during prime time. In addition
to
supervising the production of all segments, [Executive Producer
Jeff]
Diamond discusses these promotion decisions with executives
in the
entertainment division.[69]
This connection between entertainment and news is not a healthy one,
according to Reuven Frank, former president of NBC News. Frank
notes
that as news has become profitable, and as news
employeesDjournalistsDbecome concerned with profit, they naturally
want
these kinds of self-promotions to help increase the ratings for
their
programs: "Since TV magazines have achieved the status conferred by
profit, they... get promos now. But the nabobs of entertainment
continue to determine what will be hyped. This gives them veto power
over the choice of topics in news division programs. A smart
executive
producer will pick up topics likely to appeal to West Coast show
business executives..."[70]
V. The denouncers must show that they speak for the values of the
institution of journalism.
At the beginning of the Poynter Institute conference which discussed the
Dateline NBC / GM event, Valerie Hyman, director of programs
for
broadcast journalists at Poynter says in the opening sequence of the
program:
Great journalism is our goal. ... Nobody else does what journalists do
in this society; people depend on us for the information
they need to
make good decisions; so we must do our jobs well; but there
are
influences and pressures that make that hard, day in and day out,
and
we're going to talk about them in this program.
We need to find out what we can do to improve the practice of journalism
and help bridge the gap between journalists and the people
they serve.
We want journalists to succeed, because ethical, responsible
journalism
is not just a good idea, it's part of the bedrock of our
democracy.[71]
The other critics of the Dateline NBC / GM event also argued, usually a
bit more subtly, that this discussion would enable journalists
to make
journalism a better institution by examining (and denouncing) this
event. Truthtelling, full disclosure, independence and skepticismDas
well as other journalistic principlesDwere invoked as justifications
for
the discussion. The implication in all these discussions is that
journalism can become better by examining how journalistic standards are
breached. As Rosenberg says, perhaps a bit melodramatically,
NBC's extraordinary, General Motors Corp.-coerced confession that
'Dateline' rigged test crashes...created more than just a juicy
scandal
that NBC's competitors, ABC and CBS could crow about.
It was an electronic Titanic, an unprecedented disaster in the annals of
network news....with epic implications because of what it
says about
standards of journalism, at least in some circles.[72]
The implication of this rhetoric is that Rosenberg stands for the
principles and standards of journalism: in his circle, people are
interested in these enduring values, even if those in some other
circlesDsuch as those in NBC News, are not.
VI. The denouncers must show that they have support from the community.
One of the ways they did this was by building an "us versus them"
paradigm between the institution of journalism and the NBC News
organization, which was accomplished primarily through professional
solidarity. Also, once the guilt of Dateline NBC became a foregone
conclusion, journalists came up with explanations of personal and
structural problems and other factors that pressured Dateline and
Gartner into the climate that would allow such behavior. One of these
explanations was that business pressures were affecting the
journalistic
product. Edwin Diamond argues that:
NBC News has been in disarray...because (1) GE has been trying to sell
the network, thus contributing to a "Who cares?" atmosphere,
and (2) the
severe staff layoffs of the past few years, ordered by GE
and executed
by Gartner, have cut into the quality of the newsgathering.
Further,
it's said, Dateline NBC has pushed the boundaries of accepted
journalism
because of the unrelenting need to create a successful
magazine show
like CBS's 60 Minutes and ABC's 20/20.[73]
One NBC News producer (who remained unidentified) said profit motives
and competitive pressures were the keys to why the event
occurred: "The
tenor of the creation of 'Dateline' was that the profit of the news
division rested on this show. In an atmosphere where there is such
intense pressure for ratings, something like the 'Dateline' incident
was
bound to happen."[74]
Gartner had overseen massive cost-cutting measures at the news division,
including layoffs of seasoned journalists. "There is a feeling
among
many here that the thrust of the present management is on ratings and
that many of the people who have been pushed out had higher standards
than some of those who are now in charge of these prime-time
shows."[75]
Gartner was also criticized for being a cold-hearted manager who did not
instill journalistic values in his workersDan implication that
he was an
aberrant journalist and manager. For instance, Jonathan Alter
charged
that "Gartner often neglected to set a tone that would have made
such
conduct unthinkable in the first place," and "...he has developed a
reputation as prickly and distant."[76]
Other critics noted that Gartner was lacking in the human relations
aspects of his job: "Gartner...was never terribly adept at
stroking the
affiliates, which was perceived by some as a major flaw."[77]
In a 1989 interview, a year after he had taken the reins of NBC News, an
interviewer told Gartner: "[T]he impression that Michael
Gartner is a
newsman/accountant and a cold-hearted guy is a widespread
impression."
