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Fan Websites: Motives, Identification and Site Content
Maureen Cech John Beatty
Department of English La Salle University 1900 W. Olney Ave. Philadelphia, PA 19141 (215) 951-5004 (office) (215) 991-2155 (fax) [log in to unmask]
Paper presented to the Entertainment Studies Interest Group, Association for Education in Journalism and Mass Communication, San Antonio, Aug. 2005
Fan Websites: Motives, Identification, and Site Content
Abstract As part of a larger study of the creators of celebrity fan Websites, this online qualitative study examines the self-selected responses of 49 site creators. A set of open-ended questions asking about their celebrities, fan communities, and creative expression was sent to these site creators. Actor- and musician-site creators reported similar motives for creating their fan sites, citing celebrity-based motives most often, followed by creativity-based and fan-based motives. Musician-site creators tended to identify more strongly with their celebrities than did the actor-site creators. An evaluation of the sites showed that the content matched reported motives.
Fan Websites: Motives, Identification, and Site Content
Introduction Over the past few decades, the media have continued to depict fans as nerdy, obsessive social misfits. A sketch on Saturday Night Live (Episode 222) portrays Star Trek fans as obsessive and relentless, bombarding host William Shatner with inane questions and plot flaws, pushing him to tell them to "get a life" (Jenkins, 1992). In the cartoon world of Dexter's Laboratory, one episode (75) concerns Dexter's misadventures of trying to get into a sci-fi convention dressed as "Star Check" characters. The Simpsons also shows a recurring character, Comic Book Guy: a lonely, sarcastic, overweight slob of a man who owns and operates The Android's Dungeon, something of a play on Dungeons and Dragons and science fiction. These examples from a variety of television shows demonstrate the far-reaching stereotypical image of the fan. Fan culture struggles against the pervasive stereotypes of being seen as crazed, obsessive, antisocial, or even mindless receptacles of the media (Jenkins, 1992; Fiske, 1992; Bacon-Smith, 1992; Leets, De Becker, & Giles, 1995; Pullen; 2000; Baym, 2000; Wakefield, 2001; Chayko, 2002). Nancy Baym (2000) notes that soap fans are seen by the larger public as being unable to distinguish fact from fiction. Perhaps the soap stars themselves are partly to blame since they often report in the media stories of fans who address them as the characters they play. The normal or average fan seems less interesting than one who jumps onto cars or sneaks into a television studio to see a celebrity. Apparently there is much less interest from the mainstream media about the average fan; however, academics are increasingly showing that fans are the down-to-earth, communicative, social, artistic, intelligent, interpretive producers of original material, such as Web sites. Current research shows "the richness, complexity, and meanings of fan activities in important new ways" (Harrington & Bielby, 2005, p. 799). Fans have been on the Internet since its inception (Bacon-Smith, 2000), and even more have become active since the advent of the Web and its vivid graphic-laden, user-friendly browsers. Computer mediated communication (CMC), including fan use of the Internet to connect and to maintain connections, has been widely documented (Garton, Haythornthwaite & Wellman, 1999; Wakefield, 2001; Chayko, 2002). Computer mediated communication is one-to-one, while Internet communication (such as that utilized on fan Web sites) is both one-to-one and one-to-many: users can communicate directly with the site creator via e-mail, guestbook, AIM or ICQ, as well as with other users through message boards, chat rooms or e-mail lists. Little attention has been paid to individual fan Web sites, their creators, and the motivations that compel these fans to produce their sites, whether to express their admiration for a celebrity, connect with other fans, or demonstrate their individuality or creativity. Since there is not much literature on the analysis of fan site creators or fan sites in general, this study utilized studies on home pages (Döring, 2002; Papacharissi, 2002a; Papacharissi, 2002b) as the bases for its theoretical models. Fan pages exist in a unique category, placing them somewhere between personal home pages (for their expressiveness of personal interests, creativity, and original material) and business sites (for their advertisement-like content). In her categorization of home pages, Papacharissi (2002a) classified a small percentage (1.7%) as fan pages, illustrating the ambiguous nature of fan sites.
Research Questions and Definition of Terms This study, poses four research questions. Since uses and gratifications motives were examined in the first part of this study, these four questions were formulated based on the respondents' answers to our open-ended questions (See Appendix A). For our purposes, we use the term "identification" to mean parasocial interaction, "motives" to mean uses and gratifications, and "connectedness" to refer to connection to other fans. Since open-ended questions were used, the respondents were unaware of any of the three categories into which their answers would later be divided.
RQ1: What are the motives for putting up a fan site? RQ2: Is there strong identification with the celebrity? RQ3: What is the relationship between the expressed motives and celebrity identification? RQ4: Is there a relationship between expressed motives and site content?
