Two Paths to Maturity:
The Depiction of Motherhood on Television Shows Popular
Among Austrian and U.S. Teens
Myra Gregory Knight
4015 Bristol Road
Durham, North Carolina 27707
(919) 493-3097
Abstract
To test the possibility of a link between high rates of teen-age
pregnancy and the depiction of motherhood on television, a content
analysis was conducted comparing female characters portrayed on favorite
teen television shows in Austria, a country with low teen-age
pregnancy
rates, and the United States. Eight cross-country differences were
identified. For example, mothers on U.S. television were more likely to
be married and to direct other characters than their Austrian
counterparts.
Two Paths to Maturity
Introduction and Literature Review
Teen pregnancy is a concern throughout the industrialized world. But
the problem appears to be greater in the United States than in other
developed countries. In Austria, for example, teen mothers constitute
only 5% of all mothers, and the proportion has dropped since the
early
1980s (Hirsch, 1994). In the U.S., however, births among teen-age
mothers continue to rise. Among women having their first birth in 1988,
23% were teen-agers. Among whites, two in 10 first births were to
teen-agers; among blacks, four in 10 were to teen-agers (U.S. Public
Health Service, 1990).
The cross-country difference in pregnancy rates among teen-agers exists
despite striking similarities between Austria and the United States.
Both countries maintain high standards of living. Education is highly
valued and well-compensated with good jobs and social prestige. Many
women hold jobs outside the home, and many have assumed leadership
roles
in professional, cultural and political affairs. Residents of both
the
United States and Austria are bombarded with pop music and images of
sexy fashion models, to which many observers have attributed at least
part of the United States' teen pregnancy problem. In addition,
teen-agers in both countries become sexually active at early ages. In
Austria, the average age of first sexual intercourse is 15.5 years
(No
stlinger & Wimmer-Puchinger, 1992). In the United States, 27% of
unmarried 15-year-old women and 75% of unmarried 19-year-old women have
had vaginal intercourse (Sonenstein, Pleck & Ku, 1989). It remains
unclear whether Austrian teens receive more formal sex education than do
American teens, despite Austria's approval in the 1980s of a
sex-education program for high school students. One research group in
the predominantly Roman Catholic country recently reported that sex
education remains so controversial among Austrian biology teachers that
few have employed the instructional materials prepared to help them
with
their sex-education duties (K. Smetz, Ludwig Boltzmann Institut fur
Gesundheitpsychologie der Frau, personal communication, May 9, l994).
In
the United States, only 10 percent of high school students receive
comprehensive sexuality education (Sex Information and Education Council
of the U.S., 1992).
Questions about the causes of teen pregnancy are no less complex than
the political and social issues surrounding it. Still, the wealth of
research about television and gender produced over the past few
decades
has left little doubt that television plays at least some part in
shaping attitudes about sex roles and sexuality. Much of the relevant
social sciences literature has dealt with the pervasiveness of sexual
acts and references on television. Researchers have examined such
references in genres ranging from detective shows to soap operas (e.g.
Smith, 1991; Lowry & Towles, 1989). An overview of studies on TV
effects
and the development of sex roles (Brown, Childers & Waszak, 1990)
concluded that the mass media present sex as glamorous, exciting and
risk free. In the 1980s, trend studies indicated that the prevalence
of
sexual innuendo and references to sexual intercourse and sex between
unmarried partners was on the rise (Sprafkin & Silverman, 1981;
Sapolsky, 1982; Greenberg et al., 1980). More recently, a follow-up
study indicated that the magnitude of sexual content was even greater
than in the 1980s, with the lowest rate identified at 2.7 sex acts
per
hour (Greenberg et al., 1993).
Another body of research has concentrated on the portrayals of women
in television. Few if any of the studies, however, have dealt
specifically with the portrayal of mothers on television. In the 1970s,
several studies of prime-time programming found that women often
were
excluded or underrepresented (Gerbner, 1972; Tedesco, 1974).
Henderson,
Greenberg and Atkin (1980) found that women gave orders less
frequently
than their male counterparts, even after the initial disproportion
in
frequency of gender presentation was taken into account; women's
orders
were less frequently obeyed. Another study (Long & Simon, 1974)
looked
at family-oriented programming and found that women appeared
subservient, dependent and less rational than their male counterparts a
nd never appeared to occupy positions of authority either at home or
on
the job. Signorielli (1988) found that TV women were younger, more
nurturing, and more focused on romance than their male associates.
