This paper was presented at the Association for Education in Journalism and
Mass Communication in San Francisco August 2006.
I am not the author. If you have questions about this paper,
please contact the author directly.
If you have questions about the archives, email rakyat [ at ]
eparker.org. For an explanation of the subject line, send email to
[log in to unmask] with just the four words, "get help info aejmc," in the
body (drop the "").
Forgotten and Ignored: Mississippi Newspaper Coverage of Clyde
Kennard and his efforts to integrate Mississippi Southern College
Jason A. Peterson
Doctoral student, The University of Southern Mississippi
74B North Windridge Lane
Purvis, MS 39475
(601) 268-6511/(478) 251-0228
[log in to unmask]
Submitted to the History Division
AEJMC 2006 National Conference
San Francisco, California
Forgotten and Ignored: Mississippi Newspaper Coverage of Clyde
Kennard and his efforts to integrate Mississippi Southern College
Clyde Kennard unsuccessfully tried to integrate Mississippi
Southern College in 1959. For his efforts, the former Army veteran
was arrested on questionable charges for illegal possession of
whiskey and reckless driving. While the arrest deterred Kennard, he
made it clear that his efforts to get into college were not over.
Soon after Kennard decided he was again going to apply at MSC, he was
arrested for stealing five bags of chicken feed and sentenced to
seven years in prison. It was later discovered that local authorities
had framed Kennard. Kennard developed stomach cancer while in prison
and was released by then-Governor Ross Barnett in 1963. Bedridden,
Kennard died seven months later, closing the chapter on one of the
more tragic tales of the Civil Rights movement. This paper looks at
the story of Kennard through the work of the print media. Through an
examination of 20 newspapers over a six-year period, this paper
argues that the majority of print media outlets in Mississippi failed
in their journalistic duties of presenting an unbiased and accurate
depiction of the Kennard story. Rather than risk ruffling the
feathers of the dominant white social ideology, newspapers asked few
questions and ultimately assisted in the forgotten nature associated
with Kennard's plight.
Forgotten and Ignored: Mississippi Newspaper Coverage of Clyde
Kennard and his efforts to integrate Mississippi Southern College
Clyde Kennard unsuccessfully tried to integrate Mississippi
Southern College in 1959. For his efforts, he was charged with a
number of questionable crimes, culminating in a seven-year burglary
conviction. This paper argues that the majority of print media
outlets in Mississippi failed in their journalistic duties of
presenting an unbiased and accurate depiction of the Kennard story.
Rather than risk ruffling the feathers of the dominant white social
ideology, newspapers asked few questions and ultimately assisted in
the forgotten nature associated with Kennard's plight.
Forgotten and Ignored: Mississippi Newspaper Coverage of Clyde
Kennard and his efforts to integrate Mississippi Southern College
"How can we stand it? This isn't America. This is Dachau and
Auschwitz. This was a man who had great things to contribute and
because he wanted to finish his education in an area where he had
every right, where his tax dollar supported the school, he was thrown
to the mad dogs and ended up a martyr."1 -John Howard Griffin to
Clyde Kennard's mother Lenora Smith
On the morning of September 15, 1959, Clyde Kennard ventured to
Mississippi Southern College to meet with then-President Dr. William
McCain to discuss his status at the all-white school. A black man,
Kennard had already been rejected on previous attempts to enroll at
the college in Hattiesburg, Mississippi.2 Despite their scheduled
meeting, McCain had already ordered Registrar Aubrey Lucas to write
Kennard a letter denying his entrance into the university on the
grounds of "deficiencies and irregularities" in his application.3
Zack Van Landingham of the Mississippi Sovereignty Commission met
with Kennard before he entered McCain's office that morning to urge
him to reconsider and withdraw his application. Kennard refused.
McCain followed by asking Kennard to withdraw his application.
Kennard told McCain that he "believed what he was doing was right for
both the white and colored race."4 McCain then handed Kennard the
letter explaining his third denial and had him escorted from the building.
The events that would follow in Kennard's life would become much
more tragic that the refusal to let him attend college. As Kennard
walked to his car that morning, he noticed Forrest County Constables
Lee Daniels and Charlie Ward waiting for him. Daniels arrested
Kennard for "driving at an excessive rate of speed and recklessly"
and for illegal possession of whiskey. Although McCain had met with
Van Landingham and other state officials about increasing campus
security before Kennard' s meeting, "in case something were to
happen," he denied having any prior knowledge of Kennard's
arrest.5 Kennard went to court on September 29, 1959 and was found
guilty on both charges. After determining the verdict, Forrest County
Justice of the Peace T.C. Hobby said he had never known a case,
"where the state proved more clearly the guilt of the defendant."6
Kennard was undaunted and remained set on accomplishing his
goal of entering Southern Mississippi College as a student.7 His
dream died on September 25, 1960, when he was arrested at his home on
charges of stealing five bags of chicken feed from the Forrest County
Cooperative. Johnny Lee Roberts, 19, was arrested for the crime, but
Roberts claimed that Kennard had planned the theft. Kennard was
charged as an accessory to burglary and convicted by an all-white
jury on November 21. He was sentenced to seven years in prison.
Roberts received a suspended sentence and never spent a day in jail.
NAACP Mississippi Field Secretary Medger Evers called Kennard's
conviction, "the greatest mockery to judicial justice in a courtroom
of segregationists, apparently resolved to put Kennard legally away."8
Kennard filed appeals with the state but each time his efforts were
denied. Kennard languished at a Mississippi prison when he began
feeling unusual pains in his stomach. A doctor eventually diagnosed
him with stomach cancer and he underwent surgery at University
Hospital in Jackson in 1962.9 Although Kennard's doctors recommended
that he be released, then-Governor Ross Barnett held firm until the
threat of negative press became too much.10 Kennard was released in
the spring of 1963 and died on July 4 in a Chicago hospital.
This paper argues that Kennard's story was often ignored and
buried within the confines of Mississippi newspaper. Outside of the
Hattiesburg American, most newspapers used wire articles, although
the magnitude of the story would logically call for some sort of
staff presence. The American even got to a point where its content
was primarily wire stories. There was also a lack of editorials on
Kennard's story. It seems as if many journalistic accounts of Kennard
failed to ask any questions that may have been contradictory to the
information that was being presented by the government and officials
at MSC, namely McCain. It is hard to fathom that only a handful of
newspapers featured editorials questioning the Kennard case. It is
clear through these aspects, that this paper will show that the
majority of print media outlets in Mississippi failed in their duties
of presenting an unbiased and accurate depiction of the Kennard story
and, rather than risk ruffling the feathers of the dominant white
social ideology, remained silent and essentially allowed an innocent
man to go to prison.