Parasocial Interaction and Uses and Gratifications First coined by Horton and Wohl (1956) to explain the connection television audiences felt with media personae, parasocial interaction continues to be widely studied (Leets, et al., 1995; Fraser & Brown, 2002). Because of the personal, friendly and ubiquitous nature of the mainstream media, audiences can easily relate to those they watch, whether they be fictional characters (A. Rubin & E. Perse, 1987; Perse & R. Rubin, 1989; Auter & Palmgreen, 1992; Baym, 2000), television newscasters (A.M. Rubin, Perse & Powell, 1985), talk radio show hosts (Beatty, 1996), or the celebrities themselves (Leets, De Becker, & Giles, 1995; Fraser & Brown, 2002). The relationship formed in the mind of the audience member can be as intimate as one he or she may have with a friend in real life; usually developing over a period of time (Horton & Wohl, 1956), a parasocial relationship is built upon perceived commonalities with the celebrity (Fraser & Brown, 2002) and the impression that the celebrity is real outside of the entertainment setting. Uses and gratifications identify the motivations for connecting to media and the needs audience members fulfill by doing so. According to Papacharissi (2002a), "motives are general dispositions that influence people's actions taken for the fulfillment of a need or want" (p.349). Such motives for audience members include passing time, seeking entertainment, obtaining information, expressing oneself, and communicating with others (Papacharissi, 2002a). As noted earlier, open-ended questions were used in this study in order to allow the respondents freedom in reporting their motives for site creation; thus, they were able to provide their own answers without the influence of a pre-categorized list of motives. It must be noted that our respondents are speaking as creators rather than as audience members; therefore, the motivations for creating their Websites will change, e.g., from "obtaining information" to "providing information," as they are controllers of the medium instead of observers, which is the move that Papacharissi (2002a) made in her study on homepages. Categories of uses and gratifications similar to those used by Papacharissi (2002a) were used in part one of this study. Similarly, parasocial interaction applied to a creator is assumed to take the form of identification that endures beyond his or her time as a viewer.
Method This qualitative exploration of fans and their sites is part of a larger study, which examines the site creators' motives, parasocial interaction, connectedness to fans (Ha & James, 1998; Chayko, 2002), and the relationships among these. Two online surveys were conducted: one of fan sites devoted to actors and the other of sites devoted to musicians. The first online survey was sent to a randomly selected sample of site creators listed on the Yahoo! Web directory of actor sites. The sample yielded 725 Webmasters with 301 bouncing back as a result of outdated or unused email addresses, giving 424 valid addresses, of whom 76 replied (18% response rate). Of those, follow-up surveys were completed with 20 self-selected respondents who wished to complete the qualitative questionnaire regarding their sites. Those responses are analyzed here. The second survey of musician sites was conducted similarly: a random sample of Webmasters listed on the Yahoo! Web directory of musician sites was taken. This sample yielded 410 site creators with 104 returned as a result of unused or old email addresses, giving 306 valid addresses, of whom 80 replied (25% response rate). Of those, follow-up surveys were completed by 29 respondents. Those 29 respondents along with the 20 from the follow-up of the actor survey are the subjects of this study, self-selecting out of the larger pool of site creators based on their willingness to further discuss their sites with us. Although the current sample of respondents in this study is small, non-representativeness does not seem to present an issue; while these participants are all over the age of 18 and were more willing than others to communicate, the range of quality seen in the sites runs the gamut from amateur to near-professional, denoting differences in skill, commitment and motives. Of the respondents to the initial online survey from the first study, 49 (actors and musicians) said they would like to further discuss their Websites. We sent via-email a list of 15 open-ended questions (see Appendix A) so that the respondents could write as little or as much as they pleased and could articulate their answers in their own words. The questions aimed at getting the respondents to think about: their celebrities and how they felt about them, e.g., did they identify with them; whether they connected to other fans via their sites and how; why, in their own words, they put up the Website; and others, including what does the word "fan" mean to him or her. The responses have been broken down and placed into a chart comparing primary motives, identification with celebrity, and site content (See Table 1 and Table 2). Site content was subjectively evaluated by the authors of this study by recording the kinds of elements found on the sites. Fan content was represented by the amount of interconnectivity found in items that measure the opportunity for connection to other fans, whether those connections are for the Webmaster (such as email, ICQ or AIM, etc.) or for the viewer (such as message boards, chats, newsletters, etc.). Celebrity content refers to the overall amount of information and space devoted to the actor or musician, such as biography, filmography/discography, photo galleries, and audio/video. Creativity is the expressiveness of the site, meaning original work, such as fanfic or original images, as well as the overall sophistication and innovation of the Website, e.g., using the site to work on Web skills. The categories were rated from low to high, based on the respondent's own answers and our evaluations of the Websites. For ease and for respondents' anonymity, the site creators will be referenced by their celebrities, e.g., "Jeremy Irons" and "Annie Lennox," but note that pronoun references will not always match.
Results and Discussion Respondents were evenly distributed by age group, with the mode being 28% in the 30-39 category. Respondents were older than those in Dominick's (1999) sample of home page creators, although similar in distribution to those of Papacharissi (2002a). Those under 18 had been excluded from further analysis. There were 6% over age 50 and none over age 60. Respondents were experienced Internet users. More than 80% had used the Net for at least 6 years, and less than 1 percent had been on the Net for less than 3 years. About 76% of the fan sites had been created at least 3 years ago, with the largest group (48%) being between 3 and 6 years old. Comments in the follow-up survey indicated that several respondents began their sites in the late 1990s in order to develop Web skills, but the sites were maintained for other fan- or celebrity-based motives over time. Most sites were still being actively updated. Respondents were surprisingly well-educated. Only 4% had not gone beyond high school, with 69% having some college or a college degree, and 27% having some graduate education or a graduate degree. Papacharissi (2002a) found a similar pattern, although 17% of her home page creators had not gone beyond high school. The modal household income was in the $30,000 - $50,000 range, with 22% above $75,000. Finally, while Dominick's respondents were overwhelmingly male (87%), this study reports a slight majority of females (52%). Papacharissi (2002a) reported 47% females. Samples in all cases were drawn from a restricted population, so generalizations are to be treated with caution, but it may be that more females have been developing Web skills in the years since Dominick's study was completed. Costello and Moore (2004) note that their study followed a pattern of television fandom research in which samples are predominantly female.