The television industry, perhaps prompted by academic research
findings, has introduced several new ``career women'' to the prime time
line-up over the past few years. The characters include Murphy
Brown,
Anne Kelsey of ``L.A. Law'' and Maggie O'Connell of ``Northern
Exposure.'' Some critics have hailed these characters as better role
models than their predecessors. Betsy Sharkey of Adweek magazine
(1992)
sees progress in the innovation of an assertive wife and mother in
the
TV series ``Home Improvement'': ``Whether it's a question of Jill
getting her first job rather than staying home with the boys or a fight
over how to unclog a sink, Ms. Richardson and Mr. Allen explore a
range
of male-female friction points.'' Similarly, Daniel B. Wood of The
Christian Science Monitor finds there are ``more single, career-oriented
women leading satisfying lives on TV than at any time in the 50-year
history of the medium.'' (Wood, 1990).
Television depictions have serious implications for the socialization
of children and adolescents. Bandura's social learning theory (1977,
l986) suggests that children will learn and possibly imitate behaviors
that are rewarded on television. Others theorize that television
shapes
children's view of the world--and limits their perceived
options--through the sameness of its characters and the consistency
of
those characters' behavior (National Institute of Mental Health,
1982;
Hawkins & Pingree, 1982; Gerbner, 1972). Thus, children and
adolescents
who are heavy viewers and those whose access to other role models is
limited appear particularly likely to imitate or be restricted by what
they see.
Some researchers have examined the influences of television viewing on
the sexual development of teen-agers. Baran (1976) found the media
image
was both inaccurate and unrealistic when compared with the reality
of
common sexual behavior, and that it gave rise to inflated
expectations
and consequent dissatisfaction with sexual experiences. A 1980 study
found that high exposure to television predicted negative attitudes
toward remaining a virgin (Courtright & Baran). More recently, a survey
of teen viewing habits and sexual practices concluded that teens who
watched more sexually explicit TV were more likely than other teens to
have had sexual intercourse (Brown & Newcomer, 1991). Soderman et
al.
(1993) reported that non-pregnant teen-age girls viewed sexier TV
shows,
perhaps indicating greater curiosity about sexual experiences than
their
pregnant peers, but that pregnant youngsters watched more television
overall and viewed more R-rated films, possibly receiving more total
exposure to sexual content.
Sociologists frequently have suggested that television and other media
contribute to the problem of teen-age pregnancy. They argue that
since
television has been found to influence sexual behavior, it also may
influence the desire of some teen-age girls to become mothers. Another
facet of the problem could be that remaining childless often carries
a
social stigma. Lindsay, in a book dealing with teen-age pregnancy
(1989), cited media influence as one of a variety of factors
contributing to the problem:
The media--primarily radio and TV--bear heavy responsibility: Listen to the
words of the music on any radio station which targets the
adolescent audience.
Watch MTV, and listen to the words. Watch a few evenings of
prime-time television
and note the number of sexual innuendoes, references to unmarried sexual
activity, unmarried pregnancies, and other indicators that
``everybody's doing
it.'' The most powerful measures of communication in our
society are giving teens
strong messages about sex.
At least one research group has tested the possibility of a linkage
between TV viewing and early sexual activity by analyzing existing
data
from the National Survey of Children 76/77. The group found no
strong or
consistent evidence of such a relationship, but concluded that more
rigorous tests of its hypothesis were merited (Peterson, Moore &
Furstenberg, 1991). Several researchers, however, have reported evidence
linking TV viewing with gender, ethnicity and family structure. Of
particular interest is that girls, blacks and children from
single-parent homes watch more TV than their peers (Greenberg, 1993;
Greenberg & Linsangen, 1993). According to the National Research
Council, black and Hispanic girls and the daughters of unwed, teen-age
mothers are at greater risk than other groups of becoming teen-age
mothers (1987).
One possible explanation for the differing proportions of teen
pregnancies in the United States and other countries is that teen-age
girls in the United States are presented with different images of
motherhood on popular television programs. If viewing has an effect,
then one might expect the depiction of motherhood in the United States
to be more positive than in countries with lower teen-pregnancy
rates.
In addition, pregnancy rates might be higher among teen-age girls
who
watched more television and lower among those who preferred shows
other
than family series.
In this study, a content analysis was conducted to compare the
portrayal of motherhood on favorite teen television shows in the United
States and Austria. The expectation was that either motherhood was
portrayed less idealistically in Austria than in the United States or
that entertainment shows focusing on family units were less popular
among Austrian teens than among their U.S. counterparts.
The study was intended to answer the following questions: 1) How are
mothers depicted on the shows most popular among teen-agers in the
two
countries? 2) How do mothers compare with childless women on the
shows?
3) How do the depictions of mothers and non-mothers on Austrian
television differ from the depictions of the two groups on U.S.
television?