Gartner was disappointed: "I'm sorry you don't think I'm warm. It's
impossible to defend yourself not being warm."[78] Thus, Gartner was
portrayed by Variety's writer Gay Verne as someone who was easy to
dislike, perhaps signaling that his vulnerability as an "unlikable
fellow" was something that could come back to haunt him. Certainly this
trait was something that made him easier to banish from television
news.
Not all television critics thought his personality was relevant. Some
seem to indicate that it was an unfair attribute upon which to base
his
expulsion from the television journalism institution:
Pressure for Gartner's ouster had been fueled by criticism from
editorialists and columnists. "Gartner has become a bit of a
sacrificial
lamb for the media, the fall guy for all of television's
problems," said
Jon Katz, a media critic and former CBS producer. ...
"Michael has an uncanny ability to [anger] any audience of two people he
encounters; he projects arrogance," said Eric Bremner,
former head of
King Broadcasting in Seattle and former chairman of the NBC
affiliates.
But, he said, "You have to respect some of his
accomplishments."[79]
The banishment of Gartner and the three Dateline producers was supported
by all those who engaged in published discussions of the event.
Their
unanimity proves that, perhaps unwittingly, they discovered that the
way
to fix the problem was through professional solidarity. Ironically,
Gartner received a letter from Richard SalantDa day after Salant had
died from a heart attackD commending Gartner for his "candor and
grace"
in handling the apology to GM. Reportedly a friend told Gartner,
"The
only guy on your side is dead."[80]
VII. The deviants are banished.
The accused perpetrators were shown to be different from the community
of journalism. Gartner and individual journalists responsible
for the
Dateline story on GM were ritually banished from journalism through
the
attacks on their practice, and motives.
They were also banished by the company, NBC, which made a clean
sweepDsignaling that it was going to recover from this setback by
upgrading the quality of its personnel. Michael Gartner resigned from
NBCDunder pressureDon March 2, 1993. Three other producers,
executive
producer Jeff Diamond, senior producer David Rummel, and field
segment
producer Robert Read were forced to resign March 18, 1993. Reporter
Michelle GillenDwho voiced objections to the way the GM story was put
togetherDwas reassigned to affiliate station WTVJ-TV in Miami,
Florida,
also on March 18.
VIII. The deviants must be ritually separated from the community so that
the community may go on as before.
The accused were "made strange" compared to the rest of the institution
of journalismDso that the institution would survive. And
survive it
did.
A few months after the event, the new president of NBC News declared
that all was better:
Andy Lack, president of NBC news said it took just three weeks for the
news magazine Dateline NBC to bounce back in the ratings
after the
fiasco of a doctored test on General Motors pickup trucks.
Lack said those who produced the questionable report "risked their
credibility."
But he said he believed the show bounced back so quickly and was again
accepted by viewers because NBC "handled the issue
professionally,
straightforwardly, as openly and honestly as you would
expect...and the
audience said 'OK, we get it, let's move forward.'"[81]
Others within the company also made arguments that the setbacks from the
event were temporary. NBC Nightly News anchor Tom Brokaw
described the
temporary nature of the damage:
The incident on 'Dateline' was a mistake... I don't think it's fair to
say we've been permanently scarred, any more than CBS was
permanently
scarred by the [lawsuit filed by Gen. William Westmoreland
over a 1982
"CBS Reports" documentary] or the Washington Post was
permanently
scarred by Janet Cooke.[82]
By emphasizing the temporary nature of the setback, NBC signaled that
the institution was going to survive the mistakes of a few
deviant
individuals.
Statements from NBC after the incident reflected the idea that the way
to fix the news division was to sweep out the old and find a
good
replacement for ousted president Michael Gartner. An NBC News executive
said the ideal candidate would be a "top TV journalist who is a
terrific
communicator and has a squeaky-clean reputation for integrity."[83]
Diamond
notes that one of the conditions for Gartner's replacement was to be
that the person had to come from within the television industry:
"Newspaper people need not apply," he said.[84] The implication of this
rhetoric is that one of Gartner's problems was that he lacked
broadcasting experience and that this lack of experience may have been a
contributing cause of the event.