This paper will examine the print news media's coverage of
Kennard's efforts to enter Mississippi Southern College. It will
include all news articles, letters to the editors or columns that may
have appeared in the given time period. The newspapers used in this
study will cover Kennard's fist publicized attempts to enroll at the
college in 1958 through 1963, when Kennard died. The papers examined
will all come from Mississippi, including the Hattiesburg American,
Clarion-Ledger, Laurel Leader Call, Meridian Star, Jackson Daily
News, Jackson State Times, Petal Paper, Biloxi Daily Herald, Delta
Democrat Times, Columbus Commercial Dispatch, Natchez Democrat,
McComb Enterprise Journal, Greenwood Commonwealth, Vicksburg Evening
Post, Tupelo Daily Journal, Jackson Advocate, Mississippi Free Press,
and Mississippi Enterprise. The newspapers were chosen based on
prominence within the state and geographical location to the origin
of Kennard's story, Hattiesburg, Mississippi. Mississippi Southern
College's student newspaper, the Student Printz, is also part of this
study to find out what students had to say about Kennard.
Born in Hattiesburg, Kennard moved to Chicago where he enlisted in
the United States Army and served as a paratrooper and later became a
sergeant. When his father's health began to decline shortly after he
was honorably discharged in 1954, Kennard decided to return to his
hometown to help with the family's chicken farm in 1956. A former
student at the University of Chicago, Kennard only needed one more
year of coursework to receive a degree. Once he returned to
Hattiesburg, Kennard applied to MSC as a transfer student, but was
rejected. Kennard then made the second and the much more publicized
third attempt in 1958 and 1959. Kennard's wish to enroll at MSC had
reached the ears of the Mississippi State Sovereignty Commission, who
openly investigated the chicken farmer. Van Landingham was placed in
charge of Kennard's case, whose name was added to the Commission's
files as a "race agitator."11 After his initial arrest at MSC,
Kennard still wanted to go to the all-white college.12 Once he went
to prison, Kennard began teaching inmates how to read and write and
tried to prepare them for a world outside of prison. Even upon his
release he entertained enrolling at MSC, which had become The
University of Southern Mississippi. Despite his wrongful prison
sentence, he still felt that "there were good people in Mississippi."13
The plight of Kennard was one of the more tragic during the
civil rights era, an opinion that has been shared by many
historians.14 Though Kennard's attempts to enter school and his
subsequent exile in prison were overshadowed by the efforts of James
Meredith and his enrollment at the University of Mississippi in 1962,
it is nevertheless too important to be left out of the history of
Mississippi's civil rights movement.15 Press coverage of Kennard has
not been thoroughly examined in past research studies. It has been
said that the news media in Mississippi was bias in media accounts
because the newspapers reflected white viewpoints and the ideals of a
"closed" society, and thus offered little fair and balanced media
coverage of Kennard.16 However, some newspapers, such as the Jackson
State Times, the Petal Paper and the black Mississippi Free Press
tried to come to Kennard's aid.17
The majority of the predominant white media covered the
Kennard incident in much of the same manner. The local Hattiesburg
American carried original content while other state papers ran with
wire material. The story of Kennard's desire to enter MSC first
appeared in the pages of the Hattiesburg American in 1958. Andrew
Harmon, a known supporter of segregation, edited the American.18 The
American, along with the Clarion-Ledger and the Daily News, were
owned by the Hederman family, who have been viewed by historians as
being purveyors of the dominant white society that was present during
the late 1950s.19 The first reference to Kennard could be found in
the form of a letter to the editor Kennard submitted offering
solutions to the problem of integration in Hattiesburg.20 During the
same week, the paper ran a story on Kennard announcing that he would
attempt to enter Mississippi Southern. The article, despite Kennard's
logical and intelligent appeal to segregationists, referred to him as
integrationists.21 Kennard updates appeared in the next few days,
both of which reiterated McCain's need for Kennard to have signatures
from five current or former students at MSC, even though it was well
known that Kennard knew no one in Hattiesburg.22 On January 5, the
American ran a small article on Kennard's decision to not pursue
entry into MSC based on advice he had received.
Kennard's name came back into the public spotlight on
September 15, 1959, when he was arrested after meeting with McCain.
The article, which appeared below the fold on the front page,
reiterates the college's contention that Kennard had irregularities
in his paperwork that prevented him from being accepted. The article
also included Daniels and Ward's fictional account of Kennard's
suspected whiskey possession. A key element found in this article was
a comment from McCain about Kennard's attempts to get into MSC.
McCain told the American that he felt Kennard's efforts to enter MSC
were "publicized far beyond their true importance," a ridiculous and
ludicrous statement to say the least.23 Kennard represented an
outside threat to the white dominated contingent at MSC.
Then-Governor J.P. Coleman went on record as saying he would close
state colleges and universities before he would allow blacks to
attend.24 Coleman was so desperate to stop Kennard that he told him
if he would withdraw his application, the state of Mississippi would
pay for him to go to any school in the country, to which Kennard
turned down.25 For an issue that evoked much passion both from the
white and black communities to garner such a statement looks like an
effort by McCain to stop any further interest into the issue. This
statement best describes many of the state's newspapers approaches to
the Kennard issue.
The majority of newspapers in the state ran wire accounts of
Kennard's story. The content of these stories varied little from the
articles found in the American and, with few exceptions, did little
to offer any type of unbiased news report on Kennard. In fact, in
some cases, the use of wire accounts only fueled speculation that
media outlets wanted to invest as little of themselves in the story
as possible. The use of these articles also comes into question, as
some newspapers edited story content to remove key items that may
have aided Kennard's case. For example, the Jackson State Times ran
the United Press International account of Kennard's arrest. However,
different from other accounts, the article included comments from
Kennard's cousin Eloise Fairley, who said that it was obvious that
the whiskey was planed in Kennard's car. Also of note in the article
were McCain's responses to the media about his meeting with Kennard,
to which he said he was offered the opportunity to resend his
application but that Kennard wanted to "press on."26 This UPI account
also appears in the Jackson Daily News and the Tupelo Daily Journal,
while the Meridian Star contains the same article without the remarks
from Fairley.27 McCain's comments actually make it seem as if he was
rejected only after he affirmed that he would still seek admission
into the school. This article, as it is presented, gives the
impression that the entire truth of the matter is not conveyed. The
Columbus Commercial Dispatch also carries this version of the
article; however, comments by Coleman are included. It is reported
that Coleman was "upset" about Kennard's arrest.28
The Clarion-Ledger also used UPI accounts of Kennard's
arrest, however, the comments made by McCain and Kennard's desire to
"press on" were absent, leading one to believe that they were edited
to help show McCain in a more positive light.29 This same version
also appeared in the Delta Democrat Times.30
Other newspapers, such as the Daily Herald in Biloxi, the
Laurel Leader Call, the Vicksburg Evening Post, and the Greenwood
Commonwealth used the Southern Press article on Kennard's arrest. The
article asked very few questions in terms of the legitimacy of the
crime. The story reinforced the idea that Kennard had simply been
turned away because of problems with his application. The Herald's
version of the article included the subheads "Had Whisky" and "Chased
by Officers," which seems to stress Kennard's status as a potential
criminal.31 This article also appears in the Greenville Commonwealth
with the headline, "Negro Arrested On Whiskey Charge, Denied Entry to
Southern College." The idea that the newspaper lead with the whiskey
charge seems to show some sort of importance to the alleged crime
rather than Kennard's attempt to get into the college.