Background
In preparation for the study, interviews were conducted with youth and
communication experts in Austria to gain perspective on the research
environment. Several differences between Austrian and U.S.
television
and teen culture are worth noting. Austrian Television (ORF) is more
akin to the Public Broadcasting System (PBS) than to the ``big four''
commercial stations (ABC, CBS, Fox and NBC) in the United States. ORF
receives state funding and attempts to make the range of shows it
broadcasts as wide as possible. Choices range from opera performances to
sexy movies shown occasionally during late-night hours. TV series
typically have shorter runs than in the U.S. Few shows appear more than
a few months at a time, except news and weather. Like major
broadcasters
in the United States, ORF is received in virtually every television
home in the country--99% by the system's own reckoning. Cable is
widely
available from sources outside the country, such as Switzerland and
southern Germany. ORF is so well established, however, that private
broadcasters in Austria have yet to obtain a foothold.
Officials attribute at least part of ORF's success to massive audience
research. Its studies indicate that adults in Austria spend less
time
watching television than do Americans. Viewing patterns traditionally
vary with weather, but on average in 1993, adults watched 133 minutes
of
television per day (J. Stelmach, personal communication, June 1994).
Separate figures for the teen audience were not available. But based
on
a study of children and youth conducted for ORF in 1992, the viewing
behavior of young Austrians probably more closely mirrors that of
their
elders than of U.S. teens. Although 20% of Austrian youths have
their
own TV sets by age 14, they devote large portions of free time to
activities other than watching television, including sports, hobbies,
school work, or family and friends (Integral Marketing Research,
November 1992). U.S. teens, on average, spend a larger portion of each
day in front of the set: 5.43 hours, or about 326 minutes, according
to
one recent study (Greenberg & Linsangen, 1993).
Method
The shows that were sampled were drawn from rankings of favorite
television shows of teen viewers supplied by Austrian Television (ORF)
in Vienna, Austria, and Nielsen Media Research in New York. The
Austrian
list was based on market research of viewing patterns among 12-19
year
olds conducted for ORF in 1993 and compiled in early 1994. The U.S.
list
was drawn from the Nielsen Television Index Ranking Report for
September
18, 1994, a season-to-date ranking of shows based on viewing
patterns of
U.S. teens 12-17 years old. The lists represented the most current
information on teen television-viewing preferences available at the time
the sampling began. Top-ranked shows that had been canceled or were
not
being broadcast during the sampling period were not included. All
the
shows sampled, however, ranked within the top 20 based on the
industry
rankings. The lists encompassed all dayparts, or viewing times,
although
no daytime soap operas were represented. The Austrian shows were
broadcast in May and June, 1994. The U.S. shows were broadcast in
October and November, 1994. The sample included three episodes of 10,
top-ranked shows from each list, 60 shows in all. Each female, adult
character older than 16 years old was coded for a total of 184 adult,
female characters, including 82 mothers. The shows, their program
category, and the approximate ranking by ORF and Nielsen are listed in
Table 1.
A coder recorded demographic information about each character,
including age, race, motherhood and marital status. Five ``positive''
attributes were examined: attractiveness, competence, material
success,
interpersonal relationships and sex life. The coder pre-tested the
applicability of the coding scheme to German-language television by
asking a native speaker of German to code several shows. The coders
achieved an 85.3% rate of inter-coder reliability. The same scheme then
was applied to the U.S. list.
``Attractiveness'' was measured on the basis of grooming (good, bad);
weight (slim or average, heavy); and clothing style (stylish,
frumpy).
``Competence'' was evidenced by each character's job outside the
home
(professional, other, none or unclear); housekeeping skills (neat and
clean, other or unclear); control behavior (directs others, directed
by
others, unclear or neither); and counseling behavior (gives advice,
seeks advice, neither or unclear). ``Material success'' was gauged
according to each character's social class (wealthy or middle class,
working class or poor); residence (elegant or reasonably tasteful,
unattractive, not shown); and eating habits (restaurants or family
meals, fast or junk food, unclear). The quality of each character's
interpersonal relationships was assessed based on her happiness
throughout and at the end of the show (yes, no); the behavior of her
husband or boyfriend (caring or supportive, noncommittal, abusive or
unsupportive, not shown); the appearance of elderly relatives
(independent, dependent, not shown); and the behavior of friends and
neighbors (friendly or helpful, unfriendly or critical, neither or not
shown). Finally, each character's sex life was assessed based on her
touching or kissing her husband or boyfriend (touching, kissing, both,
neither) and her participation in implied sexual intercourse (yes,
no).
Any use of contraceptives, discussion of sexually transmitted
diseases
or discussion of pregnancy as a possible consequence of intercourse
involving the character also was noted. A sample coding sheet is
attached in Appendix A.
Results
Motherhood status in the shows sampled was nearly always clear. Among
184 characters analyzed, motherhood status was uncertain in only 23
(12.5%). Results have been reported only for the 161 characters coded
either as a mother or non-mother.
