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Subject: AEJ 06 PetersoJ HIS Mississippi Newspaper Coverage of Clyde Kennard and his efforts to integrate Mississippi Southern College
From: Elliott Parker <[log in to unmask]>
Reply-To:AEJMC Conference Papers <[log in to unmask]>
Date:Mon, 23 Oct 2006 10:05:53 -0400
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This paper was presented at the Association for Education in Journalism and
Mass Communication in San Francisco August 2006.
        I am not the author. If you have questions about this paper, 
please contact the author directly.
	If you have questions about the archives, email rakyat [ at ] 
eparker.org. For an explanation of the subject line, send email to
[log in to unmask] with just the four words, "get help info aejmc," in the
body (drop the "").

(Oct 2006)
Thank you.
Elliott Parker
====================================================================

Forgotten and Ignored: Mississippi Newspaper Coverage of Clyde 
Kennard and his efforts to integrate Mississippi Southern College

Jason A. Peterson

Doctoral student, The University of Southern Mississippi

74B North Windridge Lane
Purvis, MS 39475
(601) 268-6511/(478) 251-0228
[log in to unmask]

Submitted to the History Division
AEJMC 2006 National Conference
San Francisco, California

Forgotten and Ignored: Mississippi Newspaper Coverage of Clyde 
Kennard and his efforts to integrate Mississippi Southern College

Abstract

        Clyde Kennard unsuccessfully tried to integrate Mississippi 
Southern College in 1959. For his efforts, the former Army veteran 
was arrested on questionable charges for illegal possession of 
whiskey and reckless driving. While the arrest deterred Kennard, he 
made it clear that his efforts to get into college were not over. 
Soon after Kennard decided he was again going to apply at MSC, he was 
arrested for stealing five bags of chicken feed and sentenced to 
seven years in prison. It was later discovered that local authorities 
had framed Kennard. Kennard developed stomach cancer while in prison 
and was released by then-Governor Ross Barnett in 1963. Bedridden, 
Kennard died seven months later, closing the chapter on one of the 
more tragic tales of the Civil Rights movement. This paper looks at 
the story of Kennard through the work of the print media. Through an 
examination of 20 newspapers over a six-year period, this paper 
argues that the majority of print media outlets in Mississippi failed 
in their journalistic duties of presenting an unbiased and accurate 
depiction of the Kennard story. Rather than risk ruffling the 
feathers of the dominant white social ideology, newspapers asked few 
questions and ultimately assisted in the forgotten nature associated 
with Kennard's plight.

Forgotten and Ignored: Mississippi Newspaper Coverage of Clyde 
Kennard and his efforts to integrate Mississippi Southern College

Abstract

        Clyde Kennard unsuccessfully tried to integrate Mississippi 
Southern College in 1959. For his efforts, he was charged with a 
number of questionable crimes, culminating in a seven-year burglary 
conviction. This paper argues that the majority of print media 
outlets in Mississippi failed in their journalistic duties of 
presenting an unbiased and accurate depiction of the Kennard story. 
Rather than risk ruffling the feathers of the dominant white social 
ideology, newspapers asked few questions and ultimately assisted in 
the forgotten nature associated with Kennard's plight.
Forgotten and Ignored: Mississippi Newspaper Coverage of Clyde 
Kennard and his efforts to integrate Mississippi Southern College

"How can we stand it? This isn't America. This is Dachau and 
Auschwitz. This was a man who had great things to contribute and 
because he wanted to finish his education in an area where he had 
every right, where his tax dollar supported the school, he was thrown 
to the mad dogs and ended up a martyr."1	-John Howard Griffin to 
Clyde Kennard's mother Lenora Smith