The McComb Enterprise Journal and the Natchez Democrat used
Associated Press accounts of Kennard's arrest, which did not contain
comments from McCain or Fairley. The article itself offered little
information outside of the known facts of Kennard's arrest.32
The Jackson State Times featured one of the only attempts at
impartial journalism found in the newspapers in this study in their
September 17 issue. The State Times was founded in an effort to offer
the state of Mississippi a fair and impartial journalistic
alternative to the papers of the Hederman family.33 The Times ran a
locally covered article with Van Landingham on his thoughts on
Kennard's arrest. Van Landingham reiterated that he had no idea that
Kennard was going to be arrested. While Van Landingham said that he
felt any lawsuit brought by on Kennard against MSC would have been
defeated, he added that the arrest seemed to be the work of the
constables. While the content of the article offers little
information into the feelings of the paper, it is clear that the
paper is making a legitimate attempt to serve in their role as a
solid media outlet. Although the Times is a UPI paper, this article
did not appear in other UPI papers used in this study.34
Subsequent articles appeared on Kennard detailing the date of
his case and its eventual postponement.35 On September 25, a letter
to the editor appeared in the American written by Kennard. In the
letter, Kennard defended the concept of integration against charges
of being almost a communist ideal. Kennard, in a reference to the
Sovereignty Commission's examination of his financial affairs, asked,
"is it the integrationist or the segregationists who are employing
secret investigators to search records" and apply pressure.36
Kennard's letter, while not directly mentioning his attempts to enter
MSC, professes his integrationist ideals and his wish to attend the
college. He also asked for togetherness and saw a number of different
resolutions to the problem. In spite of Kennard's frequent appeals to
the editorial pages, no American writer offered any type of editorial
or opinion piece during this time period. In fact, only one editorial
appears on Kennard during this five year time period.
Kennard's $600 fine and conviction were covered on the front
page of the American on September 29, with picture of Kennard, his
lawyer R.J. Brown, Ward, Daniels, and Hobby. Hobby, Ward, and Daniels
were all featured above the photos of Kennard and Brown, arguably the
more important figures involved in the case. The article also
included Hobby's comments about Kennard's guilt.37Weeks after the
American wrote that Kennard was arrested for reckless driving and
illegal possession of whiskey, the article on Kennard's conviction
explained that Kennard was initially arrested for reckless driving
only and that Ward and Daniels only charged him with illegal
possession of Whiskey after arriving at the police station. The
papers offered no explanation for the change in the officers' story.
AP accounts of Kennard's conviction appeared in the Delta Democrat
Times, the Laurel Leader Call, and Vicksburg Evening Post38 while UPI
versions appeared in the Clarion-Ledger, Jackson Daily News, Jackson
State Times, the Meridian Star, and The Tupelo Daily Journal.39 All
of these accounts were virtually identical in terms of content.
The next day, the American featured a story on the 16th page
on Kennard and how an appeal had not yet been filed on his behalf.
The article included comments from an unnamed local attorney who
insinuated the NAACP was financially fueling Kennard's case, although
it was well known that Kennard had not approached the organization
for their assistance.40 The inclusion of these comments without any
type of factual information is irresponsible reporting on the part of
the American and only assists an anti-Kennard sentiment from the newspaper.
Kennard pleaded his case in a January 26 letter to the editor
in the American. In the letter, Kennard explained his wish to enter
the all-white college and how it made sense for him to continue his
academic career. He added that the only different between a good
white man and a good black man is color.41 He also refuted
segregation by pointing out that efforts to separate quality
educational opportunities had not equated to the separation of good
job opportunities for blacks. At the end of his letter, he asked
again for admission into MSC without a court order because he
believed in states handling their affairs and he did not want to
involve any sort of federal intervention. He ended the letter by
stressing his love for Mississippi and his desire to make the state
better. The appearance of this letter contributes to the inconsistent
climate of the American. It is clear that they have offered some
support by printing Kennard's letters; however, any concerns about
Kennard's plight are ignored in the content of legitimate news
articles and the lack of any voice outside of Kennard's in the
opinion pages. This trend is present throughout the context of this study.
Kennard would not appear in the Hattiesburg American again
until September 26, 1960 when he was arrested on charges of burglary
and stealing stolen goods. Roberts, the black 19-year-old who
fingered Kennard as the mastermind behind the theft, was noted for
signing a confession noted Kennard as the propitiator of the crime.42
Kennard was arrested a little over a year after his failed attempt to
enter MSC. Kennard was later sentenced to seven years in prison on
November 22. The jury needed only 10 minutes to convict Kennard, as
note in the American.43The article was a somewhat brief account of
the court proceedings and mentioned no remarks by Kennard or his
attorney Brown. Of note in the article are the comments from Evers,
for which he is later tried for contempt of court. The story of
Kennard's arrest was reported in the form of wire articles in The
Daily Herald, The Clarion-Ledger, The Jackson State Times, The Laurel
Leader Call, and The McComb Enterprise Journal.44 Kennard's
conviction could be found in The Herald, The Clarion-Ledger, Delta
Democrat Times, Greenwood Commonwealth, Jackson Daily News, Jackson
State Times, The Laurel Leader Call, and The Meridian Star. 45
The conviction of Kennard also shows the use of headlines in
accompanying wire articles to voice their opinions on Kennard. For
example, the Laurel Leader Call ran AP articles on Kennard's arrest
and sentencing. Buried on page 15 of the September 26, 1960 issue,
the Leader Call had the story of Kennard's arrest with the headline
"Negro Back to Jail for Default," which in the context of the crime
doesn't make any sense. 46 Kennard's conviction article had the
headline, "Mix-Tryer Gets 7 years for Burglary." 47 To refer as
anyone as a "mixer" in the white press was seen as a negative. The
Clarion-Ledger also did this with its headlines, "Negro who tried to
enter MSC in Trouble Again"48 and "Negro Mixer is Convicted."49
While Kennard's conviction occupied the bottom left hand
corner of the American, the story of Evers contempt charge was one of
the lead stories four days later. The article features comments from
district attorney James Finch, who praised the ruling by Judge
Stanton Hall. Court documents claimed that Evers attempted to
"embarrass" the court.50 The article contained little representation
on the side of Evers and, what is perhaps more telling, the American
in this or subsequent issues never questioned the severity of Evers'
comments. It is astounding that it never occurs to anyone, at least
in this public forum, that perhaps Evers was right. What is more
apparent is the paper's desire to stay away from commenting on
segregation issues on going in their own local community. For
example, just days after Kennard was sentenced and Evers was charged
with contempt, the American ran an editorial on the integration of
schools in New Orleans and suggested that integration efforts should
stop.51 Because of their inconsistencies and the constant appearance
of one-sided reporting, it is evident that the American is trying to
avoid the topic altogether. This is primary the trend found in other
state newspapers sands for a few notable exceptions.