Depictions of mothers and non-mothers
Demographics. As can be seen in Table 2, television mothers in both
Austria and the United States were depicted as older than
non-mothers,
white rather than black or Asian, and married rather than divorced,
separated or single. Most U.S. mothers (89.7%) and Austrian mothers
(81.4%) were either young or middle-aged adults, between 20 and 59
years
old. The prevalence of mature mothers was reflected among the
leading
characters in many of the U.S. shows. Examples included Roseanne and
Peg
Bundy of ``Married . . . With Children.'' Non-moms were younger as a
rule, with 100% of the characters in the U.S. group and 94.9% of the
characters in the Austrian group under age 40. Nearly all female
characters over age 60 were mothers. They were represented by Grandma
Kim in ``All-American Girl'' in the U.S. group and by Francie in
``Der
Bergdoktor.''
Mothers and non-mothers alike were predominantly white in both groups.
The Austrian sample contained a larger percentage of white
characters
(81.4 percent compared with 69.2% in the U.S. group), and a smaller
percentage of ``other'' racial groups--Asians, Hispanics, etc. (4.7
compared with 15.4% in the U.S group). One U.S. show about an Asian
family, ``All-American Girl'' featuring comedian Margaret Cho,
contributed substantially to the representation of ``other'' racial
groups in the U.S. sample.
Appearance. Almost all female characters in both the Austrian and U.S.
groups were attractive. As can be seen in Table 3, all the Austrian
moms
and non-moms analyzed were judged well-groomed and slim or average
in
weight. Moms in the U.S. group were less uniformly slim or average
size
(84.6%). Austrian mothers also were more likely to be stylishly
dressed
than their U.S. counterparts (88.4%, compared with 79.5 in the
U.S.).
Roseanne was a rare example of a ``heavy'' and ``frumpy'' mother in
the
U.S. group. Occasionally other characters, such as Grandma Kim,
appeared
either heavy or frumpy, but they seldom combined the traits.
Competence. Mothers in both groups are depicted as competent in terms
of counseling and housekeeping, as is shown in Table 4. They are
depicted as less competent than non-mothers in jobs other than
homemaking. In terms of counseling, mothers in both groups predominated
as advisers, while childless women typically functioned as advisees.
In
``Grace Under Fire,'' Grace's childless sister, Libby, sought advice
from Grace after breaking up with her husband. Similarly, Jill Taylor
of
``Home Improvement'' provided her husband with investment advice.
Mothers in both groups were depicted as good housekeepers, with about
three-quarters of both U.S. and Austrian moms judged to preside over
``neat and clean'' homes. The housekeeping skills of non-moms were
more
difficult to assess, particularly among the U.S. characters.
Typically,
they lived with their families, making it unclear whether they did
their
own housework, or their living quarters were not shown. Lynn, for
example, lived with her family in ``Alf,'' while Kate, a nurse in ``The
Flying Doctors,'' was never shown other than on the job at a clinic
or
in a plane.
Material Success. Most adult female characters also were portrayed as
materially successful. More than 80% of both mothers and non-mothers
were classified as wealthy or middle class. More than 80% of moms in
both groups also lived in elegant or reasonably tasteful homes. Even
Roseanne and Grace, two U.S. moms from working-class families, ruled
over attractive bungalows with plenty of space. The mothers' eating
habits tended to highlight the portrait of a well-to-do lifestyle. Most
ate in restaurants or with their families. Childless women were more
likely to be shown eating alone, on the run, or in fast-food
restaurants
and less likely than mothers to be shown taking meals at all.
Interpersonal Relationships. Table 5 reveals that mothers generally
tended to have more successful interpersonal relationships than
non-mothers and tended to be happier in general. A larger percentage of
mothers were happy throughout the show (64.1% in the U.S. group and
58.1% in the Austrian group) than non-mothers (22.5% in the U.S. group
and 30.8% in the Austrian group). Similarly, more mothers than
non-mothers were happy at the end of the show, and more mothers than
non-mothers had supportive and caring husbands or boyfriends. Mothers
and non-mothers were equally likely to be shown with friendly,
helpful
neighbors.
Sex Lives. Austrian and U.S. characters led similarly intimate sex
lives, except in terms of sexual intercourse. As shown in Table 6,
mothers in both groups were more likely than non-mothers to be shown
touching and kissing their husbands and boyfriends. The Huxtables in
``Die Cosby Show,'' for example, kissed and touched frequently. One
episode centered around their efforts to get rid of the kids in order
to
spend a romantic evening together. But Margaret Cho, the unmarried
student in ``All American Girl,'' was seldom portrayed with a man,
except when out on the town with a group of friends. Unmarried women in
``Beverly Hills, 90210'' fared better in dating frequency but spent
more
time arguing with their boyfriends about drugs or alcohol than
smooching. Neither Austrian nor U.S. characters were likely to be
portrayed using or discussing the use of contraceptives, discussing
sexually transmitted diseases--including AIDS--or discussing pregnancy
as a consequence of intercourse. One episode of ``Step by Step'' did
inc
lude a fairly frank discussion of pregnancy and its effects on a
household of older children. And one episode of ``Grace Under Fire''
alluded to marital difficulties stemming from a wife's inability to
have
children.''
