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This paper was presented at the Association for Education in Journalism and
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Elliott Parker
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"Always a Bridesmaid and Never a Bride:"
Portrayals of Women of Color as Brides in
Bridal Magazines
By:
Cynthia M. Frisby, Ph.D.
Associate Professor
Department of Advertising
University of Missouri-Columbia
221 Walter Williams
Columbia, MO 65211
(573) 882-6232 (office)
(573) 882-4823 (FAX)
Black Brides
Black Brides 4
ABSTRACT
"Always a Bridesmaid and Never a Bride:"
Portrayals of Women of Color as Brides in Bridal Magazines
Bridal advertisements from 2000-2004 were content analyzed as an
extension of a study reported in a book titled White Weddings that
assessed the portrayals of African American women as brides in bridal
magazines from 1959 - 1999. Data obtained show that the proportion
of Caucasian women as brides was greater than the number of ads
featuring Black women as brides. Significant differences were also
found on the ethnicity of the model used on the cover of magazines.
Thus, this research supports previous research that shows more
popular bridal magazines tend to showcase Caucasian women as both
brides and bridesmaids.
"Always a Bridesmaid and Never a Bride:"
Portrayals of Women of Color as Brides in Bridal Magazines
Examining bridal advertisements for evidence of the role they play in
our economy makes complete sense, but, examining advertisements in
bridal magazines for the role they play in encouraging cultural
sensitivity, breaking down stereotypes and prejudices, and supporting
diversity efforts provides insight into whether or not advertisements
in bridal magazines can actually broaden or shorten our society's
cultural divide. Do the images in bridal magazines present a
distorted reality and unify particular beliefs about women of
color? The present study examines whether the phrase "always a
bridesmaid, never a bride" was actually meant for women of color.
The purpose of this paper is to uncover various forms of hidden bias
in bridal advertisements, and discuss how this hidden bias can harm
not only African American women's sense of identity in this culture,
but also how the bias might actually harm attempts to show that our
society is multicultural and accepting of people of color. By
conducting a content analysis of bridal advertisements, this research
hopes to challenge advertisers, advertising researchers, magazine
editors and other mass media professionals to re-examine how, where,
and when people of color are displayed (portrayed) in advertisements.
Bridal magazines rely heavily on idealized images and "happy ever
after" romance themes. This fairy-tale theme can be found in
articles, advertisements and editorial content so that publishers can
"sell" products or services that young brides need in order to
create, produce, and participate in "the perfect wedding."
Along with the romance, happy ever after theme found in bridal
magazines, one can also find a common theme or idea as to how we
define the "perfect bride." The dominant image of today's bride is
that she is white, blond, blue-eyed, thin, and pretty. Compared to
images in traditional media, brides, as portrayed in many bridal
magazines, all seem to look alike--sending the message to consumers
that in order to be a "beautiful bride" one must be white, thin, and
pretty. For women of color, the covert message in the magazines and
advertisements could be perceived as one of assimilation or
conformity, in that the images may urge women of color to become or
imitate the icon of the white beautiful bride in the beautiful white
bridal gown. The question guiding this study is this: do images of
brides send a clear message to young and old alike that what counts
as beautiful is white?
African American marriage rates seem to be on the upswing--from 46.1
percent in 1996 to 47.9 percent in 2001--after a 40-year downward
spiral (Kinnon, 2003). However, the number of African American
married couples is only half the number of married Whites. And, an
even more alarming statistic is the increase in the number of both
African American men and women who have never been married. Kinnon
(2003) reports that the percentage of African American women who are
married has declined from 62 percent to 31 percent between 1950 and 2002.
Not only are African-Americans marrying at a lower rate, they are
also marrying at a later age. The Joint Center for Political and
Economic Studies reports that by the age of 30, 81 percent of White
women and 77 percent of Hispanics and Asians will marry, but that
only 52 percent of African American women will marry by that age.
African American women are also the least likely to re-marry
following divorce. Only 32 percent of African American women will get
married again within five years of divorce; that figure is 58 percent
for White women and 44 percent for Hispanic women.
