ABSTRACT
 
"BOOKS ARE WEAPONS": Books In Twentieth Century Presidential Campaigns
 
 
Priscilla Coit Murphy
School of Journalism and Mass Communication
University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill
 
 
The use of books as campaign material has rarely been noted, let alone
 
                 studied, yet almost all of our twentieth century presidents
have books
 
            to their credit.  This paper examines how books by candidates in
three
 
            clusters of presidential elections were used as part of  their
campaign
 
            effort in the pre-broadcast era, the radio era, and the television
era.
  The study assesses the role of books in the candidates' communication
 
            to the electorate, whether as direct communication of the
candidates'
 
           views or as evidence of their character.   The number and kind of
books
 
            is noted for each era, along with evidence of awareness of their
 
      political function.  Changes in use and style across the three periods
 
            is discussed, and suggestions about the relationship of the books to
the
 
            other media are noted.   The analysis concludes with perceptions
about
 
            possible trends continuing to the present time and suggestions for
 
        further study.
ABSTRACT
 
"BOOKS ARE WEAPONS": Books In Twentieth Century Presidential Campaigns
 
 
Priscilla Coit Murphy
School of Journalism and Mass Communication
University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill
 
 
How books by presidential candidates were used as part of campaign
 
             efforts in the pre-broadcast era, the radio era, and the television
era.
   An assessment of the role of books in the candidates' communication
 
            to the electorate, whether as direct communication of the
candidates'
 
           views or as evidence of their character.   The number and kind of
books
 
            is noted for each era, along with evidence of awareness of their
 
      political function.  Changes in use and style, and suggestions about the
 
            relationship of the books to the other media are noted.
 
Price Competition
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
"BOOKS ARE WEAPONS": BOOKS IN Twentieth-Century Presidential Campaigns
 
"Would that mine adversary had written a book"  ~ Job 31:35
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
Priscilla Coit Murphy
Doctoral Student
University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill
School of Journalism and Mass Communication
 
 
 
Paper submitted to the History Division
AEJMC National Convention
August 9-12, 1995
 
 
 
 
 Price Competition
 
"BOOKS ARE WEAPONS": BOOKS IN Twentieth-Century Presidential Campaigns
 
Introduction
In the history of presidential campaigns, candidates have used virtually
 
                 all media at their disposal to put themselves before the
American
 
       public.  Much has been said and written about the relationship between
 
            the candidates and "the press" or "the media," particularly in the
age
 
            of the sound bite and the photo opportunity.  But what about books
from
 
            a candidate?   The quotation in the title of this study is from
Franklin
 
            Delano Roosevelt,[1] one of the twentieth century's masters of
public
 
        communication and author of several books, not only before his election
 
            but during his tenure as president.  Roosevelt was witnessing a
belief
 
            that books served a powerful communicative function for him, in
general
 
            and specifically in communication with his constituency.
Many other candidates for the office apparently have held the same view,
 
                 for the record shows many books written, published, and on
occasion even
 
            discussed as part of the campaign effort.  Books do not spring
 
    immediately to mind as an essential, or even an obviously effective,
 
          form of campaign communication, especially in the maturity of the
 
       broadcast age. Yet as recently as 1992 with Bill Clinton's Putting
 
        People First[2] -- notably, the first candidate's  book to make
 
  election-month best-seller lists -- there is evidence that books have
 
           been felt to serve the purposes of many presidential candidates, even
as
 
            broadcast media have come seemingly to dominate the political
process.
 
            The purpose of this study is to examine that evidence  for
indications
 
            of the role books may have been felt to play in three clusters of
 
       campaigns.  Of  interest will be the kinds of purposes apparently being
 
            served by the books, evidence of awareness of that role by
candidates or
 
            their observers, and suggestions that the advent of radio and
television
 
            made a difference in quantity or quality of the books involved in
 
       candidates' campaigns.
 Previous Study on the Subject
To date, no studies specifically on the subject of the use of books as
 
                 campaign material appear to exist, not surprising given the
paucity of
 
            material on the social history of books in the twentieth century.
Most
 
            often the point is made passingly, but one or two writers have noted
 
          explicitly that books can and do constitute campaign material.
In 1936, a reviewer at the New York Times described the traditional form
 
                 of the candidates' book:
The brave words spoken by Presidential candidates, even by those
 
                who aspire to be candidates, have a habit of drawing together to
 
                form a book. . . . The result is a compilation that, often with
 
               reason, can be presented as statement of the great one's
political
 
                 and social philosophy.  There have been many such books, and a
few
 
                 of them have made history.[3]
More recently, writing for the Freedom Forum about the quality of
 
       writing found among our presidents, John Maxwell Hamilton noted,
If anything, books have become as indispensable to presidents as
 
                Air Force One.  In the process of getting elected, they need an
 
               autobiography or perhaps a brief book on some public policy issue
 
                 to show what decent, serious people they are.  Later, they need
a
 
                 hefty presidential memoir to earn a little cash and at the same
 
               time to justify their administrations.[4]
Methodology
The intent of this study is to present a limited introductory survey to
 
                 the subject, searching first for evidence of awareness that the
books
 
           had a campaign-related function -- whether on the part of the authors
or
 
            the readership -- and then looking at trends or changes in the
purpose
 
            and type of books as the broadcast media evolved to become a major
site
 
            of the political battle.  Before examining the material, a comment
about
 
            methodology is unavoidable, since the subject is quite broad given
the
 
            number of aspirants to the presidency since the beginning of the
Union
 
            (especially when the vice presidency is often seen as a
stepping-stone)
 
            and the number of books involved.
The primary limitation was that of time:  within the twentieth century
 
                 -- the "mass media" century -- three clusters of four elections
each
 
          were chosen to represent the pre-broadcast era (1900, 1904, 1908,
1912),
 
            the radio era (1932, 1936, 1940, 1944), and the television era
(1960,
 
           1964, 1968, 1972) respectively.  Within those clusters of elections,
the
 
            works associated with the major candidates[5] were considered --
with
 
        certain pertinent variations as noted.
Choosing the books to be discussed involved a number of considerations.[6]
 The focus of the study was on those books published in the year of the
 
                 election itself; however, works by the candidates prior to the
election
 
            were also considered as potentially part of the candidate's profile,
 
          especially when an incumbent was running for re-election.[7]  Lists of
 
         candidates' works were compiled first from lists of book reviews[8] in
 
         popular literature for the twelve years encompassed by the
four-election
 
            clusters, augmented with lists from library catalogues and profiles
of
 
            the candidates in primary and secondary literature.
The primary materials were three-fold.  First were the candidates' books
 
                 themselves, less for their text than for their genre and
intent.  Second
 
            were book reviews that evidenced consciousness of a book's role in a
 
          campaign.  Third were what were called "campaign books"[9] of a
political
 
            party -- typically the published record or "text-book" of the
national
 
            party convention.[10]
The candidates' books fell into three categories:  1. collected speeches
 
                 and addresses already delivered personally or in another
medium; 2.
 
         direct addresses to the readership written for the occasion, i.e., a
 
          manifesto of observations and/or beliefs; and 3. literary efforts for
 
           more-or-less non-political purposes, most commonly scholarly works.
 
          Further, the books served either or both of two functions in a
campaign:
 
            as political communication directed at the readership-electorate, or
as
 
            evidence of the "measure of the man,"[11] often used by others to
 
   demonstrate the candidate's qualities.
The books chosen were all had the pertinent candidate listed as author.
 
                 However, very often the books were the result of efforts by
editors or
 
            compilers on the candidates' behalf; frequently an introduction by
an
 
           editor or another political figure was a significant part of the
book's
 
            importance.  Moreover, suggestions that books by some authors like
John
 
            Kennedy or Richard Nixon may have been ghostwritten persist in the
 
        political folklore.  For the purposes of this study, however, the
 
       question of actual authorship was deemed irrelevant, since the books
 
          were presented to the public at large as having been written by the
 
         candidate.
In light of these considerations about how books may have functioned,
 
                the study will now examine the three eras for evidence of
awareness of
 
            the political purpose of the books.  Moreover, patterns of constancy
or
 
            change in both genre and purpose is noted.  Further, to the extent
that
 
            so limited a sample may provide some indication of the effect of the
 
          advent of broadcast media on the use of books, that effect is
discussed.
 Following exploration of the candidates' books in the three clusters of
 
            elections, a discussion of the findings will be offered, with
 
   speculation about implications for further study and the future of books
 
            in political campaigns.
 