Interviews after the firings, reassignments and resignations tend to
reinforce the view that the NBC News organization would
surviveDthat
this purge fixed the problems and everybody at NBC will live "happily
ever after." According to Los Angeles Times media critic Jane Hall,
Dateline NBC reporter Brian Ross said "the show can rebound if it
sticks
to good journalism. 'I do not feel personally targeted by the
incident,
although all of us here have been saddened by what happened to some
of
our colleagues in this,' he said. ... 'If we have good journalists
running the show and we do sound stories, we'll do OK.'"[85]
The idea that the event should be put behind themDthat it should be
forgottenDis evident in a column by St. Louis Post-Dispatch
television
critic Eric Mink, who describes a telephone conversation between Tom
Brokaw, the NBC Nightly News anchor and television critics. Note that
Mink accepts Brokaw's opinion at face value, then gives an example
of
how the event did have positive results: for example, it precipitated
the transfer of the program I Witness Video from the news division to
the entertainment division:
In a conference call with television critics last week, Brokaw said he
thought viewers had had about as much of the "Dateline"
story as they
wanted. "The public, it's my very strong impression, is
ready to move
on," Brokaw said. He said the mistakes made in the GM-truck
piece were
both "inexplicable and unforgivable," but said NBC's inquiry
into the
matter produced a "very thorough and commendable report.
People lost
their jobs."
Brokaw insisted that the "Dateline" scandal was "the exception, not the
rule, here at NBC" and praised the work of his colleagues in
the months
since that story broke.
"I'm extraordinarily proud of the work done here under very difficult
conditions," he said. "I was concerned that there'd be a
falling off of
effort, and it just didn't happen."
Beyond the report and the firings, though, there have been some good
things to come out of this mess. The despicable "I Witness
Video" show,
for example, is being transferred to NBC's entertainment
division, where
it belongs, if anywhere.[86]
I Witness Video is a program which shows amateur videos shot during
disasters and scandalous events, and gives the firsthand stories
of the
amateur TV videographers. The program probably came about as a
commercial response to the impact of the amateur video shot by George
Holliday of Rodney King being beaten by Los Angeles police. One
anonymous source at NBC told Los Angeles Times reporter Steve Weinstein
that Gartner had been the principal supporter of the program I
Witness
Video staying within the news division.[87] This was something that
journalists found strange about Gartner: he was apparently so concerned
about making his division profitable that he would allow a
non-journalistic show to be produced in the news division. To the
true
journalists, this was unforgivable.
Others within the NBC News division expressed a positive attitude about
the effects of the event. Knight-Ridder entertainment
columnist Gail
Shister wrote that Stone Phillips, a co-anchor of Dateline NBC,
believed
the consequences of the event would be good for the profession and
the
NBC News institution:
NBC's strength will come from the news division's newly instituted
system of internal checks and balances, Phillips says. That
system is
the silver lining in the Dateline cloud.
"Industrywide, there has been a re-examination of how newsmagazines go
about doing their work. That's always healthy. Nobody
wants to be the
broadcast that hurts the over-all credibility of the whole
medium. When
there's a mistake of this magnitude, it hurts us all.
Hopefully, some
good will come out of it."[88]
Again, expressions of optimistic rhetoric within NBC News in the
aftermath of the ceremony reflect the attitude that the institution
will
fix itself and become stronger because of the negative experience.
More
than just a public relations ploy for outsiders, this kind of
rhetoric
also helps boost employee moraleDperhaps making it a self-fulfilling
prophecy.
Conclusions:
Definitions of journalism matter to those working in the profession and
institution of journalism. These definitions are a way for
journalists
to make sense of what they do and who belongs in their group. As
Stephen Reese has said, journalists "repair the paradigm" of journalism
when individual journalists within the institution of journalism are
identified as deviant or anomalous.[89]
The status degradation ceremony serves as a warning to journalists to
follow the rules and stay within the boundaries of journalism,
or be
sacrificed as deviants. In this case, journalists defined their
profession/institution as one which does not allow fabrications, then,
in an act of social control, they kicked Gartner and other deviants
out
of the institution.
Sociological "strain" and "interest" theories help explain how and why
the journalism institution produces boundary-work rhetoric.