RQ1: What are the motives for putting up a fan site? For the 49 respondents (both actors and musicians), most responses were able to be categorized into fan-, creativity-, and celebrity-based motives. Fan-based motives include wanting to connect to other fans, to be part of a fan community or to provide a service to other fans. Creative motives include wanting a space to put up the creator's own or other fans' fanfic or other original works, to work on his or her Web skills, and to put up a site that was better than the others that were already on the Web. Celebrity-based motives include wanting to honor and/or support the actor or musician, to provide and/or maintain information about him or her, and to put up the site because the celebrity had no official site or no fan sites. It must be noted that many respondents listed more than one of the three basic motives as reasons for creating their sites. As can be seen in Table 1, the actors seemed to be most motivated by celebrity-based reasons, 13/20, or 65%. One creator explains that he "put up the site to let people know about Jewel so that her music could inspire others as well." "Jacqueline Bisset" explains that he "ha[s] been a fan [. . .] for a long time, and thought she deserved a place on the Web." The second most reported motive for the actors was fan-based, with 7/20, or 35%. "Lee Montgomery" said that he "wanted to create a place for other fans to get information about their favorite actor." The least-reported motive of the actors was creativity-based, with only 5/20, or 25%. "Michael Biehn" has designated her site as a center for fan-fiction about the actor. One creator noted that he had: noticed a handful of Websites that were devoted to [Elizabeth] Shue. Few of these sites had a polished look nor an extensive collection of pictures, so I decided to make my own site; Both to make a better Elizabeth Shue site than what was available, AND to see if I could do it.
There are, however, two motives (4%) that fall into an "Other" category. "Chevy Chase" said that he put up the site as a "subversive parody of fansites in general." He goes on to say that the site's "stabs at satire weren't obvious enough" since it is often taken as a genuine site. Surprisingly, only one respondent, "Dolly Parton," claims that he created his site to "have something to do in my spare time." "Chevy Chase's" site will be discussed further in RQ4. As can be seen in Table 2, the musicians are similarly motivated mostly by celebrity-based reasons, with 23/29, or 79%. "Robert Quine" says that he "put up the site as a tribute to [the musician's] work, which was extremely influential in my taking up the guitar [. . .]" Another creator put up her site because: One of Michael Jackson's songs stopped me from committing suicide following the death of my son. I created my site as a thank you to Michael Jackson, and as a way to let other fans know how MJ had affected my life in so many other ways too."
Unlike the actors, creativity-based motives ranked second for the musicians, with 13/29, or 45%. "Brian Eno" created his site "to illustrate the capabilities of hypertext and the World Wide Web in the largely non-commercial form it had in the early 1990s." "Paul Stanley" noted that "I actually put up the site, in order to express my creativity and have a place to share my work with people all over the world. Sometimes it's a little over the top, just loaded with graphics and gifs, but I have a wonderful time doing it. I have even gotten some Web design jobs because of my Website." Fan-based motives were reported by the fewest respondents, 7/29, or 24%. "Warren Zevon (1)" notes that he started his site because the Webmaster of the only other Zevon page available at the time "didn't seem interested in contributions to his site from other fans, and not only did I have things I wanted to say, I felt fairly sure that others did, too." Therefore, it seems as if the motives are essentially the same, with both types of site creators being most motivated by celebrity-based reasons. Actor sites and musician sites only differ in the ranking of the fan and creativity motives, creativity being higher for the musicians and fan motives being higher for the actors. The most reported motive is celebrity-based, totaling 36 of all 49 respondents, or 73%. Creativity-based motives were the next highest with 18/49, or 37%, and fan motives were not far behind with 14 total respondents, or 28%. The two "Other" motives reported by the actors totaled 4%. In the quantitative part of this study, it was shown that expressed motives for the creation of the actor and the musician sites were nearly identical in rank order (Spearman's rho = 0.95). Independent means t-tests showed that actor and musician motives differed only on three of the 20 motives presented: To show others a little bit about who I am; To be part of a fan community; To communicate with other fans. In each case, the musician site makers ranked theses items higher than did the actor site creators. The latter two motive rankings suggest that musician site creators are slightly more motivated by the possibility of interacting with other fans than are the actor site creators, at least based on the responses to the Likert items presented in the quantitative portion of this study. Overall, it seems as though these fan site creators are motivated most by celebrity reasons, with slight differences in the importance of fan-based motives and creativity-based motives. It seems appropriate from these respondents that entertainment fans are similarly motivated to create their fan sites, the only difference being that the actors were more motivated by fan-based reasons while the musicians were more motivated by creativity-based reasons.