Evers was found guilty of contempt, as noted in the December 2
edition of the American. Unlike the Kennard story, Evers was featured
above the fold at the top of the page in a large, bold headline. As
written by reporter Elliot Chaze, Evers was found guilty although his
contention was that Kennard's case had been concluded. The state
argued that since Roberts had yet to be sentenced, Evers was
guilty.52 The Chaze article could also be found in the
Clarion-Ledger.53 The Jackson Daily News carried the UPI story of
Evers conviction.54 Eventually, Roberts would receive a two year
suspended sentence and never served a day in jail.
What was more evident was the apparent shock that accompanied
the Supreme Court's decision to reverse the Evers' decision. On June
12, 1961, the American featured a story on the decision as the lead
on the front page.55 The AP account is fairly straightforward and
notes that Evers was pleased with the decision. Kennard is merely an
afterthought and is only mentioned once in the article. What is of
more significance is how the article is used in comparison to those
on Kennard. Evers was one of the more disliked individuals from the
white establishment because of his position with the NAACP and his
pro-integration stance, which was stated in an American editorial
shortly after his assignation in 1963.56 In the minds of the white
press, the acts of Evers were more important than the wrongful
persecution of Kennard. This article can also be found in The
Clarion-Ledger, The Daily Herald, Greenwood Commonwealth, and The
Laurel Leader Call 57 while UPI versions could be found in the Delta
Democrat Times and Jackson State Times. 58 The Jackson Daily News
lead with an article by staff writer Bob Pittman, which offered
little in terms of difference from the wire accounts.59
The rest of Kennard's life was relegated to the back pages with a
few exceptions. AP accounts of Kennard's attempts to get a new trial
to the Supreme Court can be found in the American in March 1961.60
The same article was used in the Laurel Leader Call, McComb
Enterprise Journal, the Vicksburg Evening Post, and the Daily
Herald.61 The Jackson State Times featured an article by staff writer
David Maddox, which lead with Brown's attempts to get Kennard a new
trial.62 The American ran an AP story on Kennard's burglary
conviction being upheld on the front page of their April 3, 1961,
edition, which was also in the McComb Enterprise.63 UPI articles
could be found in the Clarion-Ledger, Commercial Dispatch, and
Meridian Star.64 Kennard was later denied a hearing by the Supreme
Court, which appeared in an article on the front of the American on
October 9, 1961. The article was about a column inch on the bottom
right hand side of the page and was placed ominously below a photo
from MSC homecoming where the letter "MCS" was spelled out by the
band.65 This visual served as a sort of reminder to why Kennard was in prison.
By the time November 1962 rolled around, James Meredith and his
struggles against The University of Mississippi occupied most
newspaper front pages in the United States. Kennard, however,
seemingly remained forgotten. An injunction filed by Brown to have
Kennard's sentence thrown out by the Supreme Court seemed to spark
renewed interest in this case. The American, however, still contained
the majority of Kennard based news to its back pages. News of Brown's
motion could be found in the November 26 edition of the American on
page 12.66 The article cited voter records and proved that blacks had
purposely been excluded from jury duty. While on a local level, it
could be argued that a breakthrough such as this could be found on
the front page, the American buried it on the last page of what was
considered the sports section. Kennard was eventually granted a
hearing in Supreme Court to hear his petition, which was depicted in
the American on December 1, buried again on page 8.67 Only when the
Mississippi Supreme Court denied Kennard a new trial was it featured
on the front page of the American.68 These articles and almost
exclusively all on Kennard that appeared in the American after
Kennard's 1960 conviction are AP accounts. It is clear that the
Kennard story is very much a local one for the Hattiesburg area,
however, their reporters and editors made the decision not to cover
Kennard and rely only on wire reports. This lack of initiative by the
American indicates that, to some degree, they did not want to have a
voice in the matter and it seems like after his conviction the story
and duties according to the American were completed.
Just days after Kennard was denied a new trial, his name was
back in the news, as he was taken to the hospital for an unknown
stomach aliment. The AP story in the American made no mention of
Kennard's cancer and only states that he had surgery the year before
for an intestinal lesion. 69 This article could also be found in the
Natchez Democrat, Greenwood Commonwealth, and Laurel Leader
Call.70 Some newspapers, namely the Jackson Daily News, ran the UPI
wire story that detailed Kennard's cancer. 71Only days later, the
American reported through the AP that Kennard and Brown were seeking
clemency from Barnett. The article itself is the first reference the
American made to Kennard having cancer and noted that the disease was
first detected in April of 1962.72 Kennard was eventually grated his
release on January 29, 1963. Kennard's release lead to articles that
offered more praise to the governor and little in terms of the
outrage that should have been exhibited for the treatment of Kennard.
The American ran the AP account of Kennard's return home, which led
with how grateful Kennard was for Barnett's decision. The
Clarion-Ledger and The Jackson State Times also uses this article.73
The article also includes comments from the NAACP echoing praise for Barnett.
The only column from the American staff on Kennard appears just days
later on January 3, 1963. The column commends Barnett for his
decision to release Kennard and states that the governor had offered
Kennard "leaves" to be treated for cancer. The editorial proclaims
that the American "doesn't believe in coddling convicts" but does not
approve of denying the sick proper medical attention. While the
editorial rightfully questions the treatment of Kennard by the state
while in prison, there are years of unanswered questions that have
gone by the wayside and the American had a number of opportunities to
answer. The editorial never questions Kennard's sentence, the
severity of his crimes, his attempt and denial to enter MSC or how
any of the above aspect may have been connected. While the American
is clearly trying to make a bold editorial statement, it is also
acknowledging years of silence and their failure as an impartial news
organization by consistently writing and portraying inconsistent news
accounts of Kennard case. Evidence of this neglect appears in the
July 5, 1963 edition of the American, where the story of Kennard's
death is buried on page 3.74 This seems to be the approach taken by
newspapers across the state, as The Delta Democrat Times and the
Meridian Star had articles on Kennard's death on the front page.75
Vicksburg Evening Post, Tupelo Daily Journal, The Columbus Commercial
Dispatch, and the Natchez Democrat did not have an article on Kennard's death.
Some newspapers in the state simply chose to offer no content
on the plight of Kennard, despite their size and close proximity to
the Hattiesburg area. Some of those papers included The Clarksdale
Daily Register, The Jasper County News, The Sea Coast Echo, The Lamar
County News, and The Century Voice in Yazoo City. By comparison, The
Chicago Tribune carried nine stories while The New York Times carried
six during the five-year time span.