	On the morning of September 15, 1959, Clyde Kennard ventured to 
Mississippi Southern College to meet with then-President Dr. William 
McCain to discuss his status at the all-white school. A black man, 
Kennard had already been rejected on previous attempts to enroll at 
the college in Hattiesburg, Mississippi.2 Despite their scheduled 
meeting, McCain had already ordered Registrar Aubrey Lucas to write 
Kennard a letter denying his entrance into the university on the 
grounds of "deficiencies and irregularities" in his application.3 
Zack Van Landingham of the Mississippi Sovereignty Commission met 
with Kennard before he entered McCain's office that morning to urge 
him to reconsider and withdraw his application. Kennard refused. 
McCain followed by asking Kennard to withdraw his application. 
Kennard told McCain that he "believed what he was doing was right for 
both the white and colored race."4 McCain then handed Kennard the 
letter explaining his third denial and had him escorted from the building.
	The events that would follow in Kennard's life would become much 
more tragic that the refusal to let him attend college. As Kennard 
walked to his car that morning, he noticed Forrest County Constables 
Lee Daniels and Charlie Ward waiting for him. Daniels arrested 
Kennard for "driving at an excessive rate of speed and recklessly" 
and for illegal possession of whiskey. Although McCain had met with 
Van Landingham and other state officials about increasing campus 
security before Kennard' s meeting, "in case something were to 
happen," he denied having any prior knowledge of Kennard's 
arrest.5   Kennard went to court on September 29, 1959 and was found 
guilty on both charges. After determining the verdict, Forrest County 
Justice of the Peace T.C. Hobby said he had never known a case, 
"where the state proved more clearly the guilt of the defendant."6
        Kennard was undaunted and remained set on accomplishing his 
goal of entering Southern Mississippi College as a student.7 His 
dream died on September 25, 1960, when he was arrested at his home on 
charges of stealing five bags of chicken feed from the Forrest County 
Cooperative. Johnny Lee Roberts, 19, was arrested for the crime, but 
Roberts claimed that Kennard had planned the theft. Kennard was 
charged as an accessory to burglary and convicted by an all-white 
jury on November 21. He was sentenced to seven years in prison. 
Roberts received a suspended sentence and never spent a day in jail. 
NAACP Mississippi Field Secretary Medger Evers called Kennard's 
conviction, "the greatest mockery to judicial justice in a courtroom 
of segregationists, apparently resolved to put Kennard legally away."8
	Kennard filed appeals with the state but each time his efforts were 
denied. Kennard languished at a Mississippi prison when he began 
feeling unusual pains in his stomach. A doctor eventually diagnosed 
him with stomach cancer and he underwent surgery at University 
Hospital in Jackson in 1962.9 Although Kennard's doctors recommended 
that he be released, then-Governor Ross Barnett held firm until the 
threat of negative press became too much.10 Kennard was released in 
the spring of 1963 and died on July 4 in a Chicago hospital.
        This paper argues that Kennard's story was often ignored and 
buried within the confines of Mississippi newspaper. Outside of the 
Hattiesburg American, most newspapers used wire articles, although 
the magnitude of the story would logically call for some sort of 
staff presence.  The American even got to a point where its content 
was primarily wire stories. There was also a lack of editorials on 
Kennard's story. It seems as if many journalistic accounts of Kennard 
failed to ask any questions that may have been contradictory to the 
information that was being presented by the government and officials 
at MSC, namely McCain. It is hard to fathom that only a handful of 
newspapers featured editorials questioning the Kennard case. It is 
clear through these aspects, that this paper will show that the 
majority of print media outlets in Mississippi failed in their duties 
of presenting an unbiased and accurate depiction of the Kennard story 
and, rather than risk ruffling the feathers of the dominant white 
social ideology, remained silent and essentially allowed an innocent 
man to go to prison.
        This paper will examine the print news media's coverage of 
Kennard's efforts to enter Mississippi Southern College. It will 
include all news articles, letters to the editors or columns that may 
have appeared in the given time period. The newspapers used in this 
study will cover Kennard's fist publicized attempts to enroll at the 
college in 1958 through 1963, when Kennard died. The papers examined 
will all come from Mississippi, including the Hattiesburg American, 
Clarion-Ledger, Laurel Leader Call, Meridian Star, Jackson Daily 
News, Jackson State Times, Petal Paper, Biloxi Daily Herald, Delta 
Democrat Times, Columbus Commercial Dispatch, Natchez Democrat, 
McComb Enterprise Journal, Greenwood Commonwealth, Vicksburg Evening 
Post, Tupelo Daily Journal, Jackson Advocate, Mississippi Free Press, 
and Mississippi Enterprise. The newspapers were chosen based on 
prominence within the state and geographical location to the origin 
of Kennard's story, Hattiesburg, Mississippi. Mississippi Southern 
College's student newspaper, the Student Printz, is also part of this 
study to find out what students had to say about Kennard.
	Born in Hattiesburg, Kennard moved to Chicago where he enlisted in 
the United States Army and served as a paratrooper and later became a 
sergeant. When his father's health began to decline shortly after he 
was honorably discharged in 1954, Kennard decided to return to his 
hometown to help with the family's chicken farm in 1956. A former 
student at the University of Chicago, Kennard only needed one more 
year of coursework to receive a degree. Once he returned to 
Hattiesburg, Kennard applied to MSC as a transfer student, but was 
rejected. Kennard then made the second and the much more publicized 
third attempt in 1958 and 1959. Kennard's wish to enroll at MSC had 
reached the ears of the Mississippi State Sovereignty Commission, who 
openly investigated the chicken farmer. Van Landingham was placed in 
charge of Kennard's case, whose name was added to the Commission's 
files as a "race agitator."11  After his initial arrest at MSC, 
Kennard still wanted to go to the all-white college.12 Once he went 
to prison, Kennard began teaching inmates how to read and write and 
tried to prepare them for a world outside of prison. Even upon his 
release he entertained enrolling at MSC, which had become The 
University of Southern Mississippi. Despite his wrongful prison 
sentence, he still felt that "there were good people in Mississippi."13
        The plight of Kennard was one of the more tragic during the 
civil rights era, an opinion that has been shared by many 
historians.14 Though Kennard's attempts to enter school and his 
subsequent exile in prison were overshadowed by the efforts of James 
Meredith and his enrollment at the University of Mississippi in 1962, 
it is nevertheless too important to be left out of the history of 
Mississippi's civil rights movement.15 Press coverage of Kennard has 
not been thoroughly examined in past research studies. It has been 
said that the news media in Mississippi was bias in media accounts 
because the newspapers reflected white viewpoints and the ideals of a 
"closed" society, and thus offered little fair and balanced media 
coverage of Kennard.16 However, some newspapers, such as the Jackson 
State Times, the Petal Paper and the black Mississippi Free Press 
tried to come to Kennard's aid.17
        The majority of the predominant white media covered the 
Kennard incident in much of the same manner. The local Hattiesburg 
American carried original content while other state papers ran with 
wire material. The story of Kennard's desire to enter MSC first 
appeared in the pages of the Hattiesburg American in 1958. Andrew 
Harmon, a known supporter of segregation, edited the American.18 The 
American, along with the Clarion-Ledger and the Daily News, were 
owned by the Hederman family, who have been viewed by historians as 
being purveyors of the dominant white society that was present during 
the late 1950s.19 The first reference to Kennard could be found in 
the form of a letter to the editor Kennard submitted offering 
solutions to the problem of integration in Hattiesburg.20 During the 