RQ2: Is there strong identification with the celebrity? Surprisingly, the degree to which our respondents identify with their celebrities varies from cold parasocial feelings to feelings of a definite connection. In the list of open-ended questions, we asked several questions that were intended to flush out their feelings about the celebrities, such as whether the respondent created the site in the hopes the actor would see it; if the respondent believes he or she shares common values, beliefs or interests with the celebrity; whether the respondent feels he/she knows the celebrity; and if he or she identifies with the celebrity. When asked these questions, many respondents answered in the negative, that they in fact do not identify with their celebrity and could not say that they felt they know him or her since they have never met. On the other hand, several of our respondents have met their celebrities, either in conjunction with their Website or independent of it; however, those who have met their celebrities and know them on a quasi-personal level from either having met them several times or having contact with them through or because of the Website make it clear that these are the reasons for their feeling as if they "know" the celebrity. Of the actors, 8 reported that they have met their celebrities but not because of the Website; 6 reported having met the celebrity or have been contacted by the celebrity because of the Website, some forming a type of working relationship; and 2 reported getting to know the celebrity well or semi-well. Of the musicians, 10 reported briefly meeting the celebrity; 9 reported meeting the celebrity because of the Website; and 3 reported having some sort of personal relationship with the celebrity. It seems as though that because many of our respondents have in fact met their celebrities, the interaction is not parasocial, but actually social. When asked if they have ever changed their appearances, mannerisms, values, or beliefs to be more like their celebrities, our respondents answered overwhelmingly in the negative. Most were shocked that we asked such a question. "Jackie Chan" said, "No, no, and no. Please, I do have some sense of reality." Similarly, "Jensen Ackles" noted that she does "not know him, so I can only say I like how his characters make me feel." One respondent even remarked that our questions were "getting strange." "Warren Zevon (1)" said changing his mannerisms or appearance to be more like his celebrity is "not something I'd do. Maybe I was too old to be involved in fandom that way, when I got involved in the first place." "Murray Head" has been contacted by his celebrity, but feels no connection, even claiming that "he takes advantage of me a bit, linking concerts and record labels to me, but not authorizing me to be an 'official' site." Cold parasocial feelings for the actors were reported by 17 of the total 49 respondents, 11 of actors and 6 of the musicians. A handful of respondents reported having lukewarm feelings for their celebrities, agreeing that on some level they identify with or feel they know their respective actor or musician. Several said that even what they claim to know about or identify with their celebrity's persona is quite different from knowing the celebrity as a person rather than as a media figure. "Elizabeth Shue" remarked that "seeing a[n] actor play a character does not give any insight into actually knowing the person." "Celine Dion" surmised that "sometimes I get this feeling that I know [her] quite well, but this is an illusion. I am aware of that." Because many respondents have established working relationships with their celebrities, several site creators noted that they do know the celebrity, but only to a certain degree. "Christopher Atkins" said she only identifies with her actor because of the relationship they have formed over many years of working together on several Websites: in answering the question as to whether she believes she shares any common values or beliefs with her celebrity, "Christopher Atkins" responded: yes—but that is based on our conversations, particularly about politics and business practices—not from any perceived commonality [between us] based on his acting roles.
Even at a somewhat middle level of identification, the respondents continue to distinguish the difference between actor and character, public and private person. Lukewarm parasocial feelings were reported by 20 of the total 49 respondents, by 7 of the actors and 13 of the musicians. There were 12 of the total 49 respondents who strongly identified with their celebrities. Two of the actor respondents claimed strong parasocial feelings, one because she has met her celebrity and has now known him for several years. Ten of the musicians, on the other hand, reported strong parasocial identification. These 12 respondents answered positively to almost all of our celebrity-based questions: that they identify with their celebrities, believe they share common values, interests, etc., feel they know what the celebrity is like, and often regard the celebrity as a role model. "Connie Francis's" many years of fandom have led her to feel as if she knows her celebrity: "Being a fan for so long, sometimes I do feel like I know her. When I see her on TV, I feel like I'm watching one of my family." "Warren Zevon (2)" became friends with the musician prior to his death. And although both "Dean Martin" and "Mae West" never had the opportunity to meet their celebrities, their deaths have not posed much of a problem for the respondents: "Mae West" said, "I felt and still feel she has a lot to offer people, as both a savvy, shrewd businesswoman and entertainer." "Dean Martin" is a professional impersonator of the musician: I don't consider myself a fan even though I guess I am. As an impersonator of Dino, I consider myself a 'reflection' of him…a living testament to his aura and music.
Similar to the Elvis impersonators studied by Fraser & Brown (2002), "Dean Martin" illustrates the fine line between professional look-alikes and fans. "Warren Zevon (2)" noted that he is only able to identify with the musician because of their friendship: If I hadn't gotten to know him, I wouldn't presume to think I could answer this question [about sharing beliefs and interests].
Despite strong identification with the celebrities, the site creators maintain a grounded approach in their admiration. When asked what being a fan means to them, several respondents referenced the word's Latin derivation from fanaticus. "Dolly Parton" remarked that the label "does connote one who is somewhat obsessed with a celebrity [. . .]" He went on to say, however, that the foundation of fandom is an invisible connection: "A fan expresses love for someone they usually have never met and most likely never will meet based only on the connection made through art, be it music, film, the written word or even politics." "Mae West" also referenced fanatic and commented on the stereotype of obsessive fans: [O]ne may think a fan must devote their entire existence to a certain celebrity. That might be true for some people, but I don't devote my existence to any one thing.
It is clear that the respondents are intelligent; the demographic information acquired from the first round of each survey of actors and musicians showed that the majority holds a bachelor's degree or above (71.1% of the 45 actor respondents and 67.2% of the 64 musician respondents). And, unlike the Elvis fans studied by Fraser & Brown (2002), these fans did not downplay or overlook their celebrities' more unpleasant characteristics. "Dolly Parton" said he sometimes wished his celebrity would speak standard English, while "Mae West" condemned her actor's notorious homophobia toward lesbians. "Warren Zevon (2)," in response to what he does not like about his celebrity, said, What DON'T I like about Warren? [W]ell, the fact that he's dead's a good place to start. He wasn't entirely open to a few things I tried to introduce him. His bedtime was a little late for me.
"Ron Wood" claimed that the musician stole all of my photographs of him [from my Website] and used them on the big screen behind him in one of his solo shows in London in Dec[ember], 2001. I was there. Boy was I surprised.