A unique and local source of information on the Kennard case
was The Student Printz, the student newspaper of MSC. However, the
newspaper featured only two articles on Kennard from December 1958
through July 1963, the first coming on December 12, 1958.76 Under the
headline, "Negro Warns He Will Seek Admission to MSC," the article
detailed Kennard's desire to enter the college. The article quotes
Sovereignty Commission chairman Maurice Malone, who said the state
would do anything in its power to prevent Kennard from enrolling. The
article also quotes an anonymous MSC source that claimed that Kennard
had a "very good" record as a student. Another article appeared in
the Printz on September 25, 1959 after his denial and arrest.77 The
article quoted Arts and Science Dean Jay Allen, who noted that
Kennard had incomplete records and failed to meet admission
requirements, a slightly different tale than the one told to the
mainstream media. Allen stressed in his interview that Kennard left
peacefully and the arrest was mentioned briefly. Surprisingly, the
article was buried on the fourth page. The newspaper never ran
another article on Kennard, despite the fact that MSC was involved.
According to Donald Dana, a staff writer with the Printz at the time,
the paper published another article on Kennard that questioned, among
other things, why he wasn't admitted into MSC and the legitimacy of
his crimes. That issue was confiscated by the school's administration
and destroyed. 78
While wire articles dominated Mississippi newspaper content
on the Kennard case, a number of reporters and editors made adepts to
offer a balanced account of Kennard and often tried to make their
voices heard on the matter. These were the exceptions to the
interpretation offered by much of the white media.
What sets the Jackson State Times and the McComb Enterprise
Journal apart from other predominantly white newspapers in
Mississippi is their willingness to ask questions. In an editorial
written by McComb editor Oliver Emmerich on November 30, 1960,
Emmerich points out that the testimony of Roberts is that of "an
illiterate Negro" and that Kennard's attempts to get into MSC were
not made during trial. He said it was asked if Kennard's sentence was
too step, to which it was replied by District Attorney James Finch
that sentences of seven years had routinely been handed out on theft
charges to whites and black. Emmerich wrote that while more people
will be talking about Evers, some attention should be paid to the
sentencing of Kennard, who was basically imprisoned for "petty
larceny." Emmerich claims that the sentence clearly didn't fit the
crime and that Kennard received one year for every $3.57 he was
alleged to steal in chicken feed.79
The appearance of Emmerich's editorial in a newspaper from
this study is rare. It is one of few journalistic attempts to
question the crimes and circumstances surrounding Kennard's
imprisonment. The Times, however, would pay the price, as the
newspaper was warned by the state for publishing the editorial. The
Times would eventually go out of business in 1961.
Emmerich's work continued to appear in the McComb Enterprise
Journal. While the journal ran common AP accounts of the Kennard
case, Emmerich's editorials continued to appear in the newspaper.
Emmerich wrote another editorial on freedom of speech and Evers'
case. He acknowledged that many in Mississippi have applauded the
conviction of Evers and said that Kennard's sentence lends itself to
criticism. Ultimately, it was Kennard who ended up in jail and not
the individual who was being discussed in the media. Regardless of
the attempts to offer equal justice to everyone though the state
courts in Mississippi, Emmerich felt that the case of Kennard has
done away with those efforts. Emmerich also wrote another editorial
on January 30, 1963 after Kennard's release. Emmerich praises Barnett
for his decision and indicated that Kennard "may have taken a bum
rap" for his conviction. Emmerich's work in both the Times and the
Enterprise Journal showed a journalistic effort to question the facts
presented and try to make all voices involved heard. Unlike the
American's attempt to praise Barnett for releasing Kennard, the
Enterprise Journal at least acknowledged the possibility that Kennard
had been unduly punished.
The Delta Democrat Times of Hodding Carter, III was also
somewhat vocal in terms of the Kennard case. While the newspaper ran
a number of UPI accounts of Kennard's plight, the newspaper featured
two editorials on the matter, both of what addressed the Evers
contempt case. The first column is the aforementioned editorial by
Emmerich that appeared in the Enterprise-Journal.80 The second column
appeared on June 13, 1961, the day after the state overturned Evers
conviction. The editorial hailed the decision as the right one. The
editorial, however, never made any mention of Kennard, the very
reason the Evers situation occurred in the first place.81 Despite
this oversight, the Democrat Times actually devoted a fair amount of
space to the wire accounts of Kennard and even lead with the UPI
story of Kennard's release in the January 29, 1962 edition and is one
of two papers to have the story of Kennard's death on the front page.82
Perhaps the only universally outspoken predominant white
newspaper on Kennard's troubles was the Petal Paper. Petal editor
P.D. East was an open supporter of integration in the state of
Mississippi and he used his columns on a few occasions to support
Kennard and ridicule the white dominated society that aimed to deny
him. East wrote a column on Kennard in his weekly paper on October 8,
his first issue after Kennard's failed attempt to enter MSC and
arrest. In discussing the Southern way of life, East wrote that the
best way to preserve that way of life was to "frame" blacks, which he
then used Kennard as an example. He continued by writing that Kennard
was respectful to those at MSC and they were respectful back "by the
limits of the law." He went on to say that he had spoken to students,
faulty, and staff at MSC and many of them said they believed Kennard
was framed and that they supported his attempts to enter MSC. He
concluded the column by sarcastically congratulating the constable
for his work and indicating that Kennard would learn his lesson.83
East addressed Kennard again in his February 11, 1960, column,
proving readers with an update of Kennard's case. East wrote that the
charges against Kennard were "trumped up," but were not in connection
with the college. He placed the blame on the state of Mississippi and
their stance on integration, to which he writes, "I don't think its
right, not at all; but it sure as hell clear."84 East then ran the
letter to the editor from Kennard that appeared in the American on
January 26. East did not write of Kennard again until his death in
July of 1963. By then the struggling Petal Paper had become a monthly
and, in his July issue, East featured perhaps the most powerful and
telling article or editorial of all the newspapers referenced in his
study. Below the fold in the right hand corner of the front page,
East had a picture of Kennard's mother, Lenora Smith, with tears
streaming down her face. At the top of the picture featured the
headline "An Editorial in Three Words" with the words "Clyde
Kennard's Mother" in bold print below the photo. This exercise of
visual journalism is the most powerful argument in support of Kennard
and the horrendous fate he suffered. East, throughout this five year
time period, served as a consciousness of sorts for the primarily
white media. Privately, East was just as outraged about Kennard as in
his editorials. Although East admired Kennard, he became frightened
that his fate could be much like Kennard and he became paranoid that
he would also be framed and sent to prison. 85
The inconsistent coverage of Kennard's case even permeates
the black press of Mississippi, particularly the Jackson Advocate and
the Mississippi Enterprise. While both the Advocate and the
Enterprise, along with the Mississippi Free Press carried articles on
Kennard that featured a more neutral tone than the predominate white
media, there also seems to be a slow shift of Kennard's plight to the
back pages of these newspapers. The weekly Jackson Advocate featured
an article on Kennard's arrest and a separate article on his attempts
to enter MSC on September 19. The article on his arrests, although
not credited, is very similar to the AP version of the incident. What
is interesting is the appearance of the other article, which
announces Kennard's intentions on applying at MSC. While it makes no
mention of the arrest, the article does discuss the efforts of
Clennon King, who tried to enroll at the University of Mississippi to
only be met by police and taken to a mental institution and was later
release after he was found legally sane.86 The pairing of the two
articles is fascinating. The first is a straightforward account of
Kennard's arrest while the other discusses his attempt to enter the
college along with the punishment that faced the last black who tried
to integrate a college in Mississippi. The second article seemed to
offer a justification for Kennard's arrest as being perpetrated by the state.