same week, the paper ran a story on Kennard announcing that he would 
attempt to enter Mississippi Southern. The article, despite Kennard's 
logical and intelligent appeal to segregationists, referred to him as 
integrationists.21 Kennard updates appeared in the next few days, 
both of which reiterated McCain's need for Kennard to have signatures 
from five current or former students at MSC, even though it was well 
known that Kennard knew no one in Hattiesburg.22 On January 5, the 
American ran a small article on Kennard's decision to not pursue 
entry into MSC based on advice he had received.
        Kennard's name came back into the public spotlight on 
September 15, 1959, when he was arrested after meeting with McCain. 
The article, which appeared below the fold on the front page, 
reiterates the college's contention that Kennard had irregularities 
in his paperwork that prevented him from being accepted. The article 
also included Daniels and Ward's fictional account of Kennard's 
suspected whiskey possession. A key element found in this article was 
a comment from McCain about Kennard's attempts to get into MSC. 
McCain told the American that he felt Kennard's efforts to enter MSC 
were "publicized far beyond their true importance," a ridiculous and 
ludicrous statement to say the least.23 Kennard represented an 
outside threat to the white dominated contingent at MSC. 
Then-Governor J.P. Coleman went on record as saying he would close 
state colleges and universities before he would allow blacks to 
attend.24 Coleman was so desperate to stop Kennard that he told him 
if he would withdraw his application, the state of Mississippi would 
pay for him to go to any school in the country, to which Kennard 
turned down.25 For an issue that evoked much passion both from the 
white and black communities to garner such a statement looks like an 
effort by McCain to stop any further interest into the issue. This 
statement best describes many of the state's newspapers approaches to 
the Kennard issue.
        The majority of newspapers in the state ran wire accounts of 
Kennard's story. The content of these stories varied little from the 
articles found in the American and, with few exceptions, did little 
to offer any type of unbiased news report on Kennard. In fact, in 
some cases, the use of wire accounts only fueled speculation that 
media outlets wanted to invest as little of themselves in the story 
as possible. The use of these articles also comes into question, as 
some newspapers edited story content to remove key items that may 
have aided Kennard's case. For example, the Jackson State Times ran 
the United Press International account of Kennard's arrest. However, 
different from other accounts, the article included comments from 
Kennard's cousin Eloise Fairley, who said that it was obvious that 
the whiskey was planed in Kennard's car. Also of note in the article 
were McCain's responses to the media about his meeting with Kennard, 
to which he said he was offered the opportunity to resend his 
application but that Kennard wanted to "press on."26 This UPI account 
also appears in the Jackson Daily News and the Tupelo Daily Journal, 
while the Meridian Star contains the same article without the remarks 
from Fairley.27 McCain's comments actually make it seem as if he was 
rejected only after he affirmed that he would still seek admission 
into the school. This article, as it is presented, gives the 
impression that the entire truth of the matter is not conveyed. The 
Columbus Commercial Dispatch also carries this version of the 
article; however, comments by Coleman are included. It is reported 
that Coleman was "upset" about Kennard's arrest.28
        The Clarion-Ledger also used UPI accounts of Kennard's 
arrest, however, the comments made by McCain and Kennard's desire to 
"press on" were absent, leading one to believe that they were edited 
to help show McCain in a more positive light.29  This same version 
also appeared in the Delta Democrat Times.30
        Other newspapers, such as the Daily Herald in Biloxi, the 
Laurel Leader Call, the Vicksburg Evening Post, and the Greenwood 
Commonwealth used the Southern Press article on Kennard's arrest. The 
article asked very few questions in terms of the legitimacy of the 
crime. The story reinforced the idea that Kennard had simply been 
turned away because of problems with his application. The Herald's 
version of the article included the subheads "Had Whisky" and "Chased 
by Officers," which seems to stress Kennard's status as a potential 
criminal.31 This article also appears in the Greenville Commonwealth 
with the headline, "Negro Arrested On Whiskey Charge, Denied Entry to 
Southern College." The idea that the newspaper lead with the whiskey 
charge seems to show some sort of importance to the alleged crime 
rather than Kennard's attempt to get into the college.
        The McComb Enterprise Journal and the Natchez Democrat used 
Associated Press accounts of Kennard's arrest, which did not contain 
comments from McCain or Fairley. The article itself offered little 
information outside of the known facts of Kennard's arrest.32
        The Jackson State Times featured one of the only attempts at 
impartial journalism found in the newspapers in this study in their 
September 17 issue. The State Times was founded in an effort to offer 
the state of Mississippi a fair and impartial journalistic 
alternative to the papers of the Hederman family.33 The Times ran a 
locally covered article with Van Landingham on his thoughts on 
Kennard's arrest. Van Landingham reiterated that he had no idea that 
Kennard was going to be arrested. While Van Landingham said that he 
felt any lawsuit brought by on Kennard against MSC would have been 
defeated, he added that the arrest seemed to be the work of the 
constables. While the content of the article offers little 
information into the feelings of the paper, it is clear that the 
paper is making a legitimate attempt to serve in their role as a 
solid media outlet. Although the Times is a UPI paper, this article 
did not appear in other UPI papers used in this study.34
        Subsequent articles appeared on Kennard detailing the date of 
his case and its eventual postponement.35 On September 25, a letter 
to the editor appeared in the American written by Kennard. In the 
letter, Kennard defended the concept of integration against charges 
of being almost a communist ideal. Kennard, in a reference to the 
Sovereignty Commission's examination of his financial affairs, asked, 
"is it the integrationist or the segregationists who are employing 
secret investigators to search records" and apply pressure.36 
Kennard's letter, while not directly mentioning his attempts to enter 
MSC, professes his integrationist ideals and his wish to attend the 
college. He also asked for togetherness and saw a number of different 
resolutions to the problem. In spite of Kennard's frequent appeals to 
the editorial pages, no American writer offered any type of editorial 
or opinion piece during this time period. In fact, only one editorial 
appears on Kennard during this five year time period.
        Kennard's $600 fine and conviction were covered on the front 
page of the American on September 29, with picture of Kennard, his 
lawyer R.J. Brown, Ward, Daniels, and Hobby. Hobby, Ward, and Daniels 
were all featured above the photos of Kennard and Brown, arguably the 
more important figures involved in the case. The article also 
included Hobby's comments about Kennard's guilt.37Weeks after the 
American wrote that Kennard was arrested for reckless driving and 
illegal possession of whiskey, the article on Kennard's conviction 
explained that Kennard was initially arrested for reckless driving 
only and that Ward and Daniels only charged him with illegal 
possession of Whiskey after arriving at the police station.  The 
papers offered no explanation for the change in the officers' story. 
AP accounts of Kennard's conviction appeared in the Delta Democrat 
Times, the Laurel Leader Call, and Vicksburg Evening Post38 while UPI 
versions appeared in the Clarion-Ledger, Jackson Daily News, Jackson 
State Times, the Meridian Star, and The Tupelo Daily Journal.39 All 
of these accounts were virtually identical in terms of content.
        The next day, the American featured a story on the 16th page 
on Kennard and how an appeal had not yet been filed on his behalf. 
The article included comments from an unnamed local attorney who 
insinuated the NAACP was financially fueling Kennard's case, although 