The problem here may be explained in large part to favoritism as
displayed in the media and in ads. Perhaps the presence of Caucasian
women as brides has sent an unintended message to African American
women and that message is: The only qualified woman for marriage is a
White woman. It is possible to speculate that one contributing
factor toward the decline in African American marriages may be that
by excluding Blacks, advertisements may disproportionately penalize
and send the wrong message to potential African American brides and grooms.
Bias in Coverage
In examining national bridal magazines, Ingraham (1999) found that
all magazines showcase Caucasian women as both brides and
bridesmaids, and if an African American woman is shown as a bride, it
is typically halfway into the issue and the portrayal is that of one
African American bridesmaid in a wedding party made up of several
white women. Ingraham (1999) went on to report that few, if any ads
were found that featured predominately African American, Hispanic, or
Asian wedding parties. Research has shown that the dominant icon of
beauty in bridal magazines is that of the white bride with blond hair
(Fields & Fields, 1998; Ingraham, 1999).
"Contrasted against the images in Bride's, model, and real brides all
seem to look alike, sending the message that to be a bride is to look
this way, to buy these products, and to participate in a
hetoerogendered, racial and class division of labor in keeping with
these images" (Ingraham, 1999, p. 93).
In a 1990 study on portrayals of African American brides used in
advertising, Ingraham (1999) found that at least two to three times
as many African American women were used to advertise bridesmaids'
dresses. In her book titled, "White Weddings," Ingraham (1999)
discovered that bridal advertisements containing African American
bridesmaids did not appear until after halfway through each
issue. Since this study was conducted in the early 90s, the present
study was designed to see if current advertisements will reflect
current national trends toward multiculturalism and cultural
sensitivity (i.e., being politically correct). Unfortunately, very
few studies to date have centered on the portrayals of people of
color as main characters in traditional media. Data obtained in the
present paper should prove useful to advertisers, advertising
academicians and researchers, magazine editors, as well as marketers
because the information obtained might identify and determine how
women from different cultures are featured in bridal
magazines. Further understanding of how magazine editors and
advertisers use people of color will help raise the question whether
or not the stereotype concerning who qualifies to be married excludes
women of color.
African-Americans and the Media
Historically, African-Americans have been underrepresented
represented in mainstream advertising. "The large number of
appearances of African Americans in minor and background roles and
the converse—their relative infrequency of appearance in major
roles—suggest an unwelcome tokenism" (Taylor, Lee, & Stern,
1995). In a study of portrayals of African Americans in magazine
and television commercials, Zinkhan, Qualls, and Biswas (1990) found
an upward trend in portrayals of African American characters and
actors in both magazine and television advertisements. This upward
trend was also confirmed in another related study which shows that
African-Americans now account for approximately 25% of characters or
actors depicted in advertisements (Wilkes & Valencia, 1989). Thus,
it appears as if the frequency of African-American portrayals in the
media is improving.
Advertisers commonly use light skinned African American models to
cater to a diverse consumer population. Using light-skinned African
American models in advertising may have roots from when the
mixed-race population began growing during slavery. Now, in times
when society demands more diversity in media, advertisers seem to
rely on the use of African American models with European physical
features to advertise mainstream products. Take Revlon cosmetics,
for example. In the early 1990s, Revlon began a campaign using Halle
Berry. Berry, the daughter of a white mother and a African American
father, was the first African American model for Revlon. For African
American women, however, Berry was not a true representation of the
African American female. Frisby (2000) found that African American
women felt that the inclusion of Halle Berry in the Revlon ad was
just the advertiser's way of using a "safe" African American image in
their ad. One woman said: "I'm looking at the model and saying,
that's not me. That's not who I am" (Frisby, 2000). Using African
American models with European features may seem like a solution to
advertisers because it satisfies the demand for diverse
advertisement, but at what costs?
Keenan (1996) found that African Americans in advertisements had
lighter complexions and more Caucasian features than those in news
editorial photographs. This researcher also discovered that African
American women in ads were lighter than African American men. Leslie
(1995) investigated the changing image of African Americans in
advertisements and found significant differences in the aesthetic
qualities of the models used in ads. This researcher found that many
of the models used in the ads were fair-skinned and had European
features. So, while research reveals an increase in the use of
African American models and African American products, the trend
seems to suggest that the facial appearance and features tend to be
more "Caucasian-like" and are depicted with Eurotypic features.