The Advocate's coverage of Kennard from that point forward
becomes inconsistent at best. For example, the Advocate's article on
Kennard's reckless driving and whiskey conviction was the same UPI
account found in other newspapers.87 Evers' contempt case also seemed
to rule the headlines of the Advocate, as the weekly newspaper did
not feature an article on Kennard's arrest and conviction for chicken
feed, rather the paper had an article on Evers legal proceedings.88
Articles appeared on the newspapers front page about Kennard
receiving a new trial and the upholding of his sentence.89 For the
remainder of Kennard's life, he sparingly appeared in the pages of
the Advocate. News of Barnett's suspension appeared on the front page
of the February 2, 1963 issue90 and Kennard's intended returned to
Hattiesburg was covered in the March 20 edition later that year in an
Associated Negro Press article.91 The Advocate, unfortunately, did
not have an article on Kennard's death. While the Advocate's coverage
featured more original material than other newspapers, the lapses in
coverage are quite confusing. More than another other media outlet,
the Advocate would have a high degree of interest in the Kennard case
and this is not evident in the pages of this newspaper. Percy Greene,
the Advocate's editor, was somewhat conservative in his views on the
Civil Rights movement, as he saw the actions of Evers to be
counter-productive and did not openly support his efforts.92 This
conservative stance may have contributed to the Advocate's
inconsistent coverage of the Kennard case.
The Mississippi Enterprise also featured an article on
Kennard's arrest in their September 19 edition. The article relies
heavy on press releases from MSC and mentioned that the NAACP had yet
to make a decision on getting involved in the case.93 The Enterprise
also had a story on Kennard's conviction in the October 3 issue,
which was fairly short. The article did not include the famous
comment made by Hobby in terms of Kennard's guilt.94 Like the
Advocate, the Enterprise also becomes lax in their coverage of
Kennard. The paper did not have a story about Kennard's arrest for
conspiring to steal chicken feed, his subsequent conviction, or Evers
comments and charge for contempt of court. The next article that
referenced Kennard appeared almost two years later when Evers was
cleared in his contempt of court case. The article reprints Evers
statements and the comments from the court on their ruling.95 Almost
another year and a half would pass before the Enterprise would
feature an article on Kennard, this one on his release from prison.
The article leads with comments from Kennard thanking the governor
for his suspension and comments from the NAACP on Kennard's release
were included. 96 Kennard's cancer was mentioned in the article;
however, no comments or questions were addressed. The Enterprise
followed with an article five months later noting Kennard's death.97
The Enterprise asked little questions in their course of covering
Kennard and, unlike the Advocate and the Free Press, made no effort
to question the state's handling of Kennard and his medical
condition. In an honest examination of the Enterprise, it is safe to
say that they also failed in their duties as a newspaper.
The most outspoken newspaper, white or black, on Kennard's
troubles was the Mississippi Free Press. Founded in 1961 with some
assistance from the outspoken Evers, the newspaper was sort of the
radical opposite of the Advocate and it usually took the Advocate to
task for their conservative methods.98 The weekly newspaper was
clearly a supporter of Kennard and viewed Kennard's imprisonment as a
crime. Kennard first appeared in the newspaper in their July 28, 1962
issue. Unlike the other newspapers in this study, the Free Press
acknowledged that Kennard had become a forgotten figure and in light
of the attention gathered by Meredith and his attempts to enter Ole
Miss, the paper felt it would be best to examine the history of
Kennard in a multi-issue feature.99Written by staff writer Ronald
Hollander, the articles depicted Kennard and his efforts to enter
MSC. However, there were aspects that differed from those reported in
many of the mainstream media accounts. For example, the second
article in the series stated that Kennard knew McCain and trusted him
and Kennard had no desire for his application at MSC to be known by
the public.100 The third article noted that Kennard had stopped a
number of times on his way to MSC and could not figure out if Daniels
and Ward were truly chasing him. If so, it was his belief that they
could have caught him.101 The article also asks a number of questions
that were not asked by other newspapers, including the legitimacy of
the methods used by the police, when the whiskey in Kennard's car
actually came into play, and the claims made by the illiterate
Roberts.102 The testimony of Roberts and the line of questions are
also featured in the series and suggest that District Attorney James
Finch led Roberts' testimony significantly and that the majority of
what was said in court was contradictory.103 Hollander concluded that
the evidence against Kennard did not prove that he and Roberts had
conspired before the crime was committed. The article also included a
photo of Kennard's mother Lenora Smith, who is quoted as saying "I
hope Clyde's stay in jail is not in vain."104
Kennard's quest for an appeal is depicted on the front page
of the Free Press on December 1, 1962 and notes that Kennard should
be released based on the deliberate exclusion of blacks from the jury
pool.105 A key article on the Kennard case appeared in the December
22, 1962 issue. The Free Press led with an article about students at
the private Tougaloo College had started a nationwide potation to
free Kennard. The petition was headed up by Doris Ladner of
Hattiesburg and stated in appeal that Kennard was "a human being who
had been unjustly accused."106 What is key about this account is that
other media outlets, including the American, did not have an article
on this petition. To an observer, it appears as if the other
newspapers in the state wanted to silence any pro-Kennard statements
from the general public. The Free Press later featured an editorial
on December 29 that asked for people to remember Clyde Kennard and
sign the petition being circulated by Tougaloo.107 The Free Press
expressed shock and outrage over Kennard's cancer and his lack of
medical attention. In the headline article, the Free Press wrote that
Kennard was often forced to work in the hardest areas of manual labor
despite the fact that he often collapsed during the two-mile walk to
work.108 The Superintendent of Mississippi State Prison C.E.
Breazaele was also accused of denying Kennard medical care even after
he was made aware of his medical condition and at the press time of
the article; it had been seven months since Kennard had last seen a
doctor. The Free Press lead with the story of Kennard's release in
their February 2 issue and said the move was only made after
information regarding Kennard's lack of medical treatment was made
public to the media.109 Unwavering, Kennard told the newspaper that
if he returned to normal health, he would like to get a law degree
and help other blacks in Mississippi in his position. The article
also emphatically states that Kennard was questioned for the theft of
chickenfeed because of his attempts to enter MSC. Medical updates on
Kennard appeared in the Free Press two more times before he died.