it was well known that Kennard had not approached the organization 
for their assistance.40 The inclusion of these comments without any 
type of factual information is irresponsible reporting on the part of 
the American and only assists an anti-Kennard sentiment from the newspaper.
        Kennard pleaded his case in a January 26 letter to the editor 
in the American. In the letter, Kennard explained his wish to enter 
the all-white college and how it made sense for him to continue his 
academic career. He added that the only different between a good 
white man and a good black man is color.41 He also refuted 
segregation by pointing out that efforts to separate quality 
educational opportunities had not equated to the separation of good 
job opportunities for blacks. At the end of his letter, he asked 
again for admission into MSC without a court order because he 
believed in states handling their affairs and he did not want to 
involve any sort of federal intervention. He ended the letter by 
stressing his love for Mississippi and his desire to make the state 
better. The appearance of this letter contributes to the inconsistent 
climate of the American. It is clear that they have offered some 
support by printing Kennard's letters; however, any concerns about 
Kennard's plight are ignored in the content of legitimate news 
articles and the lack of any voice outside of Kennard's in the 
opinion pages. This trend is present throughout the context of this study.
        Kennard would not appear in the Hattiesburg American again 
until September 26, 1960 when he was arrested on charges of burglary 
and stealing stolen goods.   Roberts, the black 19-year-old who 
fingered Kennard as the mastermind behind the theft, was noted for 
signing a confession noted Kennard as the propitiator of the crime.42 
Kennard was arrested a little over a year after his failed attempt to 
enter MSC. Kennard was later sentenced to seven years in prison on 
November 22. The jury needed only 10 minutes to convict Kennard, as 
note in the American.43The article was a somewhat brief account of 
the court proceedings and mentioned no remarks by Kennard or his 
attorney Brown. Of note in the article are the comments from Evers, 
for which he is later tried for contempt of court. The story of 
Kennard's arrest was reported in the form of wire articles in The 
Daily Herald, The Clarion-Ledger, The Jackson State Times, The Laurel 
Leader Call, and The McComb Enterprise Journal.44 Kennard's 
conviction could be found in The Herald, The Clarion-Ledger, Delta 
Democrat Times, Greenwood Commonwealth, Jackson Daily News, Jackson 
State Times, The Laurel Leader Call, and The Meridian Star. 45
        The conviction of Kennard also shows the use of headlines in 
accompanying wire articles to voice their opinions on Kennard. For 
example, the Laurel Leader Call ran AP articles on Kennard's arrest 
and sentencing. Buried on page 15 of the September 26, 1960 issue, 
the Leader Call had the story of Kennard's arrest with the headline 
"Negro Back to Jail for Default," which in the context of the crime 
doesn't make any sense. 46 Kennard's conviction article had the 
headline, "Mix-Tryer Gets 7 years for Burglary." 47 To refer as 
anyone as a "mixer" in the white press was seen as a negative.  The 
Clarion-Ledger also did this with its headlines, "Negro who tried to 
enter MSC in Trouble Again"48 and "Negro Mixer is Convicted."49
        While Kennard's conviction occupied the bottom left hand 
corner of the American, the story of Evers contempt charge was one of 
the lead stories four days later. The article features comments from 
district attorney James Finch, who praised the ruling by Judge 
Stanton Hall. Court documents claimed that Evers attempted to 
"embarrass" the court.50 The article contained little representation 
on the side of Evers and, what is perhaps more telling, the American 
in this or subsequent issues never questioned the severity of Evers' 
comments. It is astounding that it never occurs to anyone, at least 
in this public forum, that perhaps Evers was right. What is more 
apparent is the paper's desire to stay away from commenting on 
segregation issues on going in their own local community. For 
example, just days after Kennard was sentenced and Evers was charged 
with contempt, the American ran an editorial on the integration of 
schools in New Orleans and suggested that integration efforts should 
stop.51 Because of their inconsistencies and the constant appearance 
of one-sided reporting, it is evident that the American is trying to 
avoid the topic altogether. This is primary the trend found in other 
state newspapers sands for a few notable exceptions.
	Evers was found guilty of contempt, as noted in the December 2 
edition of the American. Unlike the Kennard story, Evers was featured 
above the fold at the top of the page in a large, bold headline. As 
written by reporter Elliot Chaze, Evers was found guilty although his 
contention was that Kennard's case had been concluded. The state 
argued that since Roberts had yet to be sentenced, Evers was 
guilty.52 The Chaze article could also be found in the 
Clarion-Ledger.53 The Jackson Daily News carried the UPI story of 
Evers conviction.54 Eventually, Roberts would receive a two year 
suspended sentence and never served a day in jail.
        What was more evident was the apparent shock that accompanied 
the Supreme Court's decision to reverse the Evers' decision. On June 
12, 1961, the American featured a story on the decision as the lead 
on the front page.55 The AP account is fairly straightforward and 
notes that Evers was pleased with the decision. Kennard is merely an 
afterthought and is only mentioned once in the article. What is of 
more significance is how the article is used in comparison to those 
on Kennard. Evers was one of the more disliked individuals from the 
white establishment because of his position with the NAACP and his 
pro-integration stance, which was stated in an American editorial 
shortly after his assignation in 1963.56 In the minds of the white 
press, the acts of Evers were more important than the wrongful 
persecution of Kennard.  This article can also be found in The 
Clarion-Ledger, The Daily Herald, Greenwood Commonwealth, and The 
Laurel Leader Call 57 while UPI versions could be found in the Delta 
Democrat Times and Jackson State Times. 58 The Jackson Daily News 
lead with an article by staff writer Bob Pittman, which offered 
little in terms of difference from the wire accounts.59
	The rest of Kennard's life was relegated to the back pages with a 
few exceptions. AP accounts of Kennard's attempts to get a new trial 
to the Supreme Court can be found in the American in March 1961.60 
The same article was used in the Laurel Leader Call, McComb 
Enterprise Journal, the Vicksburg Evening Post, and the Daily 
Herald.61 The Jackson State Times featured an article by staff writer 
David Maddox, which lead with Brown's attempts to get Kennard a new 
trial.62 The American ran an AP story on Kennard's burglary 
conviction being upheld on the front page of their April 3, 1961, 
edition, which was also in the McComb Enterprise.63 UPI articles 
could be found in the Clarion-Ledger, Commercial Dispatch, and 
Meridian Star.64 Kennard was later denied a hearing by the Supreme 
Court, which appeared in an article on the front of the American on 
October 9, 1961. The article was about a column inch on the bottom 
right hand side of the page and was placed ominously below a photo 
from MSC homecoming where the letter "MCS" was spelled out by the 
band.65 This visual served as a sort of reminder to why Kennard was in prison.
	By the time November 1962 rolled around, James Meredith and his 
struggles against The University of Mississippi occupied most 
newspaper front pages in the United States. Kennard, however, 
seemingly remained forgotten. An injunction filed by Brown to have 
Kennard's sentence thrown out by the Supreme Court seemed to spark 
renewed interest in this case. The American, however, still contained 
the majority of Kennard based news to its back pages. News of Brown's 
motion could be found in the November 26 edition of the American on 
page 12.66 The article cited voter records and proved that blacks had 
purposely been excluded from jury duty. While on a local level, it 
could be argued that a breakthrough such as this could be found on 
the front page, the American buried it on the last page of what was 
considered the sports section. Kennard was eventually granted a 
hearing in Supreme Court to hear his petition, which was depicted in 