In sum, most of the studies on African American portrayals in
mainstream media support the idea that, while there are significantly
more representations of African Americans in ads, there were more
depictions of images whose appearance represents the typical
Eurotypic (white and/or Caucasian) facial type. Despite overwhelming
data showing increases in the number of portrayals of African
Americans in advertising, it still appears as if the disparity in
status and power between the African American community and the White
community has remained relatively stable over the years, or has it?
RESEARCH QUESTIONS
The goal of this study is to analyze covers and the content of bridal
advertisements of magazines targeting women. Much attention was
given to images and ethnicity of models used in advertisements. A
quantitative content analysis was deemed an appropriate method for
this study, as it will provide a reality check of the realistic
portrayals of how African American women are portrayed in bridal magazines.
The study sought to determine if portrayals of African American women
as brides in bridal magazines have increased over time. To address
this question, a representative sample of bridal advertisements
published in bridal magazines had to be examined and the ethnicity of
the model in the ads identified. Are African American women
invisible brides? Do advertisements send out messages that inform us
that African American women are not "qualified" to be brides, and if
so, what are the ramifications of these images? To test the fairness
in portrayals of African American women in bridal advertising, this
study examined the advertisements in bridal magazine and looked at
portrayals of brides across 5 years. A content analysis was deemed
an appropriate research method for this study as this method makes it
easier to answer the research question: Is there a greater proportion
of Caucasian women as brides than African American women in bridal magazines?
Advertisers in the mid 1960s were hesitant about the possibility of
including African Americans in advertisements. Many faced ethical
dilemmas and struggled with making decisions about placement of
African American images in advertisements. A lot has happened since
the 1960s. Forces such as desegregation and affirmative action have
cut across cultures to create similarities, or more important,
creating a multicultural society. Thus, we would expect
advertisements and images to reflect this multicultural value. This
research led to the development of the first research question:
RQ1: Has advertising in bridal magazines evolved to include brides of color?
This research question will address the overall purpose of the study
and that is to see what changes, if any, have occurred regarding the
frequency of Black brides in bridal magazines,
Portrayals of African American Brides
Analyses of ads in magazines such as Bride's, Modern Bride, and
Elegant Bride, show that a large majority of women included in the
ads were white, middle- to upper-class, usually thin, fair-haired,
blue-eyed, physically attractive, young women (Fields & Fields, 1990;
Ingraham, 1999). Ingraham (1999) conducted an in-depth analysis of
the flagship of all bridal magazines. The researcher reviewed
Bride's, Modern Bride, Elegant Bride, Bridal Guide, and Signature
Bride and found several interesting patterns. This research revealed
that since 1959, only four covers had women of color as the cover
bride, and also reported that the number of African American brides
appearing in the magazines is extremely low. Since 1990, the re
search found that the average percentage of African American brides
per issue in Brides, for example is 2.4%. This study, however, was
conducted in the late 90s. What changes, if any, have occurred in the numbers?
Brides versus Bridesmaids
Ingraham (1999) conducted an in-depth analysis of the flagship of all
bridal magazines. The researcher reviewed Bride's, Modern Bride,
Elegant Bride, Bridal Guide, and Signature Bride and found several
interesting patterns. This research revealed that since 1959, only
four covers had women of color as the cover bride, and also reported
that the number of African American brides appearing in the magazines
is extremely low. Since 1990, the re search found that the average
percentage of African American brides per issue in Brides, for
example is 2.4%. To determine if changes in how Black women are
presented, on the cover of magazines and in group settings, two
research questions similar to those posed by Fields and Fields (1998)
were used to guide the present research:
RQ 2: How many times are African American women represented as brides
and bridesmaids in bridal magazines over the last five years?
RQ3: How many times are African American women represented as cover
brides in bridal magazines over the last five years?