The Pre-Broadcast Era
The election of 1900 pitted incumbent William McKinley against Nebraska
 
                 Democrat William Jennings Bryan.  McKinley's running mate was
Colonel
 
           Theodore Roosevelt, who became president after McKinley died in
1901.[12]
 
            Bryan had published only a personal account of the campaign of
1896.[13]  In
 
            the campaign he apparently relied more on his ability as an orator
than
 
            as a writer, for Bryan appears to have published nothing expressly
timed
 
            for the 1900 election.  As a congressman, McKinley had published a
 
        compilation of speeches given up to 1893[14] and a similar volume in
1896.[15]
 
            In 1900 another collection of his speeches was published, which
 
     resembled its predecessors except insofar as the speeches were now those
 
            of McKinley the president, making the volume in effect a state
archive
 
            more than political communication per se.[16]
Between the 1900 election and that of 1904, however, McKinley's death
 
                put one of the most prolific writers of all American presidents
into the
 
            White House; and the Republican party was to celebrate Roosevelt's
 
        scholarship in balance to his image as a statesman and outdoorsman.  As
 
            Outlook magazine crowed, "Not since the Presidency of Thomas
Jefferson
 
            has a man of letters been the executive head of the United States
 
       Government.  The present President is a Harvard graduate, and represents
 
            the active rather than the contemplative side of Harvard
culture."[17]
By the time Roosevelt took office in 1901, he had produced close to
 
              twenty books[18] of diverse nature, from books about the outdoor
life to
 
          scholarly works, including his authoritative history of the War of
1812[19]
 
            and his critically acclaimed five-volume Winning of the West.[20]
While in
 
            office, he had continued to write.[21]  The Republican Campaign
Text-Book
 
           for the 1904 convention featured a biography of Roosevelt including a
 
           lengthy paragraph listing his publications in detail as evidence that
 
           "his work as a student of books, meanwhile, never dropped, even while
he
 
            was most busily engaged in the affairs of current politics or in
 
      frontier activity."[22]   Once again, his works collectively served to
 
        demonstrate the intellectual measure of the man Roosevelt as well as his
 
            rough-and-ready personal style.
Among his other works,  Roosevelt had published The Strenuous Life [23] in
 
                 1900. This oft-quoted collection of essays and addresses
preached the
 
           "doctrine of the strenuous life"[24]; and its exhortative tone was
 
    indicative of his public style.  It was reissued frequently, including
 
            in 1904.  In the context of a campaign, such a volume accomplished
both
 
            as direct communication by the candidate and as evidence of the
 
     candidate's style and character.  This dual-function efficiency made
 
          such books attractive means of presenting a candidate to the
electorate,
 
            whether or not at the direct instigation of the author-candidate
 
      himself.
Similarly efficient in effect, Roosevelt's volume of Addresses and
 
             Presidential Messages[25] was produced in time for the 1904
election.[26]  In
 
           Henry Cabot Lodge's introduction, he presented its value to the
reader
 
            as more than historic record:  "At the present moment [these
speeches]
 
            have the peculiar and most important interest of being the
utterances of
 
            a man who has not only filled the highest place in the gift of the
 
        American people, but who now stands before that people for their direct
 
            approbation and for re-election to office."[27]  He went on, in
similar vein
 
            to the Campaign Text-Book, characterizing Roosevelt as a man of
letters
 
            as well as thought and action.
In the introduction, Lodge also bemoaned (perhaps prematurely) the
 
             disappearance of the campaign biography[28] because of the "habit
of
 
      'writing people up' in the newspapers."  He then applauded the
 
    opportunity for Roosevelt to put himself before the people in his own
 
           words, rather than limiting information to "all the incidents, both
real
 
            and imaginary, in the career of a Presidential candidate now [in]
the
 
           daily newspapers."[29]  While such direct reference to other media
was
 
        rarely found in the course of this study, the suggestion that books may
 
            afford a means of getting around the limitations of other media is
 
        noteworthy.
On his election in 1904, Roosevelt had promised not to seek reelection
 
                 again in 1908.  The Republicans chose William Howard Taft to
run against
 
            William Jennings Bryan, back for a second try for the presidency in
 
         1908.  Bryan's political career was based in his legendary oratorical
 
           talents.  For the 1908 election, a collection subtitled  "Extracts
from
 
            the Speeches and Writings of  'A Well-Rounded Man'" was published
under
 
            his authorship, though in fact the book was the editorial effort of
its
 
            "compiler," Richard L. Metcalfe, who inserted adulatory notes from
other
 
            authors among the excerpted addresses and writings of Bryan.
Metcalfe's
 
            hope was that "through the perusal of this little volume, [readers]
will
 
            know the 'Real Bryan' . . .  even as he is known by every Nebraska
 
        neighbor who has had the advantage of intimate acquaintance with the
 
          man."[30]   The idea was, apparently, to bridge the gaps in the
press's
 
         presentation of Bryan to permit a personal interaction with those he
had
 
            not spoken to in person.
However, this effort at hardcover political communication may have
 
             backfired because of Bryan's personal style:  the Republican
Campaign
 
           Text-Book vilified Bryan as possessing the worst traits of  the
 
     (dreaded) journalist, having "no power of analysis, no grasp of
 
     fundamental principles, no capacity for serious study, no sense of
 
        logical proportion"[31] -- by implication also the worst traits for a
 
       potential president.
By contrast, Taft was described in an Outlook comment as having produced
 
                 a book in which he exhibited "the traits which have made Mr.
Taft the
 
           power that he is in America to-day -- [among others] . . . a judicial
 
           spirit, willing to hear both sides of a question . . . [and] a higher
 
           regard for substance than for form."[32]  Again, the combined purpose
of
 
          presentation of the man's character and his views was served in one
 
         book, Present Day Problems,[33] which was yet another collection of
 
     addresses, which the New York Times welcomed saying, "With Mr. Taft the
 
            Republican nominee for the Presidency, it is well that the public
should
 
            have a compendium of his opinions on various topics of public
interest."[34]
 Also likely current at the time of the election was Taft's Four Aspects
 
            of Civic Duty,[35] a collection of Yale lectures on civil
responsibility.
  The three-way race in 1912 brought Roosevelt back as an independent,
 
                 running against incumbent Taft and Democrat Woodrow Wilson.
Teddy
 
        Roosevelt had been productive since leaving the presidency, traveling,
 
            speaking, and churning out books on such diverse subject as ethics,
and
 
            hunting and travel,[36] as well as having three more compilations of
his
 
          speeches produced with forewords by supporter Lyman Abbott.[37]   In
1912,
 
            the election year, Realizable Ideals, a series of lectures,
appeared,
 
           and The Real Roosevelt, an edited collection of his speeches was
 
      published listing Roosevelt as author, although not clearly at his
 
        behest.  Even though both were anthologies, the titles suggested that
 
           the reader might find explication of the president's views in the
first
 
            and some revelation of his personality (in the same vein as The Real
 
          Bryan) in the second.
Meanwhile, a volume of Taft's Presidential Addresses and State Papers
 
                from March 4, 1909 to March 4, 1910[38] had been published in
1910, which
 
           volume the New York Times concluded would leave a favorable
impression
 
            on its undoubtedly numerous readers,[39] although the Times did not
specify
 
            whether it saw the volume as archival or pertinent to Taft's bid for
 
          reelection.
Like Teddy Roosevelt, Woodrow Wilson brought with him to the candidacy
 
                 an established reputation as an author, although in Wilson's
case it was
 
            primarily that of a scholar.[40]  Beyond his authoritative History
of the
 
           American People,[41] his most relevant political works to date had
been one
 
            collection of lectures on U. S. congressional government in 1885[42]
and
 
          another on constitutional government published in 1908,[43] which had
 
       prompted a Nation reviewer of 1910 to observe that it was "a refreshing
 
            advent of a scholar in politics who knows books but who also knows
men
 
            and government."[44]  However, Wilson published nothing specifically
for the
 
            occasion of the 1912 election, and the Democratic Campaign Book for
the
 
            1912 convention, although having many pages in praise of Wilson's
record
 
            as a scholar and Princeton president, did not list any of Wilson's
 
        works.[45]
By contrast, the adversarial Republican Campaign Text-Book for that year
 
                 found ample use of their own for Wilson's writings.  The
several-paged
 
            attack asserted that "the real sentiments of the average men are
more
 
           likely to be expressed as a result of their thoughtful study than
their
 
            expressions at a moment when they are seeking popular support at the
 
          polls"[46] and that, therefore, a work such as Wilson's History of the
 
        American People represents his true and considered beliefs[47] -- many
of
 
           which the Republican speaker clearly found highly objectionable.
 
        Quoting passages from his history to deplore Wilson's political
 
     alliances, and generally quarreling with many of Wilson's positions as
 
            presented in that and several other of his books, the Republican
 
      argument cited books by name and passages by page number.  This case
 
          might well be described as another (like Bryan's) in which the weapons
 
            -- although never forged as such to begin with, since none appear to
 
          have been written or compiled specifically with the presidential
 
      campaign in mind -- were turned upon their creator.
Over the four first presidential elections of the century, six
 
         candidates ran for the office in an era when campaigning meant making
 
           speeches in person, often traveling to do so, and finding whatever
means
 
            were available to get one's ideas and plans into print.  Roosevelt
and
 
            Wilson were both authors irrespective of their political activities,
and
 
            the sum of their literary works served to illustrate their
intellectual
 
            prowess, seen at least in that era as desirable in a president.
 