the American on December 1, buried again on page 8.67  Only when the 
Mississippi Supreme Court denied Kennard a new trial was it featured 
on the front page of the American.68 These articles and almost 
exclusively all on Kennard that appeared in the American after 
Kennard's 1960 conviction are AP accounts. It is clear that the 
Kennard story is very much a local one for the Hattiesburg area, 
however, their reporters and editors made the decision not to cover 
Kennard and rely only on wire reports. This lack of initiative by the 
American indicates that, to some degree, they did not want to have a 
voice in the matter and it seems like after his conviction the story 
and duties according to the American were completed.
        Just days after Kennard was denied a new trial, his name was 
back in the news, as he was taken to the hospital for an unknown 
stomach aliment. The AP story in the American made no mention of 
Kennard's cancer and only states that he had surgery the year before 
for an intestinal lesion. 69 This article could also be found in the 
Natchez Democrat, Greenwood Commonwealth, and Laurel Leader 
Call.70  Some newspapers, namely the Jackson Daily News, ran the UPI 
wire story that detailed Kennard's cancer. 71Only days later, the 
American reported through the AP that Kennard and Brown were seeking 
clemency from Barnett. The article itself is the first reference the 
American made to Kennard having cancer and noted that the disease was 
first detected in April of 1962.72 Kennard was eventually grated his 
release on January 29, 1963. Kennard's release lead to articles that 
offered more praise to the governor and little in terms of the 
outrage that should have been exhibited for the treatment of Kennard. 
The American ran the AP account of Kennard's return home, which led 
with how grateful Kennard was for Barnett's decision. The 
Clarion-Ledger and The Jackson State Times also uses this article.73 
The article also includes comments from the NAACP echoing praise for Barnett.
	The only column from the American staff on Kennard appears just days 
later on January 3, 1963. The column commends Barnett for his 
decision to release Kennard and states that the governor had offered 
Kennard "leaves" to be treated for cancer. The editorial proclaims 
that the American "doesn't believe in coddling convicts" but does not 
approve of denying the sick proper medical attention. While the 
editorial rightfully questions the treatment of Kennard by the state 
while in prison, there are years of unanswered questions that have 
gone by the wayside and the American had a number of opportunities to 
answer. The editorial never questions Kennard's sentence, the 
severity of his crimes, his attempt and denial to enter MSC or how 
any of the above aspect may have been connected. While the American 
is clearly trying to make a bold editorial statement, it is also 
acknowledging years of silence and their failure as an impartial news 
organization by consistently writing and portraying inconsistent news 
accounts of Kennard case. Evidence of this neglect appears in the 
July 5, 1963 edition of the American, where the story of Kennard's 
death is buried on page 3.74 This seems to be the approach taken by 
newspapers across the state, as The Delta Democrat Times and the 
Meridian Star had articles on Kennard's death on the front page.75 
Vicksburg Evening Post, Tupelo Daily Journal, The Columbus Commercial 
Dispatch, and the Natchez Democrat did not have an article on Kennard's death.
        Some newspapers in the state simply chose to offer no content 
on the plight of Kennard, despite their size and close proximity to 
the Hattiesburg area. Some of those papers included The Clarksdale 
Daily Register, The Jasper County News, The Sea Coast Echo, The Lamar 
County News, and The Century Voice in Yazoo City. By comparison, The 
Chicago Tribune carried nine stories while The New York Times carried 
six during the five-year time span.
        A unique and local source of information on the Kennard case 
was The Student Printz, the student newspaper of MSC. However, the 
newspaper featured only two articles on Kennard from December 1958 
through July 1963, the first coming on December 12, 1958.76 Under the 
headline, "Negro Warns He Will Seek Admission to MSC," the article 
detailed Kennard's desire to enter the college. The article quotes 
Sovereignty Commission chairman Maurice Malone, who said the state 
would do anything in its power to prevent Kennard from enrolling. The 
article also quotes an anonymous MSC source that claimed that Kennard 
had a "very good" record as a student. Another article appeared in 
the Printz on September 25, 1959 after his denial and arrest.77 The 
article quoted Arts and Science Dean Jay Allen, who noted that 
Kennard had incomplete records and failed to meet admission 
requirements, a slightly different tale than the one told to the 
mainstream media. Allen stressed in his interview that Kennard left 
peacefully and the arrest was mentioned briefly. Surprisingly, the 
article was buried on the fourth page. The newspaper never ran 
another article on Kennard, despite the fact that MSC was involved. 
According to Donald Dana, a staff writer with the Printz at the time, 
the paper published another article on Kennard that questioned, among 
other things, why he wasn't admitted into MSC and the legitimacy of 
his crimes. That issue was confiscated by the school's administration 
and destroyed. 78
        While wire articles dominated Mississippi newspaper content 
on the Kennard case, a number of reporters and editors made adepts to 
offer a balanced account of Kennard and often tried to make their 
voices heard on the matter. These were the exceptions to the 
interpretation offered by much of the white media.
        What sets the Jackson State Times and the McComb Enterprise 
Journal apart from other predominantly white newspapers in 
Mississippi is their willingness to ask questions. In an editorial 
written by McComb editor Oliver Emmerich on November 30, 1960, 
Emmerich points out that the testimony of Roberts is that of "an 
illiterate Negro" and that Kennard's attempts to get into MSC were 
not made during trial. He said it was asked if Kennard's sentence was 
too step, to which it was replied by District Attorney James Finch 
that sentences of seven years had routinely been handed out on theft 
charges to whites and black. Emmerich wrote that while more people 
will be talking about Evers, some attention should be paid to the 
sentencing of Kennard, who was basically imprisoned for "petty 
larceny." Emmerich claims that the sentence clearly didn't fit the 
crime and that Kennard received one year for every $3.57 he was 
alleged to steal in chicken feed.79
        The appearance of Emmerich's editorial in a newspaper from 
this study is rare. It is one of few journalistic attempts to 
question the crimes and circumstances surrounding Kennard's 
imprisonment. The Times, however, would pay the price, as the 
newspaper was warned by the state for publishing the editorial. The 
Times would eventually go out of business in 1961.
        Emmerich's work continued to appear in the McComb Enterprise 
Journal. While the journal ran common AP accounts of the Kennard 
case, Emmerich's editorials continued to appear in the newspaper. 
Emmerich wrote another editorial on freedom of speech and Evers' 
case. He acknowledged that many in Mississippi have applauded the 
conviction of Evers and said that Kennard's sentence lends itself to 
criticism. Ultimately, it was Kennard who ended up in jail and not 
the individual who was being discussed in the media. Regardless of 
the attempts to offer equal justice to everyone though the state 
courts in Mississippi, Emmerich felt that the case of Kennard has 
done away with those efforts.  Emmerich also wrote another editorial 
on January 30, 1963 after Kennard's release. Emmerich praises Barnett 
for his decision and indicated that Kennard "may have taken a bum 
rap" for his conviction. Emmerich's work in both the Times and the 
Enterprise Journal showed a journalistic effort to question the facts 
presented and try to make all voices involved heard. Unlike the 
American's attempt to praise Barnett for releasing Kennard, the 
Enterprise Journal at least acknowledged the possibility that Kennard 
had been unduly punished.
        The Delta Democrat Times of Hodding Carter, III was also 
somewhat vocal in terms of the Kennard case. While the newspaper ran 