Clifford
Geertz says in strain theories, people "flee anxiety," and in
interest
theories, they "pursue power," and they probably will do both at the
same time, or do one as a result of the other.[90] One could argue
that in
the rhetoric surrounding this event, journalists attempted to flee
the
anxiety of the public disgrace of the well-publicized example of
fraudulent practices, and at the same time, attempted to pursue the
power of the authority of journalism, accomplishing both by sanctioning
the perpetrators.
The ceremonial rhetoric demonstrates how the boundaries of a social
institution are drawn differently by those inside and outside the
institution, and how the institution precisely enforces the boundaries.
The rhetoric also shows how the ceremony is done in a way to cleanse the
profession and make it healthy again, and to deflect attention
away from
the structural defects of the journalism institution. The concept
that
truth (and, implicitly, a social institution which practices full
disclosure) will prevail in times of controversy can be linked to the
self-righting principle expressed by John Milton: "Let [Truth] and
falsehood grapple; who ever knew Truth put to the wors[e], in a free and
open encounter?"[91]
[1] The concept for this study of the sociology of journalism par
allels a study by
sociologists of science: Gieryn, Tho
mas F., and Anne Figert. "Scientists Protect their
Cognitive Authority: The Status Degradation Ceremony of Sir Cyril Burt,"
In B"hme,
Gernot and Nico Stehr (eds.), The Knowl
edge Society. Dordrecht, Holland: D. Reidel,
1986.
[2] Garfinkel, Harold. "Conditions of successful status degradation ce
remonies,"
American Journal of Sociology 61: 420-424 (
1956).
[3] Gieryn, Thomas F., George M. Bevins and Stephen C. Zehr. "Pr
ofessionalization of
American scientists: Public scien
ce in the creation/evolution trials." American
Soc
iological Review 50: 393 (June 1985).
[4] Merton, Robert K., with Thoma
s F. Gieryn, "Institutionalized Altruism: The Case of
the Professions,"
Pp. 109-134 in Merton, Robert K. Social research and the practicing
professions. Cambridge, Mass.: Abt Books, 1982., p. 124.
[5] Durkheim, Emile. The Division of Labor in Society. New York: The Fre
e Press, 1984.
[6] Erickson, Kai. Wayward Puritans. New York: Wiley, 19
66.
[7] Gaziano, Cecilie, and Kristin McGrath. "Measuring the Concept o
f Credibility,"
Journalism Quarterly 63: 451-462 (Autu
mn 1986).
[8] Newspaper Credibility: Building Reader Trust. Washington,
D.C.: American Society
of Newspaper Editors, 1985.
[
9] May, William F. "Professional Ethics, The University, and The Journal
ist," Journal
of Mass Media Ethics 1(2): 20-31 (Spring/Summer 1986).
[
10] Carey, James. Communication as Culture. Boston: Unwin Hyman, 1989, p
. 82.
[11] Gieryn & Figert, p. 67.
[12] Starr, Paul. The Social Trans
formation of American Medicine. New York: Basic
Books,
1982., p. 13.
[13] Starr, p. 15. For a discussion of the altruistic n
ature of the professions, see:
Merton, & Gieryn, 1982.
[14] Dahlgren,
Peter. "Introduction," in Peter Dahlgren and Colin Sparks (eds.),
Journalism and Popular Culture. London: Sage, 1992., p. 4.
[15] These issues closely parallel the issues raised in Gieryn and Figer
t, pp. 67-68.
[16] Hallin, Daniel C. "The Passing of the 'High Modernis
m' of American Journalism."
Journal of Communication 4
2 (Summer 1992): 14-24.
[17] Gieryn, Thomas F. "Boundary-work and the d
emarcation of science from non-science:
strains and interests in profes
sional ideologies of scientists." American Sociological
Review 48 (Dece
mber 1983): 781-795.
[18] The original article: Cooke, Janet. "Jimmy's
World," Washington Post September
28, 1980, p. 1. For
a detailed report on the aftermath of the scandal, see: After
"Jimmy's World:" Tightening Up in Editing. New York: Nationa
l News Council, 1981.
[19] Dahlgren, p. 2.
[20] Garfinkel, p. 420.
[
21] "Michael Gartner: NBC's multimedia newsman," Broadcasting, April 3,
1989, p. 95.
[22] Roper, James E. "Gartner: 'There's no right to privac
y,'" Editor & Publisher.
March 21, 1987, pp. 52, 62.