As compared to the actors, it seems as though the musicians more often identified on some level with their celebrities. This difference seems due to the fact more musicians have met their celebrities in some way, and therefore feel some level of identification based on their encounters. Sixteen (80%) of the actors have met their celebrities in some way: 8 (40%) reported a brief meeting unrelated to their Websites; 6 (30%) reported having met or been contacted by the celebrities in relation to their sites, sometimes forming a sort of working relationship; and 2 (10%) reported having gotten to know their celebrities well or semi-well. Of the musicians, 22 (76%) reported having some form of contact: 10 (34%) reported a meeting unrelated to the fan site; 9 (31%) reported contact related to the site, sometimes resulting in a type of working relationship; and 3 (10%) reported some level of a personal relationship. "Stan Ridgway" has such a relationship with his musician: I did put it up in those hopes [of the celebrity contacting me], and [he] did contact me as a result. These days Stan generally calls once a week, often more. (I'm his interim Webmaster, and we just chat.)
A related question asked whether respondents would defend their celebrities if attacked in the media. Most respondents, however, did not seem concerned. Only a few would unconditionally defend their celebrities; for example, "Michael Jackson" answered, "You bet!" I already do!" This might be a reflection of typical fans of this musician who see him as a victim of media scrutiny. Others were more guarded, requiring some sort of unjust accusation or false rumor to compel them to defend their celebrities. "Barry Manilow" said, "Possibly, but odds are I wouldn't take the time. I don't have a lot of respect for the media—I doubt that I would waste my time on [media coverage]." "Stan Ridgway" answered similarly: Well, it depends on whether or not it was fair. If I felt the media was being unfair, then certainly. But I wouldn't blindly support Stan 'regardless of the facts.'
Overall, 6 of the 49 respondents said that they would not defend their celebrities; 29 said it would depend on the situation; 13 said they absolutely would; and 1 respondent did not answer the question.
RQ3: What is the relationship between the expressed motives and celebrity identification? Of the reported motives and levels of identification, there seems to be no clear relationship for most of the respondents. For the 20 actors, 16 respondents reported celebrity motives, and only 5 had a moderate to high level of identification. Two of these respondents have also had contact with or have developed some sort of relationship with their celebrities. "Pierce Brosnan's" moderate identification is borne from their contact: "Yes, I do feel I know him somewhat, but more from contact through our mutual friends than just what I see on TV or in the movies." "John J. York" has even become "good friends" with her celebrity. Eleven of the 16 reported low feelings of identification. "Jackie Chan" said, "I only know their persona, which may or may not reflect some of their personality." "Catherine McClements" answered similarly: I feel as if I know a lot about this person, but it's all public persona, even though I have met her I don't feel as though I know what she's really like.
Only two others of the actors reported moderate to high levels of identification, and both cited fan-based motives. Both respondents have also had contact with their celebrities. "Christopher Atkins" noted that she feels she knows her celebrity "[o]nly because I've spoken to him numerous times over a few years. I didn't feel that way before …" "Gerard Butler" has developed a working relationship with her celebrity, having contact with him for interviews for her Website. The musicians, on the other hand, yielded different results. For the 29 musicians, 23 respondents reported celebrity motives, and 17 had a moderate to high level of identification. Three of these respondents have also had contact with or have developed some sort of relationship with their celebrities. "David Sneddon" said that: over the course of the two years that I've been running the site, we've become friends of sorts. He's always very good with the fans and keeps us up to date with what's going on s that we're all very involved.
"Stan Ridgway" also has a working relationship with his celebrity. Only 4 of the 23 respondents who reported celebrity-based motives had low levels of celebrity identification. "Annie Lennox" noted that "the 'fan' element ends more at the music state, although, of course, I have to admire elements of her personality, too. I couldn't be such a fan of an artist if this wasn't the case." "Tanita Tikaram" said that he was unable to say whether he and his celebrity shared beliefs or values because she "is a very private person." Four respondents with creativity-based motives, however, reported moderate to high levels of identification. "Barry Manilow" said that she only feels a connection with her celebrity because of the sheer redundancy of the information released by the PR people for him. I readily acknowledge that Barry could be completely different from the picture that's been painted.
"Ron Wood" seems to have a stronger identification with her celebrity, saying that she feels she knows the celebrity "better than I know my siblings." "Ronan Keating" said, I identify with [him] thru his music. His mother died of breast cancer and [he] has written some lovely songs that have touched me deeply. My mother also died of breast cancer and I lost my first child to cancer. Listening to his music has brought me great comfort and I could relate to his loss and feel the pain.
"Warren Zevon (2)" said he "started the site in 1998 out of a need to learn FrontPage for my work and the site became very popular very quickly." This creator developed a personal friendship with his celebrity: "He had contacted me initially to correct some errors on my site, but we wound up starting a correspondence that would make a halfway decent book." This respondent's identification, like many others', comes from his relationship with the celebrity, a social identification rather than a parasocial one.