a number of UPI accounts of Kennard's plight, the newspaper featured 
two editorials on the matter, both of what addressed the Evers 
contempt case. The first column is the aforementioned editorial by 
Emmerich that appeared in the Enterprise-Journal.80 The second column 
appeared on June 13, 1961, the day after the state overturned Evers 
conviction. The editorial hailed the decision as the right one. The 
editorial, however, never made any mention of Kennard, the very 
reason the Evers situation occurred in the first place.81 Despite 
this oversight, the Democrat Times actually devoted a fair amount of 
space to the wire accounts of Kennard and even lead with the UPI 
story of Kennard's release in the January 29, 1962 edition and is one 
of two papers to have the story of Kennard's death on the front page.82
        Perhaps the only universally outspoken predominant white 
newspaper on Kennard's troubles was the Petal Paper. Petal editor 
P.D. East was an open supporter of integration in the state of 
Mississippi and he used his columns on a few occasions to support 
Kennard and ridicule the white dominated society that aimed to deny 
him. East wrote a column on Kennard in his weekly paper on October 8, 
his first issue after Kennard's failed attempt to enter MSC and 
arrest. In discussing the Southern way of life, East wrote that the 
best way to preserve that way of life was to "frame" blacks, which he 
then used Kennard as an example. He continued by writing that Kennard 
was respectful to those at MSC and they were respectful back "by the 
limits of the law." He went on to say that he had spoken to students, 
faulty, and staff at MSC and many of them said they believed Kennard 
was framed and that they supported his attempts to enter MSC. He 
concluded the column by sarcastically congratulating the constable 
for his work and indicating that Kennard would learn his lesson.83 
East addressed Kennard again in his February 11, 1960, column, 
proving readers with an update of Kennard's case. East wrote that the 
charges against Kennard were "trumped up," but were not in connection 
with the college. He placed the blame on the state of Mississippi and 
their stance on integration, to which he writes, "I don't think its 
right, not at all; but it sure as hell clear."84 East then ran the 
letter to the editor from Kennard that appeared in the American on 
January 26. East did not write of Kennard again until his death in 
July of 1963. By then the struggling Petal Paper had become a monthly 
and, in his July issue, East featured perhaps the most powerful and 
telling article or editorial of all the newspapers referenced in his 
study. Below the fold in the right hand corner of the front page, 
East had a picture of Kennard's mother, Lenora Smith, with tears 
streaming down her face. At the top of the picture featured the 
headline "An Editorial in Three Words" with the words "Clyde 
Kennard's Mother" in bold print below the photo. This exercise of 
visual journalism is the most powerful argument in support of Kennard 
and the horrendous fate he suffered. East, throughout this five year 
time period, served as a consciousness of sorts for the primarily 
white media. Privately, East was just as outraged about Kennard as in 
his editorials. Although East admired Kennard, he became frightened 
that his fate could be much like Kennard and he became paranoid that 
he would also be framed and sent to prison. 85
        The inconsistent coverage of Kennard's case even permeates 
the black press of Mississippi, particularly the Jackson Advocate and 
the Mississippi Enterprise. While both the Advocate and the 
Enterprise, along with the Mississippi Free Press carried articles on 
Kennard that featured a more neutral tone than the predominate white 
media, there also seems to be a slow shift of Kennard's plight to the 
back pages of these newspapers. The weekly Jackson Advocate featured 
an article on Kennard's arrest and a separate article on his attempts 
to enter MSC on September 19. The article on his arrests, although 
not credited, is very similar to the AP version of the incident. What 
is interesting is the appearance of the other article, which 
announces Kennard's intentions on applying at MSC. While it makes no 
mention of the arrest, the article does discuss the efforts of 
Clennon King, who tried to enroll at the University of Mississippi to 
only be met by police and taken to a mental institution and was later 
release after he was found legally sane.86 The pairing of the two 
articles is fascinating. The first is a straightforward account of 
Kennard's arrest while the other discusses his attempt to enter the 
college along with the punishment that faced the last black who tried 
to integrate a college in Mississippi. The second article seemed to 
offer a justification for Kennard's arrest as being perpetrated by the state.
        The Advocate's coverage of Kennard from that point forward 
becomes inconsistent at best. For example, the Advocate's article on 
Kennard's reckless driving and whiskey conviction was the same UPI 
account found in other newspapers.87 Evers' contempt case also seemed 
to rule the headlines of the Advocate, as the weekly newspaper did 
not feature an article on Kennard's arrest and conviction for chicken 
feed, rather the paper had an article on Evers legal proceedings.88 
Articles appeared on the newspapers front page about Kennard 
receiving a new trial and the upholding of his sentence.89 For the 
remainder of Kennard's life, he sparingly appeared in the pages of 
the Advocate. News of Barnett's suspension appeared on the front page 
of the February 2, 1963 issue90 and Kennard's intended returned to 
Hattiesburg was covered in the March 20 edition later that year in an 
Associated Negro Press article.91 The Advocate, unfortunately, did 
not have an article on Kennard's death. While the Advocate's coverage 
featured more original material than other newspapers, the lapses in 
coverage are quite confusing. More than another other media outlet, 
the Advocate would have a high degree of interest in the Kennard case 
and this is not evident in the pages of this newspaper. Percy Greene, 
the Advocate's editor, was somewhat conservative in his views on the 
Civil Rights movement, as he saw the actions of Evers to be 
counter-productive and did not openly support his efforts.92 This 
conservative stance may have contributed to the Advocate's 
inconsistent coverage of the Kennard case.
        The Mississippi Enterprise also featured an article on 
Kennard's arrest in their September 19 edition. The article relies 
heavy on press releases from MSC and mentioned that the NAACP had yet 
to make a decision on getting involved in the case.93 The Enterprise 
also had a story on Kennard's conviction in the October 3 issue, 
which was fairly short. The article did not include the famous 
comment made by Hobby in terms of Kennard's guilt.94  Like the 
Advocate, the Enterprise also becomes lax in their coverage of 
Kennard. The paper did not have a story about Kennard's arrest for 
conspiring to steal chicken feed, his subsequent conviction, or Evers 
comments and charge for contempt of court. The next article that 
referenced Kennard appeared almost two years later when Evers was 
cleared in his contempt of court case.  The article reprints Evers 
statements and the comments from the court on their ruling.95 Almost 
another year and a half would pass before the Enterprise would 
feature an article on Kennard, this one on his release from prison. 
The article leads with comments from Kennard thanking the governor 
for his suspension and comments from the NAACP on Kennard's release 
were included. 96 Kennard's cancer was mentioned in the article; 
however, no comments or questions were addressed. The Enterprise 
followed with an article five months later noting Kennard's death.97 
The Enterprise asked little questions in their course of covering 
Kennard and, unlike the Advocate and the Free Press, made no effort 
to question the state's handling of Kennard and his medical 
condition. In an honest examination of the Enterprise, it is safe to 
say that they also failed in their duties as a newspaper.
        The most outspoken newspaper, white or black, on Kennard's 
troubles was the Mississippi Free Press. Founded in 1961 with some 
assistance from the outspoken Evers, the newspaper was sort of the 
radical opposite of the Advocate and it usually took the Advocate to 
task for their conservative methods.98 The weekly newspaper was 
clearly a supporter of Kennard and viewed Kennard's imprisonment as a 