METHOD
All bridal magazines published in the last 5 years were requested
via the inter-library loan process. This study recorded 6,486
advertisements during a five-year period. Since prior research
investigated portrayals of African American women as brides from 1959
– 1999, it was decided that the present investigation should start in
January 2000. To stay consistent with prior research conducted by
Fields & Fields (1998) and Ingraham (1999), we reviewed bridal
advertisements in Modern Bride, Elegant Bride, and Bride's from 2000
– 2004. As stated earlier, we used a simple random selection of the
convenience sample and identified 4 issues from each magazine. For
example, among the six possible publication months, Jan/Feb, Mar/Apr,
May/Jun, July/Aug, Sep/Oct, and Nov/Dec, four months were drawn from
years 2000, 2001, 2002, 2003, and 2004. Then, using a random numbers
table, we randomly selected four issues until all magazines were
included. The unit of analysis in this study is the magazine and
included a total of 57 issues. A few issues were lost as libraries
were unable to find specific issues in their archive.
Content Categories
This study concentrated on five indexes: (1) number of Caucasian
brides represented in advertisements, (2) number of African American
brides represented in ads, (3) number of bridesmaids ads, and (4)
number of ads in which an African American appeared as a bridesmaid,
and (5) the number of African American women appearing on the cover
of bridal magazines. With the dominant trend toward using
light-skinned models, it is often difficult to determine ethnicity of
the bride. In order to code for ethnicity, we relied on the
following characteristics: (a) texture of hair, (b) facial features
(i.e., wide nose, lips, etc), (c) skin color and tone, and (d) body type.
If the ad contained multiple models of the same color, coders were
instructed to identify the occurrence. This coding category was only
used for post-hoc analysis and to add meaning to the findings.
Sampling
A convenience sample of bridal magazines published from January 2000
through December 2004 were included for study. Because most
libraries do not archive bridal magazines, the researcher ha to
acquire bridal magazines from libraries around the country and
generate a sample of magazines from 2000. Thus, resources limited
the ability to generate a random sample of the population.
It should be noted that a convenience sample was also deemed
appropriate for this study as the study is specifically designed to
explore an under researched, but important area. With little
research available in the area of cross cultural images and
portrayals in bridal magazines, the convenience sample used in this
study is a perfect starting point for study and scholarship.
Recent magazines published between January 2000 and January 2005 were
obtained and used in the sampling procedure. The researcher used a
simple random selection of four issues from each year in order to
make inferences about the portrayals.
Each magazine was perused to identify full-page advertisements that
featured a sole African-American or Caucasian model. Every
advertisement in which a sole-female image appeared was included in
the sample. Advertisements in which females were portrayed in the
typical wedding party pose were also included. Ads that appeared
multiple times in a magazine were included only once in the sample
for a given magazine. While we believed many of these criteria
relied on coder bias and coding based on stereotypical qualities of
African American women (i.e., skin tone, nose, hair texture, etc), it
was believed that some criteria were needed in order to correctly
identify African American models.
The researcher was interested primarily in identifying instances in
which African American models appeared alone, or as bridesmaids as
the focus of bridal advertisements. Each magazine ad was content
analyzed by three coders (see the Appendix). To increase coder
reliability, three coders were trained in a two-day training session
in order to produce agreement on the definition of any variable on
the coding sheet. Four issues were randomly selected from the sample
pool, and were tested in order to establish intercoder
reliability. The coders mainly focused on assessing the number of
portrayals of bridal occurrences, bridesmaid occurrences, and cover
model occurrences.
Percentage agreement figures for all reported categories were in
excess of the 85% agreement standard recommended (Kassarjiian,
1977). Reliability are as follows; number of Caucasian brides
represented in advertisements, = .96 (2) number of African American
brides represented in ads = .89, (3) number of bridesmaids ads, =
.96, and (4) number of ads in which an African American appeared as a
bridesmaid, = .90 and (5) the number of African American women
appearing on the cover of bridal magazines affective response =
96.9%. Acceptable levels of reliability were determined by using
coefficients of .80 or greater. According to Neuendorf (2002),
coefficients of .80 or greater are acceptable in most situations.