      However, as noted, by far the most frequent type of book published on
 
           the occasion of a campaign was a compilation of speeches.  The
purpose
 
            may have been to familiarize the populace with the ideas or the man,
or
 
            best of all, both.
That a book might offer advantages over reliance on newspapers for
 
             public exposure is suggested by Lodge's comments about  the
"imaginary"
 
            events published by newspapers, as well as by the Republican
convention
 
            speaker's suggestion that in books a candidate's thoughts are more
 
        thoroughly and truly revealed.  Otherwise, not much evidence was found
 
            of express recognition that books were part of a candidate's
campaign
 
           strategy, however the party campaign books offer some intriguing
insight
 
            on the point.
All four of the Republican campaign books begin with a foreword stating
 
                 explicitly: "The purpose of this book is to furnish in concise
and
 
        convenient form for reference such information as is likely to be
 
       required by speakers, writers and others participating in the
 
   discussions of the presidential campaign.  The intelligent American
 
         voter demands facts in support of the propositions upon which his vote
 
            is asked, and properly so."[48]  So early an identification of their
 
      audience as, in effect, gatekeepers and/or opinion leaders is startling,
 
            and one could wish for similarly explicit description of the target
 
         audience for the candidates' works at the time.
The Democrats were less explicit about the purpose of their campaign
 
               book, but on the inside cover of the 1908 book was what amounted
to a
 
           display ad announcing a price of twenty-five cents for the book
itself,
 
            where to write for it, and the recommendation that "Every Democrat
 
        Should Have It."[49]  If a book can carry the party's message to the
people,
 
            by extension it can carry the candidate to the people as well.   If
 
         explicit consciousness of that purpose in campaign-year publishing is
 
           rarely evident, it may be in part because the purpose seemed obvious,
 
           especially to a nation used to print media only.
As to the style of the works of this era, one often notes a hortatory,
 
                 frequently moralizing tone.  That tone is, of course, partly
 
  attributable to the fact that many of the works were collections of
 
         speeches; but both speeches and works written for print tended toward
 
           exhortation in fairly formal terms, reminiscent of religious or
 
     moralizing tracts of the era.  The following passage from Roosevelt's
 
           Strenuous Life illustrates the rhetorical style of the day; moreover,
it
 
            will provide an intriguing comparison with passages on a comparable
 
         theme in each of the two later eras to be discussed:
 
I wish to preach not the doctrine of ignoble ease, but the doctrine
 
                 of the strenuous life, the life of toil and effort, of labor
and
 
                strife; to preach that the highest form of success which comes,
not
 
                 to the man who desires mere easy peace, but to the man who does
not
 
                 shrink from danger, from hardship, or from bitter toil, and who
out
 
                 of these wins the splendid ultimate triumph.[50]
The Radio Era
By the election of 1932, radio was firmly entrenched as a national
 
             medium.  The Democrats nominated Franklin Delano Roosevelt, who was
to
 
            use radio as no other president would, to run against Republican
 
      incumbent Herbert Hoover.  Hoover had published a philosophical tract
 
           called American Individualism a decade earlier, focusing on the
concept
 
            of "individualism" as the preferred antithesis to "socialism."
 
     Otherwise, he published no books while in office nor anything
 
   specifically aimed at the 1932 election.
Although Roosevelt was well-educated and a writer, the 1932 Democratic
 
                 campaign-book biography of Roosevelt downplayed his
intellectual
 
      pursuits, emphasizing heavily his physical health, strength, and energy,
 
            undoubtedly to allay concerns about his residual paralysis from
polio.[51]
 
            Moreover, no books were listed to his credit until the year of the
1932
 
            election, when he published Government Not Politics,[52] a
collection of
 
           articles, some of which had been published in magazines.  A New York
 
          Times reviewer predicted that "the householder, the farmer, the
laborer,
 
            the artisan, the business man who is not in the
'captain-of-industry'
 
           class, women, social workers and tariff reformers" would enjoy "these
 
           maxims on public affairs from the pen of a candidate for the
 
  Presidency,"  which could "be taken as the program of Governor
 
    Roosevelt." [53]  Though probably not disagreeing with this identification
 
            of the non-opinion-leader audience, a Boston reviewer found the book
 
          "disappointing as a revelation of his stand on the leading questions
of
 
            the day and quite toothless and harmless as a campaign
document."[54]
In spring of 1933, newly inaugurated President Roosevelt conducted his
 
                 first radio broadcast in the series of "Fireside Chats."  The
same year
 
            he published Looking Forward,[55] a compilation of earlier writings
and
 
         speeches edited by Roosevelt himself and operating as a sort of
 
     hard-cover national pep talk.  His writing style, more intimate -- using
 
            pronouns of "you" and "I" -- than that in his first book, was the
same
 
            personalized style used in his radio addresses, which Walter
Lippmann
 
           characterized as "very unliterary," labeling it "public talk."[56]
 
     Roosevelt introduced his own book in the following terms: "In this
 
        comment I outline my basic conception [of the new terms of the old
 
        social contract], with the confidence that you will follow the action of
 
            your new national administration, understanding that its aim and
objects
 
            are yours and that our responsibility is mutual."[57]  The following
year he
 
            wrote and edited a similar, follow-up book, On Our Way,[58] tracking
the
 
          progress and philosophy of the New Deal.  Thereafter, only collections
 
            of Roosevelt's addresses -- which included the "Fireside Chats" --
 
        appeared, albeit in three different and quite extensive collections.[59]
The 1936 election brought Republican Alf Landon into the race.  The
 
              lengthy subtitle of this small and quite portable tome called
America at
 
            the Crossroads, reads: "Alfred M. Landon's Program for American
 
     Government.  His Interpretation of the Political, Economic and Social
 
           Principles of the Republican Party."[60]  His New York Times
reviewer,
 
        Francis Brown (quoted above, p. 2) placed the work in the tradition of
 
            compilations of the words of presidential candidates and provided
some
 
            sense of the timing and intent of the book:  "Since the Governor is
 
         still somewhat of an unknown quantity, it may be that his advisers
 
        though it best to rush this expression of his political thought to the
 
            country before election day.  Ordinarily fuller exposition of the
 
       candidate's philosophy would be expected in the closing weeks of the
 
          campaign, but possibly all has been said that is to be said, except on
 
            specific issues."[61] And he quibbled with Sen. Capper's prediction
that
 
          "history will judge these utterances as one of the most important
 
       documents of the times."[62]  Brown's description of this book places it
 
          more in the category of manifesto than revelatory of Landon's
character,
 
            although Capper's introduction was undoubtedly intended to present
both
 
            Landon's words and the man himself.
The campaign of 1940 appears to have involved no publications from
 
             Roosevelt,[63] other than Random House's continuing multivolume
archival
 
          collection of his writings and speeches (noted above).  Meanwhile the
 
           radio addresses, included in the collections, continued.  No books
were
 
            found listing his challenger, Wendell Wilkie, as author.
In 1944 a collection of Roosevelt's speeches and writings was edited by
 
                 labor figure J. B. S. Hardman, with its title drawn from one of
the more
 
            famous of Roosevelt's addresses, Rendezvous with Destiny.[64] In his
 
      introduction to this "single handy volume,"  Hardman expressed "the
 
         thought and the hope of the editor, that the selections may prove to be
 
            of assistance to the citizen who realizes his vital concern with
 
      national policy but lacks two essential conditions of basic study: much
 
            leisure time and a rich library at hand."[65]  Thus, again  in
"convenient
 
            form" for the voters, this book, too, straddled the line between
 
      archival tome and manifesto.
Roosevelt's 1944 opponent Thomas E. Dewey published nothing for the
 
              year's election, but a collection of Dewey's speeches arguing with
the
 
            Roosevelt regime in the 1940 election, The Case Against the New
Deal,[66]
 
           fell well over the line into the realm of tract.   Although it is
 
       possible his 1940 work was still in print and circulation, apparently
 
           Dewey declined to make his case again in a new work for the 1944
 
      election.
Over the four elections in question here, four candidates ran
 
        unsuccessfully against a powerful communicator. Compared to the
 
     pre-broadcast era, books appeared to play a somewhat lesser role in the
 
            radio era.  The books that did appear were, once again, most often
 
        collections of speeches and addresses.
Many explanations for what seems to be a somewhat reduced reliance on
 
                books suggest themselves, only one of which would be that radio
might
 
           now have become more significant in candidates' efforts to reach the
 
          electorate.  Other considerations would certainly include the
Depression
 
            and the war, affecting the availability of materials and money for
 
        books, not to mention the focus of the working nation.  Yet book
 
      publishing in general did not suffer during these years, even if the
 
          content of what was published may have changed.  Roosevelt's "Books
Are
 
            Weapons" slogan was in fact part of a campaign supporting the role
of
 
           education and libraries in the war effort. [67]
The dominance of Roosevelt, both as incumbent and as charismatic
 
           personality in difficult times, may also have something to do with
the
 
            lack of books from his challengers, whose books -- when they
appeared --
 
            were more political arguments than self-presentations.  Roosevelt
 
       himself had begun in his first term with efforts to reach his nation
 
          directly through fairly personal books, even if they were
presentations
 
            of his program; but he did not do so again.  Certainly he was busy,
and
 
            books take time that an incumbent may not have or may not feel he
needs
 
            to take in a campaign for reelection.  But the "bully pulpit" was
 
       critical to Roosevelt's presidency, and radio reemerges as significantly
 
            his choice of medium, even if he felt the need to archive his
broadcast
 
            words in the multivolume written collections.  Would the advent of
 
        television, an even more powerful medium, mean the complete elimination
 
            of books from the campaign front?
And what of the style of these books?  One detects subtle change, as
 
               seen in the less formal approach now referring to "you" and "us,"
and
 
           attested to by the change in titles.  From the "Speeches and
Addresses"
 
            format there was a shift toward the more personal and perhaps even
 
        casual, "Looking Forward," "On Our Way," and so on.  The inclusive tone
 
            in an excerpt from On Our Way can be compared with Teddy Roosevelt's
 
          words on the "Strenuous Life," quoted above:
 