RQ4: Is there a relationship between expressed motives and site content? Site Content Site content was analyzed in further detail in another study, but for the purposes of this study, elements of interactivity were focused on. The main types of interactive components found on these sites were guestbooks (54% of sites), counters (40%), messageboards (36%), e-mail lists (30%), surveys (24%), and Webrings (21%). The range of pages per site ran from 1-300, with the average number of pages being 70. The amount of interactivity and interconnectivity, along with the extensive amounts of information displayed on many of these sites, illustrated that they are serious endeavors, requiring much effort to maintain and create connections between the site creator and other fans, as well as between visitors to the sites. Evaluation of site content, as noted earlier, was subjectively done by the authors of this study. Celebrity content was identified by the overall amount of information and space devoted to the actor or musician, such as biography, filmography/discography, photo galleries, and audio/video. Fan content was represented by the amount of interconnectivity found in items that measure the opportunity for connection to other fans, whether those connections are for the Webmaster (such as email, ICQ or AIM, guestbook, etc.) or for the viewer (such as message boards, chats, newsletters, etc.). Creativity is the expressiveness of the site, meaning original work, such as fanfic or original images, as well as the overall sophistication and innovation of the Website in terms of the employment of basic aesthetic design principles and Web languages and tools, such as Macromedia Flash, CSS, and scripts. A match between motives and Web content was identified if the level of content were moderate and above. Fifteen of the actors showed correlations between site content and at least one reported motive (See Table 1). "Dolly Parton" said that he wished to honor the entertainer. The celebrity content on his site is high, as the site contains at least 200 pages and includes filmography, discography, FAQs, photo gallery, etc. "Michael Biehn" wanted a place to post fanfic and to showcase her Web skills; her creativity content is high. There are at least 100 stories and several poems revolving around the celebrity's characters. "Jensen Ackles" wished to display her regard for her actor and to showcase her Web skills, but while her actor content is not high like others, it is moderate and sufficiently represents her motive. Her Web skills are more than adequately presented on this very professional-looking site. "Gerard Butler" put up her site for a friend (also a fan), making her motive fan-oriented. This site contains many feedback mechanisms to the Webmaster and mechanisms to connect to other fans, such as message boards, surveys, listserv, chat, etc. Five of the actors, however, show no correlation between expressed motives and actual site content, the prime example being "Chevy Chase." As mentioned earlier, the creator of this site claimed it to have been made as a parody of other fan sites. The creator acknowledged the fact that most visitors to the site do not see it as such, that perhaps "our stabs at satire weren't obvious enough." A visit to this site shows an actual fan site, despite what our respondent reported. This site is quite extensive, consisting of more than 60 pages and a wide variety of actor information and original material, including detailed movie reviews, images, fan stories, and wallpapers. "Elisabeth Shue's" site also shows little correlation between his expressed motive of working on his Web skills and the main content of the site, a massive photo gallery (30 pages' worth) featuring his celebrity. "Pierce Brosnan's" motives for creating her site were creativity-based, that in her opinion, no other sites were good enough. Site content, however, shows that the level of creativity is low-moderate, as there is some innovation and an original image. On the other hand, all 29 of the musicians had correlations between site content and at least one of their reported motives (See Table 2). "Annie Lennox" reported fan, creativity and celebrity motives; his site shows a high level of creativity in original artwork and reviews written by the creator himself, as well as the overall sophistication of the design. High celebrity content is seen in the extensive biography, discography, lyrics section and photo galleries. Fan-based content is low to moderate, as there are polls and a guestbook. "Celine Dion" cited fan and creativity motives; on her site, fans post and analyze each other's dreams about the musician, as well as a few of the musician's own dreams. "David Sneddon" wanted to "muster up support" for her celebrity, and the celebrity-based content is high. The site offers galleries, extensive biographies, and discographies. The site is also high in creativity, shown in the site's sophisticated design, use of audio and video, and original interviews and artwork. "Paul Stanley" reported a creativity-based motive, and her site has many animated graphics and original art and written work. Overall, then, it would appear that a correlation between reported motives and site content does exist. It is interesting to note that the only respondents whose motives did not correlate with their site content were in the actors group; however, the number of respondents for whom there was no correlation is small, 5 out of the 20 actors (25%) and 5 out of the total 49 respondents (10%).
Other Questions Also asked of our respondents were questions regarding how they became fans of their celebrities, whether they have posted original work on their sites, and the amount of memorabilia they own connected to their celebrities (See Appendix A). One respondent said she became a fan of the musician having been "a fan of the rock band Kiss, and Paul Stanley is the heart and soul of Kiss." Many of the respondents have been fans of their celebrities for several years. "Bruce Cockburn" said, "That was way back in 1980 when a friend had listened to a BC album and told me about it." "Connie Francis" said: I was about 15 years old. I saw a picture of this lovely girl in a teen magazine. She just caught my eye. Then I heard her on the radio and her voice just captivated me. I've been hooked ever since.
Many creators post some form of original work on their sites, ranging from reviews and biographies they have written themselves, to their own photographs, to original artwork. "Robert Quine" said that he has posted many stories sent to me by others—in the form of reminiscences and words of sympathy. Also, many photos. Most of the text on the Website was either written by me or heavily edited by me.
"Dolly Parton's" site even offers a trading post for fans to trade hard-to-find merchandise. In response to the creators' memorabilia, many said they maintain extensive collections, such as "Michael Jackson," who said she had even appeared on the VH1 television show Fan Club. A few respondents also noted that they display their collections on their sites. "Barry Manilow" displays her collection of original photographs of the artist on her site. The inclusion of the creators' own personal collections of memorabilia and merchandise on their sites is another manifestation of their creativity.