Data Analysis and Procedure
Once the data were collected, SPSS was used to determine the
frequency by which portrayals of African American women as brides and
bridesmaids occurred. An analysis of variance was conducted to
determine differences in responses and reactions to individual
models. The analysis did not identify images that resulted in
extreme responses. Once it was determined, measures assessing
affective responses for African American images were combined to
provide an index of affect. The same procedure was conducted for the
Caucasian images.
An analysis of variance was used in order to simultaneously compare
mean differences in frequency of portrayals. It was determined that
this approach would help determine if portrayals have gained in
importance during the five-year period. A 95% confidence level was
chosen in order to determine if there were any real differences in a
population.
Results
In general, data show that the proportion of all bridal images used
in ads were that of Caucasian women. Table 1 presents an overall
portrait of the frequencies/means with which the number of portrayals
occurred. This analysis provides a basic overview and should be used
to help understand the meaning of the findings obtained in the
remaining part of this investigation. A brief look at the means
presented in Table 1 also shows how much more comfortable advertisers
are with placing African American women in group settings, as
bridesmaids, than they are as brides.
The research question sought to determine if there was variation in
the depiction of Black women in bridal magazines, from 2000 –
2004. Since prior work conducted by Fields and Fields (1998) and
Ingraham (1999) showed few, if any variation in the depiction of
Black women in bridal ads, from 1959-1999, comparisons with data
obtained in the present research were in order.
Table 1: Mean numbers of images used in bridal advertisements.
Bridal Magazine
Bride's
Modern Bride
Elegant Bride
Total number of ads found in magazine
157.4
119.7
115.0
Total number of ads with Caucasian bride
143.9
99.5
45.4
Total number of ads with Black Bride (alone)
1.2
0.0
0.0
Total number of ads depicting bridesmaids
9.1
8.7
3.0
Total number of ads that have Black women in group of bridesmaids
3.0
7.6
2.0
Number of ads with Black on cover
0.0
0.0
0.0
Data analysis was conducted to test significant differences in how
bridal magazines portray Caucasian and African American women in
their advertisements. It was determined that this test would help
lay the groundwork in explaining differences (or lack of) in
portrayals of women of color. Analysis revealed that there were no
significant differences between 2000 and 2004 in frequency of
portrayals of Black brides, F(5, 59) = 3.1, p < .01. A one-way
analysis of the variance indicates that portrayals of Black women as
brides has not increased and that there were significant differences
in the mean number of portrayals of Caucasian women as brides as
compared to Black women portrayed as brides.
To address the first research question, a one-way analysis of
variance was conducted to test the difference in portrayals of Black
women bridal advertisements among three bridal magazines, Modern
Bride, Elegant Bride, and Bride's. There was a statistical
significance in the proportion of advertisements featuring White
brides compared to Black brides, F(3, 59) = 10.3, p <.0001. Table 2
indicates that the number of portrayals of African American women as
brides in bridal magazines is much fewer than the number of
portrayals of Caucasian women as brides in bridal magazines. Data
show that of the 6,000 ads found over the last five years, 70 (less
than 2%) of the advertisements actually featured a black woman as a bride.
Table 2: Mean Scores of Portrayals of African American and Caucasian
women as Brides in Bridal Magazines.
Ethnicity of Brides
Caucasian
African American
Magazine
Bride's
143.9***
1.2 ***
Modern Bride
99.5 ***
.45 ***
Elegant Bride
45.4 ***
.00 ***
Note: High scores indicate a higher occurrence.
* p < .05, ** p < .01, *** p < .001
RQ 2: How many times are African American women represented as
bridesmaids in bridal magazines over the last five years?
RQ2 sought to determine possible variation in the images of women of
color as bridesmaids compared to brides. The second research question
asked how many times Black women were represented as bridesmaids in
bridesmaids setting as compared to Caucasian women. A one-way ANOVA
was performed to test differences among the three magazines.
Table 3: Mean Scores of Portrayals of African American and Caucasian
women as Bridesmaids in Bridal Magazines.
Type of Group Setting
Number of bridesmaids ads
Number of bridesmaids ad containing one (or more) black women in group
Magazine
Bride's
9.1***
2.9 ***
Modern Bride
8.7
7.6
Elegant Bride
3.0 *
2.0 *
Note: High scores indicate a higher occurrence.