Faith in America, faith in our tradition of personal
 
    responsibility, faith in our institutions, faith in ourselves,
 
              demands that we recognize the new terms of the old social
contract.
 In this comment I outline my basic conception of these terms, with
 
                 the confidence that you will follow the action of your new
national
 
                 administration, understanding that its aims and objects are
yours
 
                 and that our responsibility is mutual.[68]
The Television Age
In 1960, incumbent Dwight Eisenhower's vice president, Richard Nixon,
 
                met Democratic newcomer Senator John Kennedy.  Before 1960
Kennedy had
 
            two books to his credit, Why England Slept -- an adaptation of his
 
        senior thesis at Harvard on pre-war England -- and  the
            Pulitzer-prize-winning Profiles in Courage,[69] a collection of
portraits of
 
            people whose valor and will Kennedy admired.  The books were
featured in
 
            the campaign documentary on Kennedy shown at the convention.  Why
 
       England Slept was intended to demonstrate foreign policy expertise
 
        comparable to Nixon's on-the-job training as vice president; and the
 
          suggestion that Kennedy himself might be a "profile in courage"
underlay
 
            accounts of his Navy career and his battles with a back injury.[70]
Thus
 
            Kennedy was presented to the voters as a man of scholarly
attainment, as
 
            Wilson had been.  Furthermore, his subject matter was turned not
only to
 
            reflect positively on the man's character but to augment his
political
 
            credentials as presented to the electorate.
For the 1960 campaign, both Kennedy and Nixon produced books of their
 
                collected speeches.  Kennedy's The Strategy of Peace[71]
appeared before the
 
            convention.  It was edited and introduced by historian Allan Nevins
and
 
            comprised several of the senator's speeches on foreign policy.  One
 
         reviewer saw the objective of the book as being "to arouse Americans to
 
            'a more strenuous and idealistic policy'" but identified it as "a
 
       campaign piece [whose] historical significance will be tied to the
 
        author's future political fortunes."[72]   But CBS News correspondent
Blair
 
            Clark felt there was good reason to be interested in the book:
"There
 
            is even some urgency about it, for this is the man who, it can be
said,
 
            may well be on the Democrats' half of the national ballot in
November."
 
            Intriguingly, Clark was explicitly looking at the book's author from
the
 
            point of view of "live" (or television) delivery, making the point
that,
 
            as polished as these speeches may have been in print, Kennedy's
personal
 
            delivery style was such that one would expect an engaged live
audience
 
            as well: "whether in the Senate . . . or at a banquet, these
speeches
 
           have class and style." Clark concludes, "This collection suggests by
its
 
            responsible tone that the Senate of the United States is a good
training
 
            ground for the highest office."[73]
Richard Nixon's The Challenges We Face[74] appeared in early summer of 1960
 
                 and included material (edited by two McGraw-Hill editors) from
his
 
        speeches and papers as vice president, including an account of his
 
        "kitchen debate" with Krushchev.  "Of interest to pro, con, and
 
     undecided voters," was the dry opinion of one reviewer.[75]  But supporter
 
            Victor Lasky's review characterized the book as an answer to
accusations
 
            that Nixon was a fence-straddler who need to tell the people where
he
 
           stood:
 
Assuming he is not caught flagrante delicto between now and [the
 
                Republican convention], Richard M. Nixon appears destined to be
the
 
                 Grand Old Party's nominee for President this year. . . . He has
 
               produced a sharp, timely, and substantial reply [to the
 
       accusations]. . . . His  book does present clearly and in depth the
 
                 views of a Presidential aspirant who, in a remarkable political
 
               rise, has yet to lose an election.[76]
He concluded saying, "this book is an indication of the high-level
 
             approach that Mr. Nixon intends to take during the campaign.  If
his
 
          Democratic opponent . . . follows suit, then the American people will
at
 
            long last be able to decide on issues, not personalities." [77]
Lasky may
 
            have overplayed the book's significance, of course, and indeed it
was
 
           little more than a heavily edited collection of speech excerpts,
 
      reorganized thematically by the editor, rather in the old style of the
 
            pre-broadcast era.
Following Kennedy's assassination, Lyndon Johnson became president in
 
                late 1963, just a year before the next election.[78]  Shortly
after taking
 
            office, Johnson authorized publication of a collection of his
speeches
 
            and writings since becoming Senate Democratic leader in 1953,
apparently
 
            to introduce himself and his views to the bereft nation.  In the
 
      introduction to A Time for Action,[79] Adlai Stevenson quoted "our new
 
        President" in several passages from the subsequent text to augment them
 
            with elaborating insights: "While these speeches reveal something of
his
 
            views on the great public issues of recent times, they necessarily
 
        disclose little of his extraordinary managerial skill and political
 
         pragmatism."  Stevenson evidently found the book, which appeared in
 
         mid-1964, wanting in its presentation of Johnson, limited to the single
 
            function of presentation of views; and he sought to present
something of
 
            Johnson-the-man himself.
Later in 1964, however, Johnson published another book, this time much
 
                 more personal in style.  My Hope for America[80] seems quite
likely to have
 
            been culled from utterances elsewhere, but it was presented as a
 
      thematic arrangement of short philosophical and ideologic observations.
 
            Here, the traditional combined function of candidate-and-views was
 
        better served.  Further, its timing and explicit purpose as a campaign
 
            document were made obvious by reviewer Henry Brandon, who said,
 
     "Although the president was well behind Senator Goldwater in putting his
 
            philosophy between book covers, a paste-and-scissor job has now been
ru
 
            shed into print."[81]
Senator Barry Goldwater, Johnson's Republican opponent in 1964, had
 
              reached the best-seller lists in 1960 with his book, The
Conscience of a
 
            Conservative, which he had followed up with Why Not Victory? A Fresh
 
          Look at American Foreign Policy[82] -- both books firmly in the
tradition of
 
            political manifesto but exceptionally personal in style.  The book
 
        Goldwater produced for the 1964 election was Where I Stand,[83] another
 
         paperback collection of  speeches. Roscoe Drummond listed four good
 
         reasons for reading it:
 
If you have already decided to vote for him, his latest book will
 
                 undoubtedly fortify your convictions.  If you have already
decided
 
                 to vote against him, his book will undoubtedly give you
additional
 
                 reasons.  If you have not made up your mind, Where I Stand will
 
               help you do so.  If Mr. Goldwater is to be the next President of
 
                the United States, we all should have as clear an idea as
possible
 
                 as to where he is headed.[84]
Although succinctly stating the voters' stake in having manifesto-style
 
                 books as part of the campaign effort, Drummond felt Goldwater's
book
 
          fell short: "The Republican nominee's book raises as many questions as
 
            it answers. . . .What we really need is another book by Mr.
Goldwater --
 
            not just Where I Stand, but What I Would Do and How I Would Do
It."[85]
The extraordinary election year of 1968 brought another refusal of the
 
                 incumbent to run again and the political resurrection of
Richard Nixon.
 
            Johnson's decision left the Democrats in something of a free-for-all
 
          that saw tragedy with Robert Kennedy's assassination[86] and a
fragmented
 
           party in the tortured nomination of Johnson's vice president, Hubert
 
          Humphrey.
In 1964, Humphrey had written two books that might have been part of the
 
                 campaign, The Cause is Mankind and War on Poverty,[87]  but
Humphrey
 
      presented them more as his own personal statement of the liberal
 
      tradition begun under Kennedy and continued with Johnson[88] -- perhaps
 
         appropriately for a vice presidential candidate.  The book Beyond Civil
 
            Rights: A New Day of Equality,[89] published in 1968, purportedly
was of the
 
            same genre -- a rather personal manifesto.  But a reviewer
questioned
 
           the disingenuousness: "Mr. Humphrey denies that this is a campaign
book,
 
            insists that it has been in the works since 1965.  Be that as it
may,
 
           the contents and the timing of this slim volume make it a
self-serving
 
            political document, and it is likely to endure precisely as long as
its
 
            author survives politically."[90]
Richard Nixon, following his defeat in the presidential election of 1960
 
                 and the California gubernatorial election of 1962, had written
the
 
        autobiographical Six Crises.[91]  The book was reissued in October of
1968
 
            with a new introduction citing the failures and problems of the
 
     Johnson-Humphrey administration and sporting a formal reproduction of
 
           Nixon's acceptance speech at the Republican National Convention two
 
         months earlier.  In that form, the book represents a hybrid of type and
 
            purpose.  Originally the book had not been written as either
political
 
            tract or presentation of the self but rather as an historical
memoir.
 