crime. Kennard first appeared in the newspaper in their July 28, 1962 
issue. Unlike the other newspapers in this study, the Free Press 
acknowledged that Kennard had become a forgotten figure and in light 
of the attention gathered by Meredith and his attempts to enter Ole 
Miss, the paper felt it would be best to examine the history of 
Kennard in a multi-issue feature.99Written by staff writer Ronald 
Hollander, the articles depicted Kennard and his efforts to enter 
MSC. However, there were aspects that differed from those reported in 
many of the mainstream media accounts. For example, the second 
article in the series stated that Kennard knew McCain and trusted him 
and Kennard had no desire for his application at MSC to be known by 
the public.100 The third article noted that Kennard had stopped a 
number of times on his way to MSC and could not figure out if Daniels 
and Ward were truly chasing him. If so, it was his belief that they 
could have caught him.101 The article also asks a number of questions 
that were not asked by other newspapers, including the legitimacy of 
the methods used by the police, when the whiskey in Kennard's car 
actually came into play, and the claims made by the illiterate 
Roberts.102 The testimony of Roberts and the line of questions are 
also featured in the series and suggest that District Attorney James 
Finch led Roberts' testimony significantly and that the majority of 
what was said in court was contradictory.103 Hollander concluded that 
the evidence against Kennard did not prove that he and Roberts had 
conspired before the crime was committed. The article also included a 
photo of Kennard's mother Lenora Smith, who is quoted as saying "I 
hope Clyde's stay in jail is not in vain."104
        Kennard's quest for an appeal is depicted on the front page 
of the Free Press on December 1, 1962 and notes that Kennard should 
be released based on the deliberate exclusion of blacks from the jury 
pool.105 A key article on the Kennard case appeared in the December 
22, 1962 issue. The Free Press led with an article about students at 
the private Tougaloo College had started a nationwide potation to 
free Kennard. The petition was headed up by Doris Ladner of 
Hattiesburg and stated in appeal that Kennard was "a human being who 
had been unjustly accused."106 What is key about this account is that 
other media outlets, including the American, did not have an article 
on this petition. To an observer, it appears as if the other 
newspapers in the state wanted to silence any pro-Kennard statements 
from the general public. The Free Press later featured an editorial 
on December 29 that asked for people to remember Clyde Kennard and 
sign the petition being circulated by Tougaloo.107 The Free Press 
expressed shock and outrage over Kennard's cancer and his lack of 
medical attention. In the headline article, the Free Press wrote that 
Kennard was often forced to work in the hardest areas of manual labor 
despite the fact that he often collapsed during the two-mile walk to 
work.108 The Superintendent of Mississippi State Prison C.E. 
Breazaele was also accused of denying Kennard medical care even after 
he was made aware of his medical condition and at the press time of 
the article; it had been seven months since Kennard had last seen a 
doctor. The Free Press lead with the story of Kennard's release in 
their February 2 issue and said the move was only made after 
information regarding Kennard's lack of medical treatment was made 
public to the media.109 Unwavering, Kennard told the newspaper that 
if he returned to normal health, he would like to get a law degree 
and help other blacks in Mississippi in his position. The article 
also emphatically states that Kennard was questioned for the theft of 
chickenfeed because of his attempts to enter MSC. Medical updates on 
Kennard appeared in the Free Press two more times before he died. 
Kennard's death, unlike mainstream media, was the lead story in the 
Free Press.110  A letter from Kennard's family later appeared in the 
July 27 issue, thanking the Free Press for their efforts.111 The 
white media, in connection with Kennard's subsequent release and the 
revelation that he had cancer, did not address these details and 
questions. It is clear, though looking at the work of the Free Press, 
that the majority of mainstream newspapers in Mississippi failed in 
their duties and helped remove Kennard's case from collective memory 
of the public. It is unimaginable that the questions addressed by the 
Free Press went unasked or unanswered by members of the mainstream media.
        The media coverage of Kennard from 1958 through his death in 
1963 is clearly inconsistent and primarily driven by the white media. 
It is also clear that many of the questions that were raised from 
Kennard's arrest and conviction were never asked much less answered. 
It only occurred to a media minority, namely the Petal Paper and the 
Mississippi Free Press to even suggest that the charges were 
fabricated and Kennard was wrongfully imprisoned. The mainstream 
media helped with the systematic punishment of Kennard and his 
challenge to the dominant white culture by failing in their roles as 
a community watchdog. The desegregation of Mississippi's white 
colleges was a major threat to the establishment, as evidence in 
Meredith and his efforts to enroll at the University of Mississippi. 
With Kennard, there was no government intervention to make the case a 
national story, thus making it easier for the state to railroad him 
and thus for him to be forgotten. Plus, as the case with the American 
and the Hederman family, many of the newspaper owners were apart of 
said establishment, making an impartial voice from the media 
non-existent. Although newspaper writers never openly spoke out 
against Kennard, for the most part, they remained silent on the 
issue. By not saying anything at all, they did just as much damage.
	Kennard's tale of neglect from the media did not end with his death. 
Years went by before Kennard's struggles were questioned in the pages 
of Mississippi newspapers. Questions surrounding Kennard's arrest and 
conviction remained in the Hattiesburg area, on the campus of the 
University of Southern Mississippi, and in the state. In 1991, 
information from the Sovereignty Commission confirmed what had been 
long believed by many in the southern Mississippi community: Kennard 
was framed. As early as 1958, a plan had been discussed that would 
have had whiskey planted in Kennard's car so that he would be 
arrested for illegal possession. There was even a failed plan that 
had dynamite being placed in the starter of Kennard's car in an 
effort to kill him. Before his death, McCain still professed that he 
had no knowledge of any plot to arrest Kennard, even though he spoke 
with Coleman about adding extra security to the campus for Kennard's 
visit. Lucas, who was president of Southern Miss in 1991 when the 
plot to kill Kennard was released, also said he knew nothing of any 
plots against Kennard. When told of a plot to kill the potential 
student, Lucas could only respond by saying, "Oh my God."112  Lucas 
would later lead an effort to have one of the administration 
buildings on Southern Miss's campus named after Kennard. Lucas called 
Kennard plight "an opportunity denied" and said the naming of the 
building after Kennard, "would remind us of that tragic chapter in 
our history-and so reminded, we must resolve not to repeat those 
errors of our past."113
        In December 2005, Roberts told reporter Jerry Mitchell of the 
Clarion-Ledger that Kennard was innocent of the burglary charges and 
stated he was willing to testify under oath to the fact.114 Students 
at Southern Miss soon began circulating a petition asking for 
Kennard's exoneration. An affidavit was filed with the state of 
Mississippi by the Center on Wrongful Conviction calling for governor 
Haley Barbour to grant Kennard a posthumous pardon. The request asked 
Barbour to change history and "close the chapter of this tragic story 
and restore Clyde Kennard to his rightful place as a hero of the 
Mississippi civil rights movement."115 Despite the testimony of 
Roberts and the efforts of Southern Miss students, the state Supreme 
Court ruled on February 23 that they would not overturn the Kennard 
conviction because they lacked authority to do so, leaving Barbour as 
the only individual who could legally clear Kennard's name. During 
Barbour's tenure as governor, he has never overturned a past conviction.116