* p < .05, ** p < .01, *** p < .001
Interesting, Table 3 indicates that there was statistical
significance in the proportion of bridesmaids advertisements and the
number of ads that contained one or more women in the group, F(3,59)
= 3.5, p < .05, providing further support for prior research which
suggests that African Americans do frequently appear more in token
roles or integrated settings in mainstream media, than as main
characters. A paired t-test was then conducted in order to determine
if there is a difference in the way African American women are
portrayed in bridal ads. The t-test indicated statistical
significance in the way Black women are portrayed in mainstream
media, t (3) = 28.3, p < .0001, suggesting again that advertisers
may feel more comfortable placing Black women in background roles as
opposed to presenting them as Brides of equal status and power.
RQ3: How many times are African American women represented as cover
brides in bridal magazines over the last five years?
Unfortunately, as data in Table 1 show, out of the fifty-seven
magazine issues that were included in the study, not one issue was
found which used the image of a Black bride on the cover.
DISCUSSION
The goal of this study was to examine the overall presentation of
African American women in bridal magazines by conducting a detailed
analysis of the images used in advertisements. The purpose was to
determine if there are any forms of hidden bias (prejudice) in bridal
advertisements, and discuss how this hidden bias can harm not only
African American women's sense of identity in this culture, but also
how the bias might actually harm attempts to show that our society is
multicultural and accepting of people of color. We discovered that
few, if any, Black women are used on the cover of bridal magazines
and more often than not, Black women are found as bridesmaids in
groups as opposed to being presented as a "beautiful bride." In
addition, we found that bridal magazines used Caucasian women as
brides, supporting research found by Ingraham (1999) and Fields &
Fields (1997; 1998) that the more popular bridal magazines tend to
showcase Caucasian women as both brides and bridesmaids.
In sum, data obtained from this exploratory content analysis shows that:
1. The number of portrayals of African American women as brides in
bridal magazines is much fewer than the number of portrayals of
Caucasian women as brides in bridal magazines.
2. Black brides were not found to appear on the cover of three major
bridal magazines in a 5-year period.
The overarching contribution that this study makes to the mass
communication and society literature is that it provides an update on
the prevalence of women of color in bridal advertisements by
assessing the frequency by which black women are portrayed as brides
compared to bridesmaids. The present study was conducted in an area
in which few, if any, current research exists. Data obtained found
that less than 2% of the total ads found in bridal magazines actually
featured a Black women as a bride, and even lower was the number of
women of color which are used on the cover of bridal magazines. If
advertisers are to communicate effectively, we need to have a sense
of who we are culturally. Data in this study clearly show the need
to broaden our perspectives on who makes the perfect bride. It also
shows that we need to develop a better understanding of how to use
people from a variety of backgrounds in bridal advertisements.
Although studies show an increase in the appearance of African
Americans in advertising (Soley, 1983), data still seem to suggest
that many advertisers are reluctant to feature African Americans as
main characters in mainstream advertisements. We know from earlier
research that some advertisers worried that African Americans in
advertising might cause a backlash among potential consumers in the
White majority, but research conducted in the late 60s and early
1970s show that Whites did not respond negatively to advertisements
feature African American models (Soley, 1983; Whittler, 1991;
Whittler & Dime, 1991). It was during the 1970s and 1980s that
African Americans appeared in mainstream media and advertisements,
but often in token roles or integrated settings (Soley, 1983).
If it is believed that the presence of African American models in
advertisements does not affect or offend potential White consumers,
why are the numbers low in reflecting the growth of African Americans
in our society? Given the research conducted by Whittler (1991),
research should begin to discover more portrayals for African
Americans as main characters in advertisements. "If African
Americans continue to be underrepresented in advertising portrayals,
it can be said that this is an indication of prejudice on the part of
the advertising industry, not consumers." (Soley, 1983, p. 690).
It is possible that advertisers are simply unaware of the pattern
that is developing in the portrayals of African American women as
brides. One of the significant contributions this study makes it
that it shows how cultural biases can lead to cross cultural
misunderstanding and/or conflict.