            In its reissued form, it combined polemic, self-revelation, and
somewhat
 
            unprecedented self-adulation in the inclusion of the acceptance
speech
 
            -- implying phoenix-like survival of the "six crises" of Nixon's
 
      political life.
Moreover, the speed with which that book appeared marked a new era of
 
                rapid publication.  Even faster was Nixon's publication of two
"instant
 
            books," two paperback collections of addresses and comment,
published
 
           privately by the Nixon-Agnew Campaign Committee within six days of
 
        accepting the nomination.[92]   In the front matter to the second book,
the
 
            committee said: "Together, these two volumes represent a publishing
 
         event unique in political history -- a fuller compilation of a
 
    candidate's current views than ever before presented to the public
 
        during a campaign"[93] -- something of an overstatement in light of what
has
 
            already been seen in this study.
When incumbent Nixon ran again in 1972, he apparently chose other means
 
                 of promoting his candidacy than publishing books.  No industry
record
 
           can be found of more "instant books" like the two for the 1968
election.[94]
 Only another collection of his addresses, New Road for America,
 
      appeared as a semi-archival volume of his presidential "major policy
 
          statements" through the auspices of the Reader's Digest.[95]
Before 1972 George McGovern, Nixon's Democratic opponent,  had published
 
                 three books, dealing respectively with the Food for Peace
program,
 
        agricultural policy, and war and foreign policy.[96] Typically they
offered
 
            an amalgam of McGovern's thoughts with excerpts from speeches while
 
         holding political office.  The sole publication appearing in the 1972
 
           campaign year was a most unlikely offering from a candidate.  The
Great
 
            Coalfield War[97] was a collaborative adaptation of McGovern's 1963
doctoral
 
            dissertation on the bloody 1914 Colorado battles over union
recognition,
 
            and it provided insight into McGovern's political orientation as
well as
 
            his scholarly ability.  One reviewer took the customary tack that a
book
 
            by a candidate should be read to give the voter insight into the
man:
 
           "One of the authors may someday be President of the United States,
and
 
            the book reveals, to some considerable degree, the careful, orderly,
 
          incisive, and sympathetic way in which he thinks and so the kind of
 
         President he might be."[98]  Another referred to it as "the rarest sort
of
 
            campaign document" in being the product of "the only Ph.D. in the
 
       Senate, not to mention the Presidential race."  Placing it in the
 
       established tradition, he call it "as valuable and revealing a book as
 
            Presidential candidates have offered us recently -- more scholarly
and
 
            more original that Kennedy's 'Profiles in Courage' and less
narcissistic
 
            than Nixon's 'Six Crises,' even if it is less readable than either
of
 
           those others." [99]  Neither reviewer speculated about the audience
for this
 
            book, however, which was probably much narrower than that for the
books
 
            with which it was compared.
In this era, we have looked at the election-year publications of six
 
               candidates and found them, again, serving both to communicate
thought
 
           and to illustrate character, at the same time wherever possible.  The
 
           scholarly nature of Theodore Roosevelt's and Wilson's works is echoed
in
 
            Kennedy's and McGovern's works, but with less significance placed on
the
 
            intrinsic value of the scholarship and what it says about the
 
   candidate's character, and more on its interaction with the man's
 
       political outlook.  Goldwater's works are classic examples of the direct
 
            political manifesto, but again, they are more personal in tone than
 
         their pre-broadcast era forebears.  Similarly, the collected speeches
of
 
            Johnson and Nixon follow in the path of Franklin Roosevelt, in being
mo
 
            unted as direct appeals for political -- and social -- mobilization
 
         behind their respective programs, as well as in being personal in tone.
 
The trend is clearly toward the casual and personal, even more so than
 
                 in the radio era  -- from first-person titles like My Hope for
America
 
            or Where I Stand, to the direct address of Humphrey's liberal
musings,
 
            to the intimate self-portrait of Nixon's Six Crises.  By way of
final
 
           comparison with the excerpts from Teddy Roosevelt on the "Strenuous
 
         Life" and from his cousin in On Our Way, a passage from Six Crises
 
        suggests how much change in style has occurred, even taking into
 
      consideration differences in personality among the three presidents:
 
What I have tried to do is describe my personal reactions to each
 
                 [crisis] and then to distill out of my experience a few general
 
               principles on the "crisis syndrome." . . .We tend to think of
some
 
                 men as "born leaders." But I have found that leaders are
subject to
 
                 all the human frailties.  They lose their tempers, become
 
         depressed, experience the other symptoms of stress.  Sometimes even
 
                 strong men will cry. [100]
At least as significant as the change in style -- which reflects
 
           cultural change as much as change in political strategy -- is the
fact
 
            that books have scarcely disappeared in the television era.  It may
be
 
            significant that Nixon -- a man not thought of as a great scholar
but to
 
            whom television never seemed kind -- went on to author a continuing
 
         supply of books of views and analyses.  In addition, Nixon's,
 
   Goldwater's, McGovern's and to a lesser extent, Humphrey's books also
 
           might have been seen as offering an outlet for their views where
 
      national coverage was felt to be abbreviated, otherwise inaccessible, or
 
            perhaps adversarial.
No one approached the post-convention campaign
 
         trail without at least one book in print, even though the book might
not
 
            always have appeared at the behest of the candidate himself.  At the
 
          very least, television appears not to have dimmed interest in using
 
         books for campaign communication, though one might question whether two
 
            different audiences -- book-readers and television-watchers -- might
be
 
            involved.  But this era is the first in which some of the books
involved
 
            had been best-sellers, albeit not in the immediately pre-election
 
       period.  And increasingly the books were appearing in paperback form,
 
           notably Goldwater's and Nixon's -- particularly Nixon's "instant
books."
 These points argue for an expectation of a larger audience than merely
 
            the well-read.
 Conclusion and Looking to the Future
Thus, what has happened to the use of books in presidential elections
 
                since the pre-broadcast era?   Books as a campaign phenomenon
did not
 
           disappear, although they seemed to wane a bit in the early broadcast
era
 
            (undoubtedly for a number of reasons).  Rather, they seemed to gain
new
 
            significance in the television era.  Throughout the periods covered,
 
          however, they served remarkably consistent purposes, in rather similar
 
            forms, even as the context in which they appeared and their style
 
       changed.  Indeed, the keys to an explanation may lie in the concurrent
 
            changes in technology and style.
With the advent of the paperback, the technology of book publishing
 
              enabled quicker access in an even more "portable and convenient
form"
 
           (to recall the wording of the campaign books), at more affordable
 
       prices, than ever before.  The development of "instant books" offered
 
           even greater possibilities for reaching a national audience in less
time
 
            than some magazine articles may take.  Some of their advantage over
 
         newspapers -- affording an alternative to journalistic inaccuracies --
 
            was noted by one pre-broadcast era reviewer, although acknowledgment
of
 
            the fact that they can and do provide national "reach" could not be
 
         found in the literature.  Their relationship to radio is suggested by
 
           the choice to reproduce not only the text but the style in
Roosevelt's c
 
            ollections, and their relationship to television may also have
something
 
            to do both with style and the possibility of offering an augmenting,
if
 
            not alternative, medium through which to present the candidate to
the
 
           people.  For both Kennedy and Nixon, their books seem designed to
 
       present traits inadequately illuminated by the mercurial light of
 
       television.
As noted, the style of these books became more informal and personal,
 
                even as they performed similar, and similarly combined,
functions over
 
            the three periods studied -- as indeed our society became more
casual
 
           and personal in style.  Something about the potential intimacy of a
 
         book, its direct contact with an (ostensibly) undistracted reader,
 
        combined with the extended space available to develop concepts,
 
     impressions, or even self-revelations, may lend itself to a particular
 
            kind of political communication.  The direct contact, moreover,
allowed
 
            the campaigner to circumvent controls and limitations in the print,
and
 
            later the broadcast, press.
Further study of the relationship between books and other media in
 
             political communication is suggested, particularly in the tradition
of
 
            the journalistic book.   A consideration of the intended as well as
 
         actual audiences for these campaign-related books would add
considerably
 
            to this admittedly limited study.  Above all, continuation of the
study
 
            into the most recent era would be intriguing, especially as instant
 
         publishing has become widely possible and the number of television
 
        channels and formats has multiplied.  Over the course of his several
 
          campaigns, Ronald Reagan was the listed author of over twenty
paperback
 
            compilations of quotations,[101] some of which were reported to have
appeared
 
            with lightning speed.
And what of the future -- what will happen as the electorate becomes
 
               less literary in how it receives information, particularly as
electronic
 
            media promise to change our information systems forever?  The
tendency
 
            has been to discount books in the era of the photo-op and the sound
 
         bite.  As Hamilton observed,  "Nowadays, writing is the least effective
 
            tool of campaigning or governing.  A book takes a long time to write
and
 
            is read by relatively few people; a 10-second television sound bite
can
 
            be arranged in an afternoon and is seen by millions."[102]  Thus,
one might
 
            conclude that the "lesson for a presidential contender is to forget
 
         about producing even a mediocre ghosted campaign volume."[103]
But Esther B. Fein of the New York Times recently reported a surge of
 
                voter interest in books:   "Behold the pre-election book buyers
of 1992:
 Americans who are watching Presidential and Vice Presidential debates
 
            and registering to vote in record numbers are also buying masses of
 
         books about the programs of Presidential candidates, about the deficit
 
            and environmental problems, and about the way Government doesn't
always
 
            work."[104]   As she wrote, books by Bill Clinton and Ross Perot
topped the
 
            paperback book lists, and Al Gore's book on the environment held a
 
        position on the trade hardback list.[105]
However, she wrote, "not everyone agrees that this is a healthy trend.
 
                 'The good news is that people are buying political books,' said
David
 
           Rosenthal, executive editor of the Random House adult trade division.
 
           'The bad news is that these are the printed equivalent of sound
bites.
 
            The information is written, packaged and printed in a way that is
 
       disturbingly similar to TV.'" [106]    Though debatable in both
instances, a
 
            similar comment might have been made about publication of
Roosevelt's
 
           "Fireside Chats."  But the point is worth making that there appears
to
 
            be a felt use -- and an audience -- for these books, whatever their
 
         format.  It remains to be seen whether they will continue to have a
 
         place in future presidential campaign arsenals.
 