Significant Cross-Country Differences
A major difference between the mothers depicted on U.S. and Austrian
television was that mothers in the U.S. group were more likely to be
married than those in the Austrian group (84.6 percent compared with
72.1% of Austrians, z=-2.67). Grace, the separated mom in ``Grace
Under
Fire,'' is the only exception among the leading-lady mothers in the
U.S.
shows. Only a small percentage of mothers in both groups (10.2 in
the
U.S. group and 14.0 in the Austrian group) were unwed. Non-moms in
both
the United States and Austria were likely to be single (85.0% and
92.3
percent, respectively). Marriage appeared to be less important as a
characteristic among mothers in the Austrian group, among whom 28.0%
were either single or of uncertain marital status. Austrian mothers
occasionally appeared only with their children and without allusion to
their husband, as was the case with the mother of a teen-age patient
in
one episode of ``Freunde Furs Leben.''
Several cross-country differences were notable in terms of the
characters' competence. Childless women on Austrian TV were
significantly more likely to hold professional jobs than their
counterparts in the United States (25.6% compared with 0% in the U.S,
z=-3.42). And while the percentage of non-mom professionals exceeded
that of mom professionals in Austria (25.6 compared with 20.9), the
reverse was true in the U.S. group. No childless women in the U.S.
group
held a professional job compared with 10.3% of mothers. Chris
Randall,
the attractive general practitioner in ``The Flying Doctors,'' was
one
example of the accomplished non-moms popular among Austrian teens.
She
not only could set broken bones, but also best her colleagues at
shooting skeet. Most non-moms in both groups, however, held
non-professional jobs. Female students--such as Margaret in
``All-American Girl'' and Brenda in ``Beverly Hills, 90210''--were
well-represented, as were waitresses and store clerks. Stephanie and
C.J. in ``Baywatch'' were lifeguards. Most mothers in both groups were
either homemakers or employed in an unspecified job outside the home
(69.2% of the U.S. group and 65.1% of the Austrian group).
U.S. mothers, however, were significantly more likely than Austrian
mothers to be directors (82.1% compared with 55.8%, respectively,
z=2.56), while U.S. non-mothers were significantly more likely than
Austrian non-mothers to be directed by others (57.5% compared with
23.1%, z=3.11). In one episode of ``Married . . . With Children,'' for
example, Peg and Al discussed where they should go for an evening on
the
town. Peg suggested a hockey game, but Al was opposed. The next
scene
showed them in the stands at the game. Austrian moms, conversely,
were
significantly more likely to be neither directors nor recipients of
direction (37.2% compared with 12.8% among U.S. moms, z=-2.53). The
U.S.
and Austrian groups also differed significantly in one type of
counselin
g situation. Childless women on U.S. shows were significantly more
likely than childless women on Austrian shows to be neither advisers nor
advisees (67.5% compared with 41.0% of Austrians, z=2.36). In
``Family
Ties,'' for example, Mallory supported her boyfriend emotionally
when
his dog was injured and had to be put to sleep, but did not advise
him
on the decision.
If the U.S. mothers lacked competence in the boardroom, they made up
for it in the bedroom. They were significantly more likely than
mothers
on Austrian shows to have sexual intercourse with their partners
(38.5%
compared with 14.0% of Austrians, z=2.54). Among non-moms, however,
Austrian women were significantly more likely to have supporting and
caring partners (53.8% compared with 27.5% of U.S. non-moms, z=-2.38).
Conclusions
The portrayal of mothers on Austrian and U.S. television was similar in
many respects, at least partly because so many of the favorite shows
of
Austrian teens were produced in the United States. Austrian
favorites
included six English-language shows, five from the United States and
one
from Australia. One show, ``Beverly Hills, 90210,'' appeared in both
lists. The shows preferred by Austrians, however, included a wider
range
of genres: two action shows, two dramas, and six family series. By
contrast, 80% of U.S. shows were family series and the one cartoon show
on the list, ``The Simpsons,'' focused on a family unit. Austrian
teens,
then, may have received less exposure to ``Americanized'' portrayals
of
motherhood because their choices were different.
The TV mothers popular in both countries were older than non-mothers,
almost all Caucasian, well-groomed and stylishly dressed. In
addition,
most led genteel lives as full-time mothers and homemakers. Among
those
who worked outside the home, non-professional jobs were more common
than
professional. The TV mothers in both countries were generally
wealthy or
middle class, occupied elegant or tasteful homes and seldom indulged
in
fast food or junk food. Their interpersonal relationships were
smooth.