Conclusions Fans, as seen from our self-selected group, are not the obsessive, antisocial misfits on the fringe of society as once thought or as they may still be perceived (Pullen, 2000; Leets, 1995). Our respondents are intelligent, the majority having a bachelor's degree or above; creative (many have produced original work and/or have sophisticated sites that border on professional); and communicative (many include ways to get in touch with the Webmaster and/or other fans). As they have shown, they are not crazed nor are they obsessed (Bacon-Smith, 1992; Jenkins,1992; Baym, 2000): even those who reported strong identification with their celebrities ground their admiration, mostly by recognizing the difference between the celebrity's media persona and his or her real personality. For the 20 actor respondents, 13 reported celebrity-based motives (65%), 7 reported fan-based motives (35%), 5 reported creativity-based motives (25%), and 2 reported "other" motives (10%). For the 29 musician respondents, 23 reported celebrity-based motives (79%), 13 reported creativity-based motives (45%) and 7 reported fan-based motives (24%). Totals for both groups of respondents placed celebrity motives as the most reported at 36/49 (73%), creative motives at 18/49 (37%), fan motives at 14/49 (28%) and "other" motives at 2/49 (4%). Overall, motives for the actors and musicians are basically similar, both having reported celebrity-based motives most often. In terms of celebrity identification, it appears that the actors did not identify with their celebrities as often as the musicians did. Eleven of the 20 (55%) actor respondents reported no identification; 7 (35%) reported lukewarm feelings of identification; and only 2 (10%) of the actors reported strong feelings of identification. Musician respondents reported more instances of some level of identification: 6 (21%) reported no identification; 13 (45%) reported lukewarm feelings of identification; and 10 (34%) strongly identified with their celebrities. These occurrences of identification for the musicians, however, seem to be influenced by the fact that more of these site creators have met or have been in contact with their celebrities than those respondents of the actors group. Sixteen (80%) of the actors have met their celebrities in some way: 8 (40%) reported a brief meeting unrelated to their Websites; 6 (30%) reported having met or been contacted by the celebrities in relation to their sites, sometimes forming a sort of working relationship; and 2 (10%) reported having gotten to know their celebrities well or semi-well. Of the musicians, 22 (76%) reported having some form of contact: 10 (34%) reported a meeting unrelated to the fan site; 9 (31%) reported contact related to the site, sometimes resulting in a type of working relationship; and 3 (10%) reported some level of a personal relationship. For almost all of the respondents, there was a correlation between reported motives and site content. Only 5 of the 49 (10%) respondents showed no correlation between reported motives and site content. The areas in which the musicians and actors differed most were the levels of identification and the correlation between reported motives and site content. The musicians seem to have more instances of identification due to the greater number of respondents who have had some form of contact with their celebrities. While the only respondents for whom there was no correlation between reported motives and site content were from the actors, the majority of the actors' sites did show a correlation. Although most of the respondents were similar in age and education level, a wide range of Websites were represented; from the very amateur to the very sophisticated and from the very communicative to the more secluded, a broad spectrum of fans was represented. The findings of this investigation shed some light onto the world of fans on the Web and their motivations for putting up Websites dedicated to celebrities. Finding that several fan site creators have contact with their celebrities because of their sites is surprising; some even have formed friendships and working relationships. As seen here, these fans are creators, not simply absorbers of media (Bacon-Smith, 1992; Jenkins, 1992). They create sites that become portals of information, communication and expression (Pullen, 2000; Wakefield, 2001). Because of the correlations found between these motivations, parasocial interaction, and site content within this sample of the fan population, the subject merits further study.
Works Cited Auter, P., & Palmgreen, P. (1992, May). Development of a new parasocial interaction measure: The audience-persona interaction scale. Paper presented at the Annual International Communication Association Conference, Miami, FL. Bacon-Smith, C. (1992). Enterprising women: Television fandom and the creation of popular myth. Philadelphia: U. of Pennsylvania Press. _____________. (2000). Science fiction culture. Philadelphia: U. of Pennsylvania Press. Baym, N.K. (2000). Tune in, log on: Soaps, fandom, and online community. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Beatty, J. (1996). "Talk radio as forum and companion: Listener uses and gratifications in Austin, Texas." Unpublished Ph.D. Dissertation, University of Texas, Austin, Texas. Chayko, M. (2002). Connecting: How we form social bonds and communities in the Internet age. Albany, New York: State U. of NY P. Costello, V. & Moore, M. (2004). Cultural Outlaws: An Examination of Audience Activity and Online Television Fandom. Presented to the Entertainment Studies Interest Group, Association for Education in Journalism and Mass Communication, Toronto, August 2004. Dominick, J.R. (1999). Who Do You Think You Are? Personal Home Pages and Self- Presentation on the World Wide Web. Journalism and Mass Communication Quarterly 76 (4): 646-658. Döring, N. (2002). Personal home pages on the Web: A review of research. Journal of Computer Mediated Communication, 7(3) <http://www.ascusc.org/jcmc/index.html> Fiske, J. (1992). The cultural econocmy of fandom. In L. Lewis (Ed.), The adoring audience: Fan culture and popular media. London and New York: Routledge. (30-49). Fraser, B.P., & Brown, W.J. (2002). Media, celebrities, and social influence: Social identification with Elvis Presley. Mass Communication & Society, 5(2), 183-206. Garton, L., & Haythornthwaite, C., & Wellman, B. (1999). Studying on-line social networks. In S. Jones (Ed.), Doing Internet research: Critical issues and methods for examining the Net London: Sage. (75-105). Ha, L., & James, E.L. (1998). Interactivity reexamined: A baseline analysis of early business Web sites. Journal of Broadcasting & Electronic Media, 42(4), 457-74. Harrington, C. Lee & Bielby, Denise D. (2005). American Behavioral Scientist, (48.7), 799-800. Horton, D. & Wohl, R. R. (1956). Mass communication and para-social interaction: Observations on intimacy at a distance. Psychiatry, 19, 215-229. Jenkins, H. (1992). Textual Poachers: Television fans and participatory culture. London and New York: Routledge. Leets, L., de Becker, G., & Giles, H. (1995). Fans: Exploring expressed motivations for contacting celebrities. Journal of Language and Social Psychology, 14, 102-23. Papacharissi, Z. (2002a). The self online: The utility of personal home pages. Journal of Broadcast & Electronic Media, 46(3), 346-68. ____________. (2002b). The presentation of self in virtual life: Characteristics of personal home pages. Journalism and Mass Communication Quarterly 79(3), 643-660. Perse, E.M., & Rubin, R. (1989). Attribution in social and parasocial relationships. Communication Research, 16, 59-77. Pullen, K. (2000). I-love-Xena.com: Creating online fan communities. In D. Gauntlett (Ed.), Web Studies: rewiring media studies for the digital age London: Arnold. (52-61). Rubin, A.M., Perse, E.M., & Powell, R.A. (1985). Loneliness, parasocial interaction, and local television news viewing. Human Communication Research, 12, 155-80. Rubin, A. & Perse, E. (1987). Development of parasocial interaction relationships. Journal of Broadcasting and Electronic Media, 31, 279-92. Wakefield, S.R. (2001). An electronic community of female fans of The X-Files. Journal of Popular Film & Television, 29(3), 130-7.