 
Notes
 [1] Franklin Delano Roosevelt, "'Books Are Weapons', Says Presiden
t Roosevelt," Poster:
 Three messages from President Roosevelt about boo
ks, printed for distribution by the
 
               Library Binding In
stitute, 1942.
[2] William Clinton,  Putting People First (NY: Times Boo
ks, 1992).
[3] Francis Brown, "Mr. Landon States His Principles," review
 of Alfred M. Landon,
 
             America at the Crossroads, New Y
ork Times (27 Sept. 1936), Book Review section, 5.
[4] John Maxwell Hami
lton, "Why Can't Mr. President Write?"  Media Studies Journal 6,
 
 
           no. 2 (summer 1992), 140. His comments were the stimulus for t
his study.
[5] "Major" is defined as those commanding more than 20 perce
nt of the final vote, in
 
               almost all cases being the tw
o candidates of the major parties.
[6] The simple issue of publication
date is not, first of all, simple, since copyright
 
               dat
es, publication, and release dates are not always the same.  Books in exi
stence
 
             before the election year may or may not still h
ave been in print during the election
 
               year; prior to a
 tax decision in the early 1970s ("Thor Power Tool"), books could be
 
 
               kept in print and republished on a continuous on-demand ba
sis almost indefinitely.
 
               Unless a publisher specifie
d the publication of a new edition, determining whether a
 
 
    book published earlier might have seen a spurt in sales during an ele
ction year would
 
               depend -- short of its appearance on
a best-seller list -- on serendipitous mention in
 
               trad
e publications.  In general, however, the year of copyright and/or the ye
ar in
 
             which a review appears were taken as the year a
book appeared in the mass market.
[7] See the "Selected Bibliography of
Candidates' Books" following the text;  books
 
              written
between two elections are included in the list for the later election.
[
8] Use of book review lists had the methodological advantage of locating
books taken
 
               "seriously" enough to be reviewed by at le
ast three reviewers.  However, the implicit
 
               bias of th
ese sources is that they may concentrate on materials of interest to the
more
 educated segments of the population, thus introducing an element o
f redundancy --
 
             i.e., writing for those who already ar
e book-readers.  Moreover, books are usually
 
             reviewed
only in the year they are published, even if they became of more popular
 
 
            interest later on.  Finally, not all books written are
 reviewed.  Thus it was advisable
 to supplement the book review lists t
o reach the final selection with additional
 
            materials,
 e.g. books mentioned in reviews of other books, books listed as being by
 the
 same author of a book, etc.
[9] These books should not be confuse
d with "campaign biographies," written by boosters
 or critics of a give
n candidate explicitly as puffery, or debunking, for the purposes
 
 
            of the campaign.  William Miles compiled a bibliography of th
is genre (The Image
 
           Makers:  A Bibliography of America
n Presidential Campaign Biographies [Metuchen, N.J.:
 
               S
carecrow, 1979]), which cites a useful, though odd and occasionally spott
y, selection.
  Books like Theodore White's series on the "Making of the
 President" or McGinniss's
 
               Selling of the President 19
68 (NY: Trident, 1969) are strange bedfellows of the other
 
 
     sort of "campaign books" and, as noted in the literature review, mak
e scarce reference
 
               to candidates' books in campaigns.
 
[10] Republican National Committee, Republican Campaign Text-Books 1900
 - 1912
 
          (Phila.:  Dunlap, 1900 - 1912), available on
microfiche from the National
 
    Micropublishing Corp.; De
mocratic National Committee, Campaign Books of the Democratic
 
 
        Party Candidates and Issues 1896-1936, (NY: Democratic National C
ommittee, 1896 --
 
             1936), available on microfiche from
the National Micropublishing Corp.  (Later
 
         publication
s out of party conventions took the form of publication of the platform
 
 
 
             agreed upon early in the convention, rather than a reco
rd of the event itself.)
[11] Unfortunately, there are no women represen
ted in this group, hence the word "man"
 
               can be used in
 this study to refer to the persona of a candidate.
[12] Works by vice p
residential candidates are included in this study when they became
 
 
             president following the death of a president and went on to
run for reelection in a
 
              subsequent, included election:
  i.e., Theodore Roosevelt and Lyndon Johnson.
[13] William J. Bryan, Th
e First Battle (Chicago: Conkey, 1896).
[14] Speeches and Addresses of
William McKinley (Appleton, 1893), noted in review,
 
             Na
tion 58 (8 Feb. 1894), 104.  The reviewer wrote, "we may not unjustly reg
ard this
 
              compilation as in its principal intent a Pres
idential candidate's propitiation of his
 
               fellow-citize
ns."
[15] "McKinley's Masterpieces,"  listed without bibliographic infor
mation in a 1896
 
              Nation review, which described an unn
amed book as "a little volume of 'McKinley's
 
            Masterpie
ces'" in which McKinley's oratorical talents shone.  Nation 62 (18 June 1
896),
 466.
[16] William McKinley, Speeches and Addresses of William Mc
Kinley from March 1, 1887 to
 May 30, 1900 (NY: Doubleday & McClure, 190
0).
[17] "The New President as a Literary Man," Outlook 69 (21 Sept. 190
1), 165.  It is to
 
               be remembered that Outlook's board
included many members of the Republican
 
     establishment,
 eventually including Roosevelt himself.
[18] Outlook listed nineteen (O
utlook 69 [21 Sept. 1901] 165), while Bookman listed
 
              t
wenty titles as of 1901 (Bookman 2 [Dec. 1904], 292).  There are differen
ces between
 
               these lists, accountable in part to differ
ences as to which pamphlets and monographs
 
               were consid
ered books.
[19] Theodore Roosevelt, The Naval War of 1812 (NY: Putnam'
s, 1882), which saw several
 
               re-issues.
[20] Theodore
Roosevelt, Winning of the West (Putnam's, 1889)
[21] According to Bookma
n's list, he wrote on Oliver Cromwell and The Philippines, as
 
 
        well as miscellaneous collections of observations and maxims (Boo
kman, 292)
[22] Republican Campaign Text-Book 1904, 250.
[23] Theodore
Roosevelt, The Strenuous Life (NY: Century, 1900).
[24] Ibid., 1.
[25]
 Theodore Roosevelt, Addresses and Presidential Messages of Theodore Roos
evelt (NY:
 Putnam's, 1904).
[26] Roosevelt's Democratic opponent in 19
04 was Alton B. Parker.  Parker was a judge
 
               with ties
to Wall Street but no discernible record as a writer.  Profiles of Parker
 at
 
               the time list no books attributed to him, nor are
any reviews of books by him found.
[27] Roosevelt, Addresses and Preside
ntial Messages (1904), vi.
[28] See note 9 above, regarding campaign bio
graphies.
[29] "Despite, therefore, the great extension of the interview
 and of the habit of
 
             'writing people up' in the newspa
pers, . . . the formal political or campaign biography
 . . . has of lat
e largely disappeared. . . . It used to be the inevitable as well as
 
 
               the conventional practice to write and publish the lives o
f Presidential candidates in
 
               more or less serious and
elaborate books when the time for their election approached."
 Henry Ca
bot Lodge, introduction to Roosevelt,  Addresses and Messages, v.
[30] W
illiam Jennings Bryan, The Real Bryan, comp. Richard A. Metcalfe (Des Moi
nes, IA:
 Personal Help, 1908), 7.
[31] "[Bryan] has the mental alertne
ss of the Western journalist, eager to exploit each
 new idea, without s
topping to go to the bottom of it, and as ready to drop it and turn
 to
something else.  He has shown no power of analysis, no grasp of fundament
al princip
 
               les, no capacity for serious study, no sense
 of logical proportion.  In all his
 
          treatment of large
 public questions he is superficial, rhetorical, uncertain and
 
 
         untrustworthy."  Republican Campaign Text-Book 1908, 270.
[32]
"Comment on Current Books," review of Taft, Present Day Problems, Outlook
 89 (1
 
               Aug. 1908), 766.
[33] William Howard Taft, Pre
sent Day Problems (NY: Dodd, Mead, 1908).
[34] "Mr. Taft as His Own Inte
rpreter," review of Taft, Present Day Problems,  New York
 Times 12 (15
August 1908), 448.
[35] William Howard Taft, Four Aspects of Civic Duty
(NY: Scribner's, 1907).
[36] Theodore Roosevelt, Applied Ethics (Cambrid
ge, MA: Harvard Univ., 1911) AND
 
           HUNTING
[37] Theodor
e Roosevelt, The Real Roosevelt (NY: Putnam's, 1910); African and Europea
n
 
               Addresses (NY: Putnam's, 1910); New Nationalism (NY:
 Outlook, 1911).
[38] William Howard Taft, Presidential Addresses and St
ate Papers from March 4, 1909 to
 March 4, 1910 (NY: Doubleday, 1910).
 