[23] Stein, M. L. "Anonymous Sources," Editor & Publisher October 24, 19
87, p. 17.
[24] "Breaking into Broadcast News At the Top," Newsweek Aug
ust 8, 1988, p. 59.
[25] Foss, Sonja K., Karen A Foss, and Robert Trapp
. Contemporary Perspectives on
Rhetoric. Prospect Hei
ghts, Illinois: Waveland Press, 1985, pp. 11-12.
[26] These interpretat
ions are based on my presuppositions and the presuppositions of
my professional and cultural upbringing as American, liberal Pr
otestant minister's son,
midwesterner, former union member, journalist,
now journalism educator, and, ironicall
y, a repea
t owner of GM full size pickup trucks.
[27] Giddins, Anthony. New Rules
of Sociological Method: A Positive Critique of
Interp
retive Sociologies. New York: Basic Books, 1976., pp. 52-129.
[28] Garf
inkel, p. 422ff.
[29] Warren, Robert S. and Lewis B. Kaden, "Report of
Inquiry into Crash
Demonstrations Broadcast on Datelin
e NBC November 17, 1992," unpublished report
prepa
red for NBC News, March 23, 1993., p. 23.
[30] Diamond, Edwin. "Auto-De
struct: NBC's Gartner Goes Boom," New York March 15,
1
993., p. 18.
[31] Alter, Jonathan, "On the Ropes at NBC News," Newsweek
, March 8, 1993, p. 49.
[32] Hall, Jane, "NBC News: A Question of Stand
ards," Los Angeles Times, February 15,
1993, Sec. F, p
. 13.
[33] Ettorre, Barbara, "Was General Motors Smart to Mobilize the
Troops?" Management
Review, December 1993, p. 9.
[34]
Brill, Steven, "Ending the Double Standard," The American Lawyer, April
1993, p.
5.
[35] Brill, April 1993.
[36] Kurtz, H
oward, "Why the press is always right: Being a Journalist Means Never
Having to Say You're Sorry," Columbia Journalism Review,
May/June 1993, p. 33.
[37] Rosenberg, Howard. "A tabloid pattern of beh
avior at NBC," Los Angeles Times,
February 15, 1993, S
ec. F, p. 10.
[38] "Breaking Into Broadcast News At the Top," Newsweek,
August 8, 1988, p. 59.
[39] Hiltbrand, David, "Dateline NBC: Romancing
Their Stone," People Weekly, June 22,
1992, p. 14.
[
40] Alter, March 8, 1993, p. 49.
[41] Turner was quoted in: McClellan,
Steve, "Gartner resigns, NBC News credibility
drops i
n wake of 'Dateline'-GM truck scandal," Broadcasting & Cable, March 8, 19
93, pp.
10, 12.
[42] Herford was quoted in: Zurawik, David, and Chris
tina Stoehr, "Money Changes
Everything," American Jour
nalism Review April 1993, p. 28.
[43] Alter, March 8, 1993, p. 49.
[44
] Alter, March 8, 1993, p. 49.
[45] For example, see: Underwood, Doug.
"When MBAs Rule the Newsroom." Columbia
Journalism Re
view. March/April 1988, pp. 23-40.
[46] Johnson, Peter, "NBC report det
ails flaws in 'Dateline' procedure," USA TODAY,
March
23, 1993, sec. D, p. 3.
[47] Huff, Richard, "Simulation Used in TV Piec
e on Bloch; Device Questioned," Variety
, July 26, 1989
, p. 3
[48] Diamond, Johnson, McCarthy, and Hall 3-12-93 mention Cooke.
Zurawik & Stoehr
mention Bloch.
[49] Frey, Jennife
r, "Faked in Japan," American Journalism Review April 1993, pp.
30-31.
[50] Hiltbrand, p. 14.
[51] Diamond, 18.
[52] Rose
nberg, February 15, 1993, Sec. F, p. 10.
[53] Rosenberg, February 15, 1
993, Sec. F, p. 10.
[54] Hall, Jane, "NBC News: A Question of Standards
," Los Angeles Times, February 15,
1993, Sec. F, p. 13
.
[55] Kolbert, Elizabeth, "A Tabloid Touch In the Nightly News," New Y
ork Times,
February 14, 1993, sec. 4, p. 1.
[56] Ros
enberg, February 15, 1993, Sec. F, p. 10.