1 John Howard Griffin and Bradford Daniel, "Why They Can't Wait: An 
Interview with a White Negro." The Progressive 28, July 1964, p. 18-19.
2 Mississippi State Sovereignty Commission Files, ID 1-27-0-6-4-1-1, 
Mississippi State Archives available at http://www.mdah.state.ms.us/.
3 Erle Johnston. Mississippi's Defiant Years. Lake Forrest 
Publishers: Forrest, MS, 1990, p. 53 and Mississippi State 
Sovereignty Commission Files, ID 1-27-0-41-1-1-1, Mississippi State 
Archives available at http://www.mdah.state.ms.us/.
4 Katagiri, p.60.
5 Hattiesburg American, 15, September 1959, p 1.
6 Hattiesburg American, 29, September 1959, p. 1.
7 Hattiesburg American, 5 December 1958.
8 Monte Piliawsky. Exit 13 (South End Press, Boston, MA., 1982), p. 25.
9 Johnstone, p. 54.
10 Maryanne Vollers. Ghosts of Mississippi, (Little, Brown and 
Company, 1995) p. 102.
11 Yasuhiro Katagiri. The Mississippi State Sovereignty Commission: 
Civil Rights and States' Rights. (University Press of Mississippi, 
Jackson, 2001), p. 56.
12 Johnston, p.53-55.
13 Pittsburg Courier, 9, February 1963, p. 4.
14 Johnstone, p. 53 and Piliawsky, p. 23.
15 Katagiri, p. 55.
16 Vollers, p. 99 and David Davies. The Press and Race: Mississippi 
Journalists Confront the Movement (University Press of Mississippi, 
Jackson, MS, 2001) p. 8-9.
17 Piliawsky, p. 25.
18 Davies, p. 27.
19 Davies, p. 115.
20 Hattiesburg American. 6, December 1958. P. 2.
21 Hattiesburg American. 10, December 1958. P.1.
22 Hattiesburg American. 15, December 1958, p. 1 and Hattiesburg 
American. 16, December 1958, p. 1.
23 Hattiesburg American, 15, September 1959, p. 1.
24 Chattanooga Times, 23, September 1956, p. 1.
25 Piliawsky, p. 23. and The Ubyssey, 28, January 1963,  p. 8.
26 Jackson State Times. 15, September 1959, p.1.
27 Jackson Daily News, 15, September 1959,p. 1.; Tupelo Daily 
Journal, 16, September 1959, p. 9;  and Meridian Star, 15, September 
1959, p. 1.
28 Commercial Dispatch, 16, September 1959, p. 1.
29 Clarion-Ledger, 15, September 1959, p. 1.
30 Delta Democrat-Times, 15, September 1959, p. 1.
31 Daily Herald, 15, September 1959, p. 1; Laurel Leader Call, 15, 
September 1959, p.1; Vicksburg Evening Post, 15, 1959, p.1; and 
Greenwood Commonwealth, 15, September 1959, p. 1.
32 McComb Enterprise Journal, 16, September 1959, p. 1. and Natchez 
Democrat, 16, September 1959, p.2.
33 Davies, p.115.
34 Jackson State Times, 17, September 1959, pg. 1.
35 Hattiesburg American16, September 1959, p. 1 and Hattiesburg 
American, 19, September 1959, p. 1-7.
36 Hattiesburg American, 25, September 1959. p. 6.
37 Hattiesburg American, 29, September 1959, p. 1-4.
38 Delta Democrat Times, 29, September 1959, p .1; Laurel Leader 
Call,29, September 1959, p. 2;  and Vicksburg Evening Post, 29, 
September 1959, p .1.
39 Clarion-Ledger, 30, September 1959, p.1; Jackson Daily News,29, 
September 1959, p. 1;  Jackson State Time, 29, September 1959, p. 1; 
Meridian Star, 29, September 1959, p. 1; and Tupelo Daily Journal, 
30, September 1959, p .9.
40 Hattiesburg American, 30, September 1959, p. 16.
41 Hattiesburg American, 26, January 1960, p. 7.
42 Hattiesburg American, 26, September 1960, p. 1, 10.
43 Hattiesburg American, 22, November 1960, p. 1, 4.
44 Daily Herald, 27, September 1960, p. 1; Clarion-Ledger,27, 
September 1960, p .7;  Jackson State Times, 27, September 1960, p .7; 
Laurel Leader Call,  27, September 1960, p. 15 and McComb Enterprise 
Journal, 27, September 1960, p.7.
45 Daily Herald, 23, November 1960, p.1; Clarion-Ledger, 22, November 
1960, p. 1; Delta Democrat Times, 22, November 1960, p. 2; Greenwood 
Commonwealth, 22, November 1960, p.2; Jackson Daily News, 22, 
November 1960, p. 3; Jackson State Times, 22, November 1960, p. 10; 
Laurel Leader Call, 22, November 1960, p. 2; and Meridian Star, 22, 
November 1960, p. 1.
46 Ibid.
47 Ibid.
48 Ibid.
49 Ibid.
50 Hattiesburg American, 26, November 1960, p.1, 4.
51 Hattiesburg American, 1, December 1960, p. 10.
52 Hattiesburg American, 2, December 1960, p. 1, 4.
53 Clarion-Ledger, 2, December 1960, p. 1, 16.
54 Jackson Daily News, 2, December 1960, p. 1, 4;
55 Hattiesburg American, 13, June 1961, p. 1.
56 Hattiesburg American, 13, June 1963, p. 10.
57 Clarion-Ledger, 13, June 1961, p. 1; Daily Herald, 13. June 1961, 
p .1; Greenwood Commonwealth, 12, June 1961, p .1; and Laurel Leader 
Call, 12, June 1961, p. 2.
58 Delta Democrat Times, 12, June 1961, p. 1; and Jackson State 
Times, 12, June 1961, p.3.
59 Jackson Daily News, 12, June 1961, p. 1, 12.
60 Hattiesburg American, 13, March 1961, p. 5 and Hattiesburg 
American, 14, March 1961, p. 9.
61 Laurel Leader Call, 14, Mach 1961,p. 1; McComb Enterprise Journal, 
14, Mach 1961,p. 1; The Vicksburg Evening Post, 14, Mach 1961,p. 1; 
Daily Herald, 14, Mach 1961,p. 1.
62 Jackson State Times, 3, March 1961, p. 1.
63 Hattiesburg American, 3, April, 1961, p.1.
64 Clarion-Ledger, 3, March 1961, p. 1.; Commercial Dispatch, 3, 
March 1961, p. 1.; and Meridian Star, 3, March 1961, p. 1.
65 Hattiesburg American, 9, October 1961, p. 1, 2.
66 Hattiesburg American, 26, November 1962, p.12.
67 Hattiesburg American, 1, December 1962, p.8
68 Hattiesburg American, 14, January 1963, p.1.
69 Hattiesburg American, 25, January 1963, p. 2.
70 Natchez Democrat, 27, January 1963, p. 11;  Greenwood 
Commonwealth, 29, January 1963, p. 4;  and Laurel Leader Call, 25, 
January 1963, p. 2.
71 Jackson Daily News, 25, January 1963, p .1.
72 Hattiesburg American, 28, January 1963, p.1.
73 Clarion-Ledger, 29, January 1963, p. 1, 3; and Jackson Daily News, 
29, January 1963, p.12.
74 Hattiesburg American, 5, July 1963, p.3.
75 Delta Democrat Times, 5, July 1963, p.1; and Meridian Star, 5, 
July 1963, p. 1.
76 Student Printz, 12, December 1958, p. 1.
77 Student Printz, 25, September 1959, p.4.
78 E-mail correspondence with Donald Dana, 21, November 2005.
79 Jackson State Times, 30, November 1960, p. 8. and McComb 
Enterprise Journal, 30, November 1960, p. 2.
80 Delta Democrat Times, 9, December 1960, p. 4.
81 Delta Democrat Times, 13, July 1961, p.4.
82 Delta Democrat Times, 29, January 1963, p.1 and Delta Democrat 
Times, 5, July 1963, p.1.
83 Petal Paper, 8, October 1959, p.1-2.
84 Petal Paper, 11, February, 1960, p. 1-2.
85 Gary Huey." P.D. East, Southern Liberalism, and the Civil Rights 
Movement, 1953-1971." Scholarly Resources, Inc: Wilmington, Delaware, 
1985. p. 184.
86 Jackson Advocate. 19, September 1959, p. 1-5.
87 Jackson Advocate, 3, October 1959, p. 1, 2.
88 Jackson Advocate, 3, December 1960, p. 1, 5.
89 Jackson Advocate. 11, March 1961, p. 1, 8. and Jackson Advocate 
15, April 1961, p. 1, 2.
90 Jackson Advocate, 2, February 1963, p. 1, 8.
91 Jackson Advocate 20, March 1963, p. 4.
92 Davies, p. 71-73.
93 Mississippi Enterprise, 19, September 1959, p. 1.
94 Mississippi Enterprise, 3, October 1959, p. 1 -3.
95 Mississippi Enterprise, 17, June 1961, p.1.
96 Mississippi Enterprise, 2, February 1963, p. 1.
97 Mississippi Enterprise, 13, July 1963. p.1.
98 Davies, p. 75.
99 Mississippi Free Press, 28, July 1962, p. 1.
100 Mississippi Free Press, 11, August 1962, p. 3.
101 Mississippi Free Press, 18, August 1962, p. 4.
102 Mississippi Free Press, 1, September 1962, p. 3.
103 Mississippi Free Press, 8, September 1962, p. 3.
104 Mississippi Free Press, 22, September 1962, p. 3.
105 Mississippi Free Press, 1, December 1962, p. 1, 3.
106 Mississippi Free Press, 22, December 1962, p. 1, 3.
107 Mississippi Free Press, 29, December 1962, p. 2.
108 Mississippi Free Press, 26, January 1963, p. 1, 4.
109 Mississippi Free Press. 2, February 1963, p.1, 4.
110 Mississippi Free Press, 13, July 1963, p. 1.
111 Mississippi Free Press, 27, July 1963, p. 3.
112 Clarion-Ledger, 9, September 1991, p. 1, 5. Sec. A.
113 Clarion-Ledger, 29, February 1992, p. 1, Sec. B.
114 Clarion-Ledger, 31, December 2005, p.1, Sec. A.
115 Clarion-Ledger, 4, February 2006, p. 1, Sec. A.
116 Student Printz, 16, March 2006, p.1.

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