They usually were happy throughout the show and nearly always at its
conclusion. They also tended to have loving, supportive husbands or
boyfriends and friendly, helpful neighbors. They seldom were forced to
provide personal care or financial support to needy, older
relatives.
However, the study identified several differences between the mothers
portrayed in the two groups:
* U.S. mothers were more likely than Austrian mothers to be married.
* U.S. mothers were more likely to direct or control other characters
than Austrian mothers.
* U.S. mothers were less likely than Austrian mothers to be neither
director nor recipient of direction in control situations.
* U.S. mothers were more likely than Austrian mothers to have sexual
intercourse with their husbands or boyfriends.
The exalted position of the U.S. mothers was highlighted by the lesser
status of their childless counterparts. Although demographically
comparable to childless women in Austria and equally attractive in
appearance, the childless women on U.S. shows were significantly less
competent by some measures and had less satisfying relationships with
men:
* No U.S. non-mothers held professional jobs; many Austrian non-mothers
did.
* U.S. non-mothers were more likely than Austrian non-mothers to be
directed in control situations.
* U.S. non-mothers were less likely than Austrian non-mothers to take
an active role, either as advisers or advisees, in counseling
situations.
4) U.S. non-mothers were less likely than Austrian non-mothers to have
caring, supportive boyfriends.
Neither group of shows included many teen-age mothers, and neither
included many childless wives. But on Austrian TV, attractive mother
role-models were counterbalanced by attractive non-mothers. It was
possible for childless women to lead successful professional lives and
to have caring and supportive partners. On U.S. TV, the contrast
between
mothers and childless women was sharper. Non-mothers sat on the
sidelines and were controlled by others. They did not get far in the
workplace, and they did not get far in their relationships with men.
Non-moms were perpetual adolescents. American TV suggested that the
road
to maturity passes through motherhood.
Discussion
Although these differences provide one clue about the differing
teen-age pregnancy rates in the two countries, other variables also may
play a role. Television viewing does not occur in a vacuum. The
contributions of cultural differences, including attitudes about sex and
total time spent watching television, cannot be ruled out. What does
seem clear is that despite the proverbial European sophistication
about
sexual matters and despite a national sex-education program in the
schools, Austrian teens get no more information about sex from their
favorite television shows than do Americans. Content about
contraception, fertilization and sexually transmitted diseases is
all
but non-existent. Unlike Americans, however, the Austrians are
provided
models of successful, childless women.
As in most content analyses, further research is needed to demonstrate
that a cause-effect relationship exists between variables. In the
case
of teen-age pregnancy and the viewing of ``supermom'' role models,
it
also remains unclear what conclusions teen-agers draw from television
messages about motherhood and what effects those messages have on
their
attitudes and beliefs. The relationship might be clarified through a
survey correlating viewing habits with incidence of teen pregnancy, or
with experiments to determine whether teen-agers' attitudes about
motherhood change after viewing TV shows that feature less idealized
mothers and more favorably depicted non-mothers.
Despite a variety of public efforts meant to address the problem of
teen-age pregnancy, many young women continue to become mothers at an
early age and too often fail to fulfill their potential in other
spheres. Communicators concerned about the high rate of teen-age
pregnancy in the United States might well strive for a more balanced,
Austrian-style portrayal of female characters. Childless women need
not
always take direction from stronger characters and might even
develop
satisfying sexual relationships. Mothers need not solve every
problem,
and need not always be appreciated by their husbands, partners or
friends. They might look frazzled, wear sloppy clothes and fail to meet
their families' needs. TV moms who strived for success but sometimes
failed to triumph would provide equally good role models without
perpetuating the myth of ``supermotherhood.''
Table 1
Favorite Television Shows of Austrian and U.S. Teens
Show Type Nielsen/ORF Ranking
Austria
1. Baywatch a action 1
2. Beverly Hills, 90210 a other (drama) 4
3. Der Bergdoktor family series 7
4. Freunde Furs Leben other (drama) 9
5. Jede Menge Familie family series 11
(Family Ties)
6. Die fligenden Arzte action 12
(The Flying Doctors)
7. Die Cosby Show a family series 14
8. Forsthaus Falkenau family series 15
9. Der Landarzt family series 16
10. Alf a family series 18
United States
1. Home Improvement family series 2
2. The Fresh Prince of Bel-Air family series 3
3. The Simpsons cartoon 4
4. Blossom family series 5
5. Roseanne family series 6
6. All-American Girl family series 8
7. Beverly Hills, 90210 other (drama) 10
8. Grace Under Fire family series 12
9. Married . . . With Children family series 13
10. Step by Step family series 14
Note. The favorite shows sampled do not precisely match the top Nielsen
and ORF-ranked shows because of cancellations or lapses in
scheduling
during the sampling period. Austrian television, particularly, tends
to
vary its programming and seldom airs any show for more than a few
months
at a time.
aShows with this superscript originated in the United States.