[39] "Mr. Taft's Speeches," review of Taft, Presidential Addresses, New Y
ork Times 15
 
               (15 Nov. 1910), 620.
[40] E.g., The Stat
e (Boston: D. C. Heath, 1889); Mere Literature (Boston: Houghton
 
 
           Mifflin, 1896 and reissued in 1913); George Washington (NY: Ha
rper & Bros., 1896).
[41] Woodrow Wilson, A History of the American Peop
le (NY: Harper & Bros., 1902).
[42]  Woodrow Wilson, Congressional Gover
nment in the United States (Boston: Houghton
 
               Mifflin,
1885).
[43] Woodrow Wilson, Constitutional Government in the United Stat
es (NY: Columbia
 
            Univ., 1908).
[44]  Review of Wilson
, Congressional Government, Nation 91 (22 Sept. 1910), 256.
[45] Democra
tic Campaign Book 1912, 49-62.
[46] Republican Campaign Text-Book 1912,
256 .
[47] The campaign book asserts it to be true of the history, even
if written ten years
 
               earlier, before "the shadow of th
e White House had not fallen athwart his peaceful
 
             path
. The presidential bee had not yet begun to buzz."  Conceding Wilson a br
illiant
 
               reputation as author, the speaker said: "He ha
s been a most prolific writer, exploring
 
               every corner
and nook of the field of history, sociology and political economy.  In hi
s
 voluminous writings and public addresses every subject in which the A
merican people
 
               have ever shown the slightest interest,
 with the possible exception of the question of
 
               race s
uicide, has been treated by him in a manner which reflects great credit o
n his
 
               intellectual courage and independence, if not up
on his political foresight and acumen."
 Ibid.
[48] Republican Campaign
 Text-Books 1900-1912.  Further, the purpose is explicitly to
 
 
        present the material "in concise and portable form . . . for read
y reference in the
 
              field, on the stump, upon the train
, or wherever they may be desired."
[49] Democratic Campaign Book 1908,
inside cover.
[50] T. Roosevelt, Strenuous Life, 1.
[51] Democratic Cam
paign Book 1932, 5-12.
[52] Franklin D. Roosevelt, Government Not Politi
cs (NY: Covici, 1932).
[53] "Franklin D. Roosevelt Speaks," review of Ro
osevelt, Government Not Politics, New
 
               York Times (7 Au
g. 1932), Book Review section, 1.
[54] Review of Roosevelt, Government N
ot Politics, Boston Transcript (3 Aug, 1932), 3.
[55] Franklin D. Roosev
elt, Looking Forward (NY: John Day, 1933).
[56] Walter Lippmann, "'On Ou
r Way'--A Book Review," review of Roosevelt, On Our Way,
 
 
   New York Herald Tribune (20 Apr. 1934), 21.
[57] Ibid., 14.
[58] Fra
nklin D. Roosevelt, On Our Way (NY: John Day, 1934).
[59] Public Papers
and Addresses of Franklin D. Roosevelt is a multivolume work
 
 
       featuring a special introduction and explanatory note by Roosevelt
 and was first
 
           published by Random House (NY) in 1940.
  Later other collections were produced by
 
            Macmillan a
nd Funk.
[60] Alfred M. Landon, America at the Crossroads (NY: Dodge, 19
36), with intro. by
 
             Senator Arthur Capper.
[61] Brown
,  review of  Landon, Crossroads, 1936, 5.
[62] Arthur Capper, in introd
uction to Landon, American at the Crossroads, vii.
[63] Intriguingly, El
eanor Roosevelt had begun to produce her own publications of
 
 
       personal experiences, impressions, and even collections of photogr
aphs; and her name
 
               now appeared more frequently on boo
k review lists than did her husband's.
[64] Franklin D. Roosevelt, ed. J
. B. S. Hardman, Rendezvous with Destiny (NY: Dryden,
 
 
1944).
[65] J.B.S. Hardman, in introduction to Roosevelt, Rendezvous, vi
i-viii.
[66] Thomas E. Dewey, The Case Against the New Deal (NY: Harper
& Bros., 1940).  "In
 
               the national election of 1940 the
 American people will be called upon to make the most
 
 
critical decision they have faced in eighty years," vii.
[67] "People di
e, but books never die . . . No man and no force can take from the
 
 
             world the books that embody man's eternal fight against tyra
nny of every kind.  In this
 war, we know, books are weapons.  And it is
 a part of your dedication always to make
 
               them weapons
 for man's freedom. . . . In your charge is the living record of all that
 
 
               man has accomplished in the long labor of liberty, al
l he aspires to make of it in the
 
               future we of the Uni
ted Nations fight to secure.  By keeping that record always before
 
 
             the eyes of the American people you give them renewed streng
th in their struggle
 
           against the dark backwash of tyra
nny, renewed faith in their unconquerable
 
     determinatio
n to take their full part in establishing on this earth a new free age of
 
 
               man."  Roosevelt, "Books Are Weapons."
[68] F. Roose
velt, On Our Way, 14.
[69] John F. Kennedy, Why England Slept (NY: Funk,
 1940), a revised version of his
 
             senior thesis at Harv
ard, on best-seller lists briefly in 1940; Profiles in Courage
 
 
         (NY: Harper & Bros., 1956), also reached best-seller lists.
[70
] Kathleen Hall Jamieson, Packaging the Presidency: A History and Critici
sm of
 
            Presidential Campaign Advertising (New York: Oxf
ord, 1992), 162.  She suggested why the
 books were included in the film
: "While Nixon could and did recite the number of
 
            coun
tries he had visited, the number of leaders he had met, the number of con
ferences
 
               he had attended, none of these statistics dem
onstrated that he had learned history's
 
               lessons.  What
 Kennedy's books provided was the evidence that he had."  Ibid.
[71] Joh
n F. Kennedy, The Strategy of Peace (NY: Harper & Bros., 1960).
[72] Rev
iew of Kennedy, Strategy, Library Journal 85 (15 Mar. 1960), 1129.
[73]
Blair Clark, "The Strategy of Peace," review of Kennedy, Strategy, Saturd
ay Review
 43 (28 May 1960), 19.
[74] Richard Nixon, The Challenges We
Face (NY: McGraw-Hill, 1960).
[75] Review of Nixon, Challenges, in Bookl
ist 56 (15 July 1960), 679.
[76] Victor Lasky, in review of Nixon, Chall
enges, Saturday Review 43 (2 July 1960),
 
               15.
[77] Ib
id. Lasky also said: "These, therefore, are the views of the man to whom
the
 
              American people may well entrust the leadership of
 the free world for years to come.
 
               They should be of
particular interest to American liberals, many of whom--for reasons
 
 
              this reviewer finds difficult to comprehend--view with drea
d the possibility of Mr.
 
              Nixon's occupying the White H
ouse."
[78] In 1962 Kennedy had published a selection of his public stat
ements in his first
 
               year as president, including an el
oquent introduction in the FDR tradition:  "We have
 
               be
gun.   Neither wind nor tide is always with us.  Our course on a dark and
 stormy sea
 
               cannot always be clear.  But we have set s
ail--and the horizon, however cloudy, is also
 full of hope." To Turn th
e Tide (Harper & Bros., 1962), vii..
[79] Lyndon B. Johnson, A Time for
Action (NY: Atheneum, 1964).
[80] Lyndon B. Johnson, My  Hope for Americ
a (NY: Random House, 1964).
[81] Henry Brandon, "Candidate's Dilemma," r
eview of Johnson, My Hope, Saturday Review
 
               47 (17 Octo
ber 1964), 16.
[82] Barry Goldwater, The Conscience of a Conservative (N
Y: Hillman, 1960); Why Not
 
              Victory? A Fresh Look at Am
erican Foreign Policy (NY: McGraw-Hill, 1962).
[83] Barry Goldwater, Whe
re I Stand (NY: McGraw-Hill, 1964).
[84] Roscoe Drummond, "GOP Candidate
's Position Papers," review of Goldwater,
 
        Conscience,
in Saturday Review 47 (19 Sept. 1964), 41.
[85] Ibid., 42.
[86] By the
methodological guidelines established for this study, books by Robert
 
 
            Kennedy fall outside its scope.  However, at the time of
his assassination, he was
 
             arguably the front-runner; a
nd he had published several books in the Kennedy tradition
 
 
     but with his own, populist orientation, including Just Friends and B
rave Enemies (NY:
 
               Popular Library, 1962); Pursuit of J
ustice (NY: Harper & Bros., 1964); and To Seek a
 
               Newer
 World (Garden City, NY: Doubleday, 1967), an obviously election-oriented
 
 
         statement of his beliefs, hopes, and plans.
[87] Hub
ert H. Humphrey, The Cause is Mankind (NY: Praeger, 1964); War on Poverty
 (NY:
 
               McGraw-Hill, 1964).
[88] "[This book] is not me
ant to be a statement of warlike defiance or a call to arms.
  It does n
ot call for the conquest of one group or one world by another.  Instead,
it
 
               focuses on the struggle President Kennedy talked ab
out and President Johnson continues.
 . . . I believe that with an infor
med, common-sense, and compassionate approach -- the
 liberal approach,
if you will -- the American future will be wonderful to behold."
 
 
           Humphrey, Cause, vii.
[89] Hubert H. Humphrey, Beyond Civil
 Rights: A New Day of Equality (NY: Random House,
 
               1968
).
[90] Albert Vorspan, "New Frontiers or Dark Old Days?"  in review of
Humphrey, Civil
 
               Rights, Saturday Review 51 (9 Nov. 196
8), 34.
[91] Richard M. Nixon, Six Crises (NY: Doubleday, 1962); reissue
d in 1968 by Pyramid
 
               (NY).
[92] Richard Nixon, Nixon
on the Issues (NY: Nixon-Agnew Campaign Committee, 1968) and
 
 
       Nixon Speaks Out: Major Speeches and Statements by Richard Nixon (
NY: Nixon-Agnew
 
            Campaign Committee, 1969).  The six-da
y production of the books is reported in Theodore
 White's The Making of
 the President--1968 (NY: Atheneum, 1969), 370.
[93] Nixon Speaks Out, f
rontispiece.
[94]  However, except for Theodore White's reference to t
hem no industry notice had
 
              been taken of the 1968 book
s, either; thus, it would not be surprising to find more
 
 
   such books had been published in 1972.  See note 92 above.
[95] Richa
rd M. Nixon, New Road for America (Garden City, NY: Doubleday, 1972).
[9
6] George S. McGovern,  War Against Want (NY: Walker, 1964),  Agricultura
l Thought in
 the Twentieth Century (Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill, 1967);
 and A Time of War, a Time
 
               of Peace (NY:Vintage, 1968)
.
[97] George S. McGovern, The Great Coalfield War (Boston: Houghton Mif
flin, 1968).
[98] Harry M. Caudill, "A Maddening Story," review of McGov
ern, Coalfield War, New York
 Review of Books 19 (21 Sept. 1972), 38.
[
99] Christopher Lydon, "The Great Coalfield War," review of McGovern, Coa
lfield War,
 
               New York Times (9 July 1972), Book Review,
 4.
[100] Nixon, Six Crises, xxiv, xxvii.
[101] Examples of Reagan's bo
oks are The Official Ronald Wilson Reagan Quote Book (St.
 