Kennard's death, unlike mainstream media, was the lead story in the
Free Press.110 A letter from Kennard's family later appeared in the
July 27 issue, thanking the Free Press for their efforts.111 The
white media, in connection with Kennard's subsequent release and the
revelation that he had cancer, did not address these details and
questions. It is clear, though looking at the work of the Free Press,
that the majority of mainstream newspapers in Mississippi failed in
their duties and helped remove Kennard's case from collective memory
of the public. It is unimaginable that the questions addressed by the
Free Press went unasked or unanswered by members of the mainstream media.
The media coverage of Kennard from 1958 through his death in
1963 is clearly inconsistent and primarily driven by the white media.
It is also clear that many of the questions that were raised from
Kennard's arrest and conviction were never asked much less answered.
It only occurred to a media minority, namely the Petal Paper and the
Mississippi Free Press to even suggest that the charges were
fabricated and Kennard was wrongfully imprisoned. The mainstream
media helped with the systematic punishment of Kennard and his
challenge to the dominant white culture by failing in their roles as
a community watchdog. The desegregation of Mississippi's white
colleges was a major threat to the establishment, as evidence in
Meredith and his efforts to enroll at the University of Mississippi.
With Kennard, there was no government intervention to make the case a
national story, thus making it easier for the state to railroad him
and thus for him to be forgotten. Plus, as the case with the American
and the Hederman family, many of the newspaper owners were apart of
said establishment, making an impartial voice from the media
non-existent. Although newspaper writers never openly spoke out
against Kennard, for the most part, they remained silent on the
issue. By not saying anything at all, they did just as much damage.
Kennard's tale of neglect from the media did not end with his death.
Years went by before Kennard's struggles were questioned in the pages
of Mississippi newspapers. Questions surrounding Kennard's arrest and
conviction remained in the Hattiesburg area, on the campus of the
University of Southern Mississippi, and in the state. In 1991,
information from the Sovereignty Commission confirmed what had been
long believed by many in the southern Mississippi community: Kennard
was framed. As early as 1958, a plan had been discussed that would
have had whiskey planted in Kennard's car so that he would be
arrested for illegal possession. There was even a failed plan that
had dynamite being placed in the starter of Kennard's car in an
effort to kill him. Before his death, McCain still professed that he
had no knowledge of any plot to arrest Kennard, even though he spoke
with Coleman about adding extra security to the campus for Kennard's
visit. Lucas, who was president of Southern Miss in 1991 when the
plot to kill Kennard was released, also said he knew nothing of any
plots against Kennard. When told of a plot to kill the potential
student, Lucas could only respond by saying, "Oh my God."112 Lucas
would later lead an effort to have one of the administration
buildings on Southern Miss's campus named after Kennard. Lucas called
Kennard plight "an opportunity denied" and said the naming of the
building after Kennard, "would remind us of that tragic chapter in
our history-and so reminded, we must resolve not to repeat those
errors of our past."113
In December 2005, Roberts told reporter Jerry Mitchell of the
Clarion-Ledger that Kennard was innocent of the burglary charges and
stated he was willing to testify under oath to the fact.114 Students
at Southern Miss soon began circulating a petition asking for
Kennard's exoneration. An affidavit was filed with the state of
Mississippi by the Center on Wrongful Conviction calling for governor
Haley Barbour to grant Kennard a posthumous pardon. The request asked
Barbour to change history and "close the chapter of this tragic story
and restore Clyde Kennard to his rightful place as a hero of the
Mississippi civil rights movement."115 Despite the testimony of
Roberts and the efforts of Southern Miss students, the state Supreme
Court ruled on February 23 that they would not overturn the Kennard
conviction because they lacked authority to do so, leaving Barbour as
the only individual who could legally clear Kennard's name. During
Barbour's tenure as governor, he has never overturned a past conviction.116
1 John Howard Griffin and Bradford Daniel, "Why They Can't Wait: An
Interview with a White Negro." The Progressive 28, July 1964, p. 18-19.
2 Mississippi State Sovereignty Commission Files, ID 1-27-0-6-4-1-1,
Mississippi State Archives available at http://www.mdah.state.ms.us/.
3 Erle Johnston. Mississippi's Defiant Years. Lake Forrest
Publishers: Forrest, MS, 1990, p. 53 and Mississippi State
Sovereignty Commission Files, ID 1-27-0-41-1-1-1, Mississippi State
Archives available at http://www.mdah.state.ms.us/.
4 Katagiri, p.60.
5 Hattiesburg American, 15, September 1959, p 1.
6 Hattiesburg American, 29, September 1959, p. 1.
7 Hattiesburg American, 5 December 1958.
8 Monte Piliawsky. Exit 13 (South End Press, Boston, MA., 1982), p. 25.
9 Johnstone, p. 54.
10 Maryanne Vollers. Ghosts of Mississippi, (Little, Brown and
Company, 1995) p. 102.
11 Yasuhiro Katagiri. The Mississippi State Sovereignty Commission:
Civil Rights and States' Rights. (University Press of Mississippi,
Jackson, 2001), p. 56.
12 Johnston, p.53-55.
13 Pittsburg Courier, 9, February 1963, p. 4.
14 Johnstone, p. 53 and Piliawsky, p. 23.
15 Katagiri, p. 55.
16 Vollers, p. 99 and David Davies. The Press and Race: Mississippi
Journalists Confront the Movement (University Press of Mississippi,
Jackson, MS, 2001) p. 8-9.
17 Piliawsky, p. 25.
18 Davies, p. 27.
19 Davies, p. 115.
20 Hattiesburg American. 6, December 1958. P. 2.
21 Hattiesburg American. 10, December 1958. P.1.
22 Hattiesburg American. 15, December 1958, p. 1 and Hattiesburg
American. 16, December 1958, p. 1.
23 Hattiesburg American, 15, September 1959, p. 1.
24 Chattanooga Times, 23, September 1956, p. 1.
25 Piliawsky, p. 23. and The Ubyssey, 28, January 1963, p. 8.
26 Jackson State Times. 15, September 1959, p.1.
27 Jackson Daily News, 15, September 1959,p. 1.; Tupelo Daily
Journal, 16, September 1959, p. 9; and Meridian Star, 15, September
1959, p. 1.
28 Commercial Dispatch, 16, September 1959, p. 1.
29 Clarion-Ledger, 15, September 1959, p. 1.
30 Delta Democrat-Times, 15, September 1959, p. 1.
31 Daily Herald, 15, September 1959, p. 1; Laurel Leader Call, 15,
September 1959, p.1; Vicksburg Evening Post, 15, 1959, p.1; and
Greenwood Commonwealth, 15, September 1959, p. 1.
32 McComb Enterprise Journal, 16, September 1959, p. 1. and Natchez
Democrat, 16, September 1959, p.2.
33 Davies, p.115.
34 Jackson State Times, 17, September 1959, pg. 1.
35 Hattiesburg American16, September 1959, p. 1 and Hattiesburg
American, 19, September 1959, p. 1-7.
36 Hattiesburg American, 25, September 1959. p. 6.
37 Hattiesburg American, 29, September 1959, p. 1-4.
38 Delta Democrat Times, 29, September 1959, p .1; Laurel Leader
Call,29, September 1959, p. 2; and Vicksburg Evening Post, 29,
September 1959, p .1.