Table 2
Demographics of Mothers and Non-mothers in Favorite TV Shows of Austrian and
U.S. Teens
% of women U.S. Mothers Austrian Mothers U.S. Non-mothers Austrian Non-mothers
who were: (n=39) (n=43) (n=40) (n=39)
Age
teens (16-19) --- 2.3 32.5 23.1
20-39 48.7 39.5 67.5 71.8
40-59 41.0 41.9 --- 5.1
60+ 10.2 16.3 --- ---
99.9 100.0 100.0 100.0
Race
white 69.2 81.4 87.5 97.4
black 15.4 13.9 5.0 2.6
other 15.4 4.7 7.5 ---
100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0
Marital status
married 84.6 a 72.1 a 10.0 7.7
not married 10.2 14.0 85.0 92.3
unclear 5.1 14.0 5.0 ---
99.9 100.1 100.1 100.0
Note. Proportions having the same subscript differ significantly at p < .05
based on the z-test
of comparisons.
Table 3
Appearance of Mothers and Non-mothers in Favorite TV shows of Austrian and U.S.
Teens
% of women U.S. Mothers Austrian Mothers U.S. Non-mothers Austrian Non-mothers
who were: (n=39) (n=43) (n=40) (n=39)
Well-groomed 92.3 100.0 97.5 100.0
Slim or average wt. 84.6 100.0 97.5 100.0
Stylish 79.5 88.4 92.5 100.0
Table 4
Competence of Mothers and Non-mothers in Favorite Television Shows of Austrian
and U.S.
Teens
% of women U.S. Mothers Austrian Mothers U.S. Non-mothers Austrian Non-mothers
who were: (n=39) (n=43) (n=40) (n=39)
Job
Homemakers; unclear 69.2 65.1 45.0 30.8
Non-professionals 20.5 14.0 55.0 43.6
Professionals 10.3 20.9 --- a 25.6 a
100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0
Housekeeping
Neat/clean 76.9 74.4 7.5 25.6
Unclear; other 23.1 25.6 92.5 74.4
100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0
Control
Decision-makers 82.1 b 55.8 b 7.5 23.1
Neither;unclear 12.8 c 37.2 c 35.0 53.8
Manipulated 5.1 7.0 57.5 d 23.1 d
100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0
Counsel
Advisers 69.2 65.1 12.5 28.2
Neither;unclear 30.8 30.2 67.5 e 41.0 e
Advisees --- 4.6 20.0 30.7
100.0 99.9 100.0 99.9
Note. Proportions having the same subscript differ significantly at p < .05
based on
the z-test of comparisons. Some columns do not sum to zero
because of rounding error.
Table 5
Interpersonal Relationships of Mothers and Non-mothers in Favorite TV Shows of
Austrian
and U.S. Teens
% of women U.S. Mothers Austrian Mothers U.S. Non-mothers Austrian Non-mothers
who were: (n=39) (n=43) (n=40) (n=39)
Happy at end of show 89.7 86.0 47.5 66.7
Happy throughout show 64.1 58.1 22.5 30.8
Supported, cared for by 71.8 76.7 27.5 a 53.8 a
husband/boyfriend
Shown with friendly, 41.0 46.5 45.0 48.7
helpful neighbors
Shown with independent, 7.7 23.3 5.0 15.4
elderly relatives
Note. Proportions having the same subscript differ significantly at p < .05
based on
the z-test of comparisons.
Table 6
Sex Life of Mothers and Non-mothers in Favorite TV Shows of Austrian and U.S.
Teens
% of mothers U.S. Mothers Austrian Mothers U.S. Non-mothers Austrian
Non-mothers
who were: (n=39) (n=43) (n=40) (n=39)
Shown touching/kissing 69.2 62.9 37.5 56.4
husband or boyfriend
Having implied sexual 38.5 a 14.0 a 30.0 15.4
intercourse
Discussing contraceptives,
sexually transmitted diseases
or pregnancy as a 10.3 --- 12.5 2.6
consequence of
intercourse
Note. Proportions having the same subscript differ significantly at p < .05
based on
the z-test of comparisons.