[57] Hall, Jane, "Who Knew Wh
at in Question After 'Dateline' Apology," Los Angeles
Times, February 19, 1993, sec. F, p. 2.
[58] Poynter Institute for Medi
a Studies, "When Good Journalists Do Bad Things:
Truth
telling and the Public Trust," April 15, 1993, videotaped conference.
[5
9] Zurawik and Stoehr, pp. 26-30.
[60] Lieberman, David, "As NBC Cuts
Costs Will it Clobber Quality?" Business Week,
Decembe
r 5, 1988, pp. 137-138.
[61] Auletta, Ken. Three Blind Mice: How the TV
networks lost their way. New York:
Random House, 1991
., 22-23, 482-484.
[62] "NBC's Gartner: A Full Plate, But No Tin Cup,"
Broadcasting, September 21, 1992,
pp. 56, 58.
[63] A
lter, Jonathan, "Behind the NBC News Blues," Newsweek, October 16, 1989,
pp.
86-87.
[64] Barnouw, Erik. Tube of Plenty, Revis
ed Edition. Oxford: Oxford University Press,
1982. p.
299.
[65] Lord, Arthur A. "Is it real or is it TV news?" St Louis Post-
Dispatch, March 31,
1993, p. 3C.
[66] Zurawik and St
oehr, p. 28.
[67] Zurawik and Stoehr, p. 29.
[68] Zurawik and Stoehr,
p. 29.
[69] Warren, Robert S. and Lewis B. Kaden, "Report of Inquiry i
nto Crash
Demonstrations Broadcast on Dateline NBC Nov
ember 17, 1992," unpublished report
prepared for N
BC News, March 23, 1993., p. 14.
[70] Frank, Reuven, "Yesterday's sure
thing," The New Leader, May 3, 1993, p. 20
[71] Poynter conference tape
.
[72] Rosenberg, Howard. "A tabloid pattern of behavior at NBC," Los A
ngeles Times
February 15, 1993, Sec. F, p. 1.
[73] D
iamond, Edwin. "Auto-Destruct: NBC's Gartner Goes Boom," New York March 1
5,
1993., p. 18.
[74] Hall, Jane. "NBC News: A Quest
ion of Standards." Los Angeles Times February 15,
1993
, Sec F, pp. 1, 13.
[75] Hall, 2-15-93, p. 13
[76] Alter, March 8, 19
93, p. 49.
[77] McClellan, March 8, 1993, pp. 10, 12.
[78] Gay, Verne
, "Gartner reflects on hectic 1st year," Variety, August 9, 1989, pp.
51-53.
[79] Kurtz, Howard, and John Carmody, "NBC Exec
Ousted Over Staged Crash; Unpopular at
Network, Michael Gartner Becomes
'Fall Guy,'" Washington Post March 3, 1993, p. A1.
[80] Alter, March 8
, 1993, p. 49.
[81] Engstrom, John. "'Dateline NBC' bounces back, execu
tive says." The Blade. August
5, 1993, sec. P, p. 4.
[82] Hall, Jane. "Mixed mood at NBC News amid 'Dateline' probe." Los Ang
eles Times
March 12, 1993, Sec F, p. 2.
[83] Hall, 3
-12-93, p. 2.
[84] Diamond, p. 20.
[85] Hall, Jane, "'Dateline' Staff
Hopeful About Show's Future," Los Angeles Times,
Marc
h 24, 1993, sec. F, p. 8.
[86] Mink, Eric, "NBC News takes action to pu
t 'Dateline' debacle away," St. Louis
Post-Dispatch, M
arch 28, 1993, p. 8C.
[87] Weinstein, Steve, "NBC News wants to transfe
r 'I Witness Video,'" Los Angeles
Times, March 13, 199
3, p. F2.
[88] Shister, Gail, "Dateline NBC anxious to win back credibi
lity," The Toronto Star,
March 30, 1993, p. C2.
[89]
Reese, Stephen, "The news paradigm and the limits of objectivity: A soci
alist at
the Wall Street Journal," paper presented to
the Qualitative Studies Division,
Association for
Education in Journalism and Mass Communication, 1989 convention,
Washington, D.C.
[90] Geertz, Clifford. The Interpretati
on of Cultures; Selected Essays. New York:
Basic Books
, 1973., p. 201.
[91] Milton, John. Areopagitica: For the Liberty of Un
licenc'd Printing. London:
Author, 1644., p. 34.
|