With respect to issues of skin tone, research has shown that African
American women are the ones most debilitated by skin tone
distinctions. Keth and Herring (1991) found that for women, darker
skin is positively correlated to negative stereotypes such as being
uneducated and poor. These researchers discovered that skin tone has
been found to determine the type of income level, occupation, and
level of attractiveness. Data obtained in this analysis support a
well-known assumption that Whites prefer lighter skinned African
Americans or those light-skinned models that make ascertaining her
ethnicity difficult (see Hall, 1996). Future research should explore
if advertising shows a bias against "very dark" and "very light"
African Americans. It is possible that exposure to all-white images
ads such as those in the bridal magazines may send a subtle message
to African American women that society values lighter skin models and
this unintended message may communicate that being very dark or
discernable in ads is highly stigmatized. Are we trying to
communicate that light skin is viewed as more attractive?
Interracial settings and frequent portrayal of African Americans as
main characters in mainstream media may help to breakdown cultural
and racial barriers and help to increase communication among people
of all colors and ethnicities. As researchers, we can begin to
explore the role that images such as those found in this study play
in exacerbating stereotypes. Such a line of research can also
explicate the nature of stereotypes about African Americans and how
this group interacts with our society as a whole. How do they fit
in? Data obtained in this study allow us, as researchers, to focus
our attention more specifically on what we do, how we do it,
assumptions we make as advertisers, editors, researchers, and
communicators, as well as the consequences of daily exposure to
idealized images of White women in ads.
Data show that cultural biases may be evident in bridal magazines in
that editors and advertisers must assume that the targeted wedding
market for bridal magazines is white, middle- to upper class. This
assumption is evident in the images that are used in many of the ads
and stories published in recent bridal magazines. The continued
portrayal of the fair-haired, thin, white blond bride may trigger
negative associations and assumptions about what it means to be a
"beautiful bride." Frequent portrayals of African American women as
bridesmaids may also communicate a negative assumption that it is
better for African Americans to stay in background roles as opposed
to positions of equal status and power.
As people from different ethnic groups intermarry, many advertisers
and marketers will find the need to develop ads and events that cut
across cultural groups. Tastes among groups are merging to some
extent. Future research should continue to explore this idea and
test the extent to which each group would like to be considered
distinct, separate, but equal.
A principle to remember: unequal status breeds prejudice. In 1951,
Hacker noted how stereotypes of African Americans and women helped
rationalize the inferior status of each: Many people thought both
groups were mentally slow, emotional and primitive, and content with
their subordinate role. African Americans were "inferior"; women
were "weak." African Americans, this researcher found in the 50s was
all right in "their place" and that women's "place" was in the
home. Fiske (1999) found that Asians, Jews, Germans, nontraditional
women, and assertive African Americans and gay men could be well
respected but not liked.
Future research should and could research how orientation for social
dominance affects professional decisions to include people of color
in advertisements. The theory of social dominance orientation states
that those high in this trait tend to view people in terms of
hierarchies (Guimond, Dambrun, Michinov, & Duarte, 2003; Sidanius &
Pratto, 1999). According to the theory, people are motivated to have
one's group be dominant over other social groups—they like to be on
the top. Sidanius & Pratto (1999) argue that the desire to be on top
leads people in social dominance to embrace prejudice and support
political positions that justify political positions. These
researchers found that this orientation typically supports policies
that maintain hierarchies such as tax cuts for the well off and
oppose policies that undermine hierarchy, such as affirmative
action. Therefore, it seems reasonable to speculate that people high
in social dominance orientation also prefer and make decisions
regarding the ethnicity of images used in media. Research conducted
with advertising practitioners and magazine editors could be used to
determine if this motivation includes decisions concerning number of
ethnic models and news stories represented in traditional mainstream media.
In a sense, the results do provide a tentative answer to the
question, "Do the images in bridal magazines present a distorted
reality and unify particular beliefs about the status and position of
women of color?" Data presented here seem to suggest that not only
advertisers, but producers and editors of mainstream media may be
reflecting their hidden biases regarding the presentation of people
of color, at least as far as position of status goes. As such data
found in this study seems to support the idea that the phrase "always
a bridesmaid, never a bride" was actually meant for women of color.
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