Appendix A
Mothers and Television Coding Sheet
Fall 1994
Program Title:
Character Name:
Network:
Date Aired:
Program Type: ____ (1-Family series, 2-Action series, 3-Soap, 4-Cartoon,
5-Other)
Character Demographics:
Est. Age: ____ (Teens=1; 20 through 39 = 2; 40 through 59 =3; 60 or
older=4)
Race: ____ (Black=1; White=2; Other=3)
Marital Status: ____ (Married=1; Not married=2; Unclear=3)
Motherhood Status: ____ (Mother=1; Non-mother=2; Unclear=3)
Attractiveness:
Grooming: ____ (1=Good; 2=Bad)
Weight: ____ (1=Slim or average; 2=Heavy)
Clothing style: ____ (1=Stylish or average; 2=Frumpy)
Competence:
Job outside home?: ____ (1=Professional; 2=Other; 3=None or unclear)
Housekeeping skills: ____ (1=Neat and clean; 2=Other or unclear)
Control: ____ (1=Directs others; 2=Directed by others; 3=Unclear or
neither)
Counseling: ____ (1=Gives advice; 2=Seeks advice; 3=Neither or
unclear)
Material success:
Social class: ____ (1=Wealthy or middle-class; 2=Working class or poor)
Residence: ____ (1=Elegant or reasonably tasteful; 2=Unattractive,
3=Not shown)
Eating habits: ____ (1=Restaurants or family meals; 2=Fast food or junk
food; 3=Unclear)
Interpersonal relationships:
Happiness throughout show: ____ (1=Yes; 2=No)
Happiness at end of show: ____ (1=Yes; 2=No)
Husband or boyfriend: ____ (1=Caring or supportive; 2=Noncommittal;
3=Abusive or unsupportive; 4=Not shown)
Elderly relatives: ____ (1=Independent; 2=Dependent; 3=Not shown)
Friends, neighbors: ____ (1=Friendly, helpful; 2=Unfriendly, critical;
3=Neither; 4=Not shown)
Sex life:
Touching or kissing husband or boyfriend: ____ (1=Touching; 2=Kissing;
3=Both; 4=Neither)
Implied sexual intercourse: ____ (1=Yes; 2=No)
Implied use of contraceptives: ____ (1=Yes; 2=No)
Discussion of STDs: ____ (1=Yes; 2=No)
Discussion of pregnancy as a possible consequence of intercourse: ____
(1=Yes; 2=No)
Appendix B
Coding Definitions for Mothers and Television
Fall 1994
Character Demographics
Family series--focused on a family unit with at least one parent and
child.
Action series--focused on adventure; for example, a detective or police
show.
Soap--focused on heterosexual relationships, and the plot line typically
continues from episode to episode.
Cartoon--featured animated characters and may be targeted toward either
children or adults.
Other--encompassed any type of show not included in the preceding
categories, including shows that focus on school or work situations.
Estimated age--the group that most closely approximated the character's
age. Most college students were coded as ``20-39''; mothers with
college-age children as ``40 to 50''; and grandmothers as ``60 or
older.''
Attractiveness
Good grooming--characterized by generally flattering hair and make-up,
with clothing not obviously wrinkled or dirty.
Heavy weight--substantially beyond the weight most people would consider
ideal for a character's height.
Professional jobs--those that require at least some college training.
Examples would include lawyers, teachers, journalists and
administrative
or ownership positions of all types. Students were coded ``other.''
Grace, the industrial worker in ``Grace Under Fire'' was not a
``professional,'' but nurse Kate in ``The Flying Doctors'' was.
Competence
Directs others--behavior that led others to accept direction, with or
without protest, or that allowed a character to get her own way in
the
end. For example, a mother who told her children to go to bed and
whose
children then exited the room, apparently accepting the order, was a
``director.'' A more passive character who usually followed another's
suggestions, such as Grace's sister, Libby, was ``directed by
others.''
Material Success
Unattractive residences--disorderly, junky or decorated with obviously
cheap and tacky furniture, as opposed to suitable for residents of
moderate means with reasonable standards of cleanliness. Roseanne's
daughter's apartment was ``unattractive,'' but Roseanne's house was
not.
Interpersonal Relationships
Happiness--characterized by a smiling face and peaceful demeanor; the
character seldom appeared angry or stressed.
Caring and supportive--behavior that demonstrated interest in a
partner's problems or active participation in housekeeping or
child-rearing activities.
Independent--behavior that did not require physical or financial
assistance. For example, grandparents who came to dinner and then left,
as did those on ``The Cosby Show'' were ``independent.''
Friendly, helpful--behavior that showed interest in a friend or
neighbor's daily activities or problems. Stopping by to chat, offer
advice or make jokes was ``friendly, helpful'' behavior. ``Unfriendly
or
critical'' behavior, on the other hand, created or compounded
problems.
Sex Life
Touching--included any instance of petting, stroking, grabbing,
massaging, patting, holding hands, hugging, etc.
Kissing--included both pecks on the cheek and long, elaborate kisses.
Implied sexual intercourse--included the appearance of a man and woman
together in a bed or bedroom, other than in a hospital, and any
references to sleeping with a member of the opposite sex.
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