 
    Louis Park, MN: Chain-Pinkham, 1980); Ronald Reagan: In God I Trust (
Wheaton, IL:
 
            Tyndale House, 1983); Abortion and the Co
nscience of the Nation (Nashville, TN: T.
 
             Nelson, 1984
); Along Wit's Trail: The Humor and Wisdom of Ronald Reagan (NY: Holt,
 
 
             Rinehart & Winston, 1984).
[102]  Hamilton, "Why Can't
Mr. President Write?"  146.
[103] Ibid., 147.
[104] Esther B. Fein, "Th
e Voters Choose to Read, and Political Books Flourish," New
 
 
      York Times,  26 Oct., 1992, Financial section, 8.
[105] New York T
imes, 25 October 1992, Book Review section, 4.
[106] Fein, "The Voters C
hoose," 8.
 
Books in Campaigns -
BOOKS ARE WEAPONS
SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY OF CANDIDATES' BOOKS
 
Note:  Books issued during the election year are listed immediately after the
 
              candidate's name.  Those published prior to that year and,  in the
case of
 
                those running more than once,since the previous election year
are listed below
 
                   the indicator line.
 
 
PRE-BROADCAST ERA
 
1900 Election
William McKinley (R - Incumbent)
        Speeches and Addresses of William McKinley from March 1, 1887 to May
 
           30,
        1900.  New York: Doubleday & McClure, 1900.
        "McKinley's Masterpieces."   [listed in 1896 Nation review] 1896.
 
        Speeches and Addresses of William McKinley.  New York: Appleton, 1893.
Theodore Roosevelt (R - Vice President, became president in 1901)
        The Strenuous Life.  New York: Century, 1900.
        The Naval War of 1812.  New York: Putnam's, 1882.
        The Life of Thomas Hart Benton.  Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1886.The
 
          Life of Gouverneur Morris.  Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 188.The Winning
of
 
                 the West.  New York: Putnam's, 1889.
        American Ideals, and Other Essays, Social and Political.  [NY]:
 
      Putnam's, 1898.
        The Rough Riders.  New York: Scribner's, 1899.
William J. Bryan (D)  ---
 
        The First Battle. Chicago: Conkey, 1896.
 
1904 Election
Theodore Roosevelt (R)Addresses and Presidential Messages of Theodore
 
           Roosevelt.  New York: Putnam's, 1904.
        Oliver Cromwell.  New York: Scribner's, 1901.The Deer Family.  New
 
         York, Macmillan, 1902.
Alton B. Parker (D)  ---
 
1908 Election
William H. Taft (R) Present Day Problems: A Collection of Addresses
 
         Delivered on Various Occasions.  New York: Dodd, Mead, 1908.
        Four Aspects of Civic Duty.  New York: Scribners, 1907.
William J. Bryan  (D) The Real Bryan: Being Extracts from the Speeches
 
            and Writings of "A Well-Rounded Man"  Des Moines, IA: Personal Help
 
              Publishing, 1908.
 
Prebroadcast era, continued
 
1912
Woodrow Wilson (D)
 
Congressional Government in the United States.  Boston: Houghton Mifflin
 
                 1885.
George Washington.  New York: Harper & Bros., 1886.
Mere Literature. Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1886.
The State.  Boston: D. C. Heath, 1889.
A History of the American People.  New York: Harper & Bros., 1902.
Constitutional Government in the United States.  New York: Columbia
 
              Univ., 1908.
Theodore Roosevelt (I)Realizable Ideals.  [New York]: Whitaker, 1912.
        The Real Roosevelt.  New York: Putnam's, 1912.
        Presidential Addresses and State Papers.  New York: Review of Reviews,
 
            1910.
        Applied Ethics.  Cambridge, MA: Harvard Univ., 1911.
        New Nationalism.  New York: Outlook, 1911.  1
William H. Taft (R)  ---
        Presidential  Addresses and State Papers from March 4, 1909 to March 4,
 
            1910.  New York: Doubleday, 1910.
 
 
RADIO  ERA
 
1932 Election
Franklin D. Roosevelt (D)Government Not Politics. New York: Covici,
 
         1932.
Herbert C. Hoover (R - Incumbant.)  ---                                                         American Individualism.
 
            Garden City, New York: Doubleday, Page & Comapny, 1922]
 
1936 Election
Franklin D. Roosevelt (D) ---
 
        Looking Forward.  New York: John Day, 1933.On Our Way.  New York: John
 
            Day, 1934.
Alfred M. Landon (R)America at the Crossroads.  New York: Dodge
 
     Publishing, 1936.
 
 
Radio Era, continued
 
1940 Election
Franklin D. Roosevelt (D)                                                               The Public Papers and Addresses of
 
         Franklin D. Roosevelt.  New York: Random House, 1938.
Wendell L. Wilkie (R) ---
 
1944 Election
Franklin D. Roosevelt (D)Rendezvous with Destiny.  New York: Dryden,
 
          1944.
        The Battle of 1776.  New York: Reynal & Hitchcock, 1941.
Thomas E. Dewey (R)                                                                     The Case Against the New Deal.  New York:
 
           Harper & Bros., 1940.
 
 
TELEVISION ERA
 
1960 Election
John F. Kennedy (D)The Strategy of Peace.  New York: Harper & Bros.,
 
          1960.                 Why England Slept.  New York: Funk, 1940.[To Turn the Tide.
New
 
                 York: Harper & Bros., 1962]
        Profiles in Courage.  New York:  Harper & Bros., 1956.
Lyndon B. Johnson (D - Vice President, became president in1963) ---
Richard M. Nixon (R)The Challenges We Face.  New York: McGraw-Hill,
 
         1960.
 
1964 Election
Lyndon B. Johnson (D)A Time for Action.  New York: Atheneum, 1964.My
 
          Hope for America.  New York: Random House, 1964.
Barry M. Goldwater (R)Where I Stand.  New York: McGraw-Hill, 1964.
        The Conscience of a Conservative.  New York: Hillman, 1960.Why Not
 
         Victory?  A Fresh Look at American Foreign Policy.  New York:
 
        McGraw-Hill, 1962.
 Television Era, continued
 
1968 Election
Richard M. Nixon (R)Six Crises.  New York: Pyramid, 1968. (Reissue of
 
           1962 Doubleday edition.)
        Nixon on the Issues.  New York: Nixon-Agnew Campaign Committe, 1968
        Nixon Speaks Out. New York: Nixon-Agnew Campaign Committe, 1968
Hubert H. Humphrey (D)
        Beyond Civil Rights: A New Day of Equality.  New York: Random House,
 
           1968.
        The Cause is Mankind.  New York: Praeger, 1964War on Poverty. New York:
 
            McGraw Hill, 1964
1972 Election
Richard M. Nixon (R.)
        A New Road for America.  Garden City, New York: Doubleday, 1972.
George S. McGovern (D)The Great Coalfield War.  With Leonard Guttridge.
 
            Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1972.
        War against Want: America's Food for Peace Program.  New York: Walker,
 
            1964.Agricultural Thought in the Twentieth Century.  (Ed.)
 
      Indianapolis, IA: Bobbs-Merrill, 1967A Time of War, A Time of Peace.
 
                New York: Vintage, 1968
 
Books in Campaigns -
General Bibliography
 
Barber, James David. "Characters in the Campaign:  The Literary
 
     Problem."  In Race for the Presidency: The Media and the Nominating
 
              Process. Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1978.
Brandon, Henry. "Candidate's Dilemma."  Review of My Hope for America by
 
            Lyndon B. Johnson. Saturday Review 47 (17 Oct. 1964): 16.
Brown, Francis. "Mr. Landon States His Principles."  Review of America
 
            at the Crossroads by Alfred M. Landon.  New York Times (27 Sept.
1936):
 
                 Book Review section, 5.
Burns, James MacGregor.  John Kennedy: A Political Profile.  New York:
 
            Harcourt, Brace & Company, 1960.
Caudill, Harry M. "A Maddening Story."  Review of  The Great Coalfield
 
            War by George S. McGovern. New York Review of Books 19 (21 Sept.
1972):
 
                 38.
Clark, Blair. "The Strategy of Peace."  Review of Strategy of Peace by
 
            John F. Kennedy. Saturday Review 43 (28 May 1960): 19.
Clinton, William.  Putting People First  New York: Times Books, 1992.
"Comment on Current Books."  Review of  Present Day Problems by William
 
            Howard Taft. Outlook 89 (1 Aug. 1908): 766
Democratic National Committee. Campaign Books of the Democratic Party
 
           Candidates and Issues 1896-1936.  New York: Democratic National
 
          Committee, 1896-1936 (available on microfiche from the National
 
          Micropublishing Corp.).
Drummond, Roscoe. "GOP Candidate's Position Papers."  Review of
 
      Conscience of a Conservative by Barry M. Goldwater.  Saturday Review 47
 
                 (19 Sept. 1964): 41
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