39 Clarion-Ledger, 30, September 1959, p.1; Jackson Daily News,29,
September 1959, p. 1; Jackson State Time, 29, September 1959, p. 1;
Meridian Star, 29, September 1959, p. 1; and Tupelo Daily Journal,
30, September 1959, p .9.
40 Hattiesburg American, 30, September 1959, p. 16.
41 Hattiesburg American, 26, January 1960, p. 7.
42 Hattiesburg American, 26, September 1960, p. 1, 10.
43 Hattiesburg American, 22, November 1960, p. 1, 4.
44 Daily Herald, 27, September 1960, p. 1; Clarion-Ledger,27,
September 1960, p .7; Jackson State Times, 27, September 1960, p .7;
Laurel Leader Call, 27, September 1960, p. 15 and McComb Enterprise
Journal, 27, September 1960, p.7.
45 Daily Herald, 23, November 1960, p.1; Clarion-Ledger, 22, November
1960, p. 1; Delta Democrat Times, 22, November 1960, p. 2; Greenwood
Commonwealth, 22, November 1960, p.2; Jackson Daily News, 22,
November 1960, p. 3; Jackson State Times, 22, November 1960, p. 10;
Laurel Leader Call, 22, November 1960, p. 2; and Meridian Star, 22,
November 1960, p. 1.
50 Hattiesburg American, 26, November 1960, p.1, 4.
51 Hattiesburg American, 1, December 1960, p. 10.
52 Hattiesburg American, 2, December 1960, p. 1, 4.
53 Clarion-Ledger, 2, December 1960, p. 1, 16.
54 Jackson Daily News, 2, December 1960, p. 1, 4;
55 Hattiesburg American, 13, June 1961, p. 1.
56 Hattiesburg American, 13, June 1963, p. 10.
57 Clarion-Ledger, 13, June 1961, p. 1; Daily Herald, 13. June 1961,
p .1; Greenwood Commonwealth, 12, June 1961, p .1; and Laurel Leader
Call, 12, June 1961, p. 2.
58 Delta Democrat Times, 12, June 1961, p. 1; and Jackson State
Times, 12, June 1961, p.3.
59 Jackson Daily News, 12, June 1961, p. 1, 12.
60 Hattiesburg American, 13, March 1961, p. 5 and Hattiesburg
American, 14, March 1961, p. 9.
61 Laurel Leader Call, 14, Mach 1961,p. 1; McComb Enterprise Journal,
14, Mach 1961,p. 1; The Vicksburg Evening Post, 14, Mach 1961,p. 1;
Daily Herald, 14, Mach 1961,p. 1.
62 Jackson State Times, 3, March 1961, p. 1.
63 Hattiesburg American, 3, April, 1961, p.1.
64 Clarion-Ledger, 3, March 1961, p. 1.; Commercial Dispatch, 3,
March 1961, p. 1.; and Meridian Star, 3, March 1961, p. 1.
65 Hattiesburg American, 9, October 1961, p. 1, 2.
66 Hattiesburg American, 26, November 1962, p.12.
67 Hattiesburg American, 1, December 1962, p.8
68 Hattiesburg American, 14, January 1963, p.1.
69 Hattiesburg American, 25, January 1963, p. 2.
70 Natchez Democrat, 27, January 1963, p. 11; Greenwood
Commonwealth, 29, January 1963, p. 4; and Laurel Leader Call, 25,
January 1963, p. 2.
71 Jackson Daily News, 25, January 1963, p .1.
72 Hattiesburg American, 28, January 1963, p.1.
73 Clarion-Ledger, 29, January 1963, p. 1, 3; and Jackson Daily News,
29, January 1963, p.12.
74 Hattiesburg American, 5, July 1963, p.3.
75 Delta Democrat Times, 5, July 1963, p.1; and Meridian Star, 5,
July 1963, p. 1.
76 Student Printz, 12, December 1958, p. 1.
77 Student Printz, 25, September 1959, p.4.
78 E-mail correspondence with Donald Dana, 21, November 2005.
79 Jackson State Times, 30, November 1960, p. 8. and McComb
Enterprise Journal, 30, November 1960, p. 2.
80 Delta Democrat Times, 9, December 1960, p. 4.
81 Delta Democrat Times, 13, July 1961, p.4.
82 Delta Democrat Times, 29, January 1963, p.1 and Delta Democrat
Times, 5, July 1963, p.1.
83 Petal Paper, 8, October 1959, p.1-2.
84 Petal Paper, 11, February, 1960, p. 1-2.
85 Gary Huey." P.D. East, Southern Liberalism, and the Civil Rights
Movement, 1953-1971." Scholarly Resources, Inc: Wilmington, Delaware,
1985. p. 184.
86 Jackson Advocate. 19, September 1959, p. 1-5.
87 Jackson Advocate, 3, October 1959, p. 1, 2.
88 Jackson Advocate, 3, December 1960, p. 1, 5.
89 Jackson Advocate. 11, March 1961, p. 1, 8. and Jackson Advocate
15, April 1961, p. 1, 2.
90 Jackson Advocate, 2, February 1963, p. 1, 8.
91 Jackson Advocate 20, March 1963, p. 4.
92 Davies, p. 71-73.
93 Mississippi Enterprise, 19, September 1959, p. 1.
94 Mississippi Enterprise, 3, October 1959, p. 1 -3.
95 Mississippi Enterprise, 17, June 1961, p.1.
96 Mississippi Enterprise, 2, February 1963, p. 1.
97 Mississippi Enterprise, 13, July 1963. p.1.
98 Davies, p. 75.
99 Mississippi Free Press, 28, July 1962, p. 1.
100 Mississippi Free Press, 11, August 1962, p. 3.
101 Mississippi Free Press, 18, August 1962, p. 4.
102 Mississippi Free Press, 1, September 1962, p. 3.
103 Mississippi Free Press, 8, September 1962, p. 3.
104 Mississippi Free Press, 22, September 1962, p. 3.
105 Mississippi Free Press, 1, December 1962, p. 1, 3.
106 Mississippi Free Press, 22, December 1962, p. 1, 3.
107 Mississippi Free Press, 29, December 1962, p. 2.
108 Mississippi Free Press, 26, January 1963, p. 1, 4.
109 Mississippi Free Press. 2, February 1963, p.1, 4.
110 Mississippi Free Press, 13, July 1963, p. 1.
111 Mississippi Free Press, 27, July 1963, p. 3.
112 Clarion-Ledger, 9, September 1991, p. 1, 5. Sec. A.
113 Clarion-Ledger, 29, February 1992, p. 1, Sec. B.
114 Clarion-Ledger, 31, December 2005, p.1, Sec. A.
115 Clarion-Ledger, 4, February 2006, p. 1, Sec. A.
116 Student Printz, 16, March 2006, p.1.