Appendix A
1. To start, tell us again in summary why you put up the site (and remind us who it's about).
2. Did you create the site in hopes of the celebrity seeing it and perhaps wanting to contact you? Has the celebrity in fact contacted you as a result of this site or for some other reason? Have you met them?
3. If you use your site to connect with other fans, do you feel any sense of community with them? How do you communicate with them (e-mail, chat, Web ring, blog, etc.) and what things do you share? Have you ever met any of them? Do you feel as though some of them are your friends?
4. What does "fan" mean to you?
5. How did you become a fan of the celebrity?
6. Have you posted any stories, scripts, poems or otherwise created original works for or about your celebrity on your Website?
7. What sorts of merchandise do you own in connection with this person (posters, DVDs, autographs, etc.)?
8. Do you believe that you share common values, interests or beliefs with this celebrity?
9. Have you changed your values, interests or beliefs to be more like this person? Have you changed your appearance, mannerisms or dress to be more like this person?
10. Do you feel as if you know this person, or that you know what they're like?
11. Do you identify with this person?
12. Do you feel they are a role model?
13. What do you like or dislike about them?
14. If the celebrity was attacked in the media would you defend them?
15. Finally, is there anything else you'd like to tell us about the site, the celebrity or both? Is there anything that we asked in the first survey that you have a question or comment about?
Table 1: Actors' Reported Motives, Identification Levels, and Site Content
Respondent Primary Motives Identification Site Content
Fans Actor Creativity Stephen Baldwin Given site by a friend Low moderate Moderate-High Moderate Dolly Parton Provide accurate info; honor entertainer; to do in spare time High Moderate-High High Low-moderate Elisabeth Shue No sites good enough; Web skills Low Low High Low-moderate Jeremy irons No other sites Low Low High Low-moderate Catherine McClements No other sites; honor actor Low Low Moderate High Jacqueline Bisset No other good sites; deserved one Low Low High Low-moderate Christopher Atkins Other fans requesting info Moderate-high Low-moderate High Moderate Gerard Butler Put up site for a friend Moderate-high High High High Anna Lee No other site Low Low High Low Jackie Chan Not many sites in English; attracted to actors Low Low Moderate Low Pierce Brosnan No sites good enough Low-moderate Low High Low-moderate Matt Dillon Not many sites; Web skills; fans Low Low Moderate Low David Cassidy Provide information Low Low-moderate Moderate Low Mae West No sites; honor entertainer High Low High Low Michael Biehn Share information; Web skills; fan fiction Low Low Moderate High John J. York Support actor Low Moderate High Low-moderate Lee Montgomery No sites; information for other fans Low-moderate Low-moderate Moderate Low Chevy Chase As a parody of other fansites Low Low-moderate High High Kenneth Branaugh Provide information Low-moderate Low Low-Moderate Low Jensen Ackles Regard for actor; share regard with other fans Low Low Moderate High
Table 2: Musicians' Reported Motives, Identification Levels, and Site Content
Respondent Primary Motives Identification Site Content
Fans Musician Creativity Sam Harris Share information, excitement for performer Moderate Low-moderate High Low-moderate Annie Lennox No official site; fans; creativity Low-moderate Low-moderate High High Michael Jackson Regard for musician Moderate Low-moderate Moderate High Bob Geldorf Support the artist High Moderate-high High Low-moderate Murray Head Provide information Low Low-moderate High Moderate Jewel Provide information Moderate-High Moderate Moderate Low-moderate Robert Quine Tribute to musician; Web skills High Low High Moderate Michael Penn No official site Moderate Low-moderate High Low Paul Stanley Express creativity Low-moderate Moderate-high Moderate High Darren Hayes Not many sites High Moderate-high Moderate Moderate-high Brian Eno Provide information; Web skills Low Low High High Mark McGrath Show appreciation for musician High Low-moderate High Low-moderate Barry Manilow Share original photos Moderate Low Low-Moderate High Stephen Gately No other sites; provide information; fan communication Moderate High High Moderate-high Jack Johnson No other sites High Low High Low-moderate Warren Zevon (1) Provide a place for fan communication Low High Low-moderate High David Sneddon Support musician Moderate Low-moderate High High Bruce Cockburn Not many sites; Web skills Low Low High Low-moderate Tanita Tikaram No other sites Low Low High Low Celine Dion Analyzes dreams of fans and musician Moderate High Low-moderate High Respondent Primary Motives Identification Site Content
Fans Musician Creativity Daniel Jones Not many sites Low Moderate High Low-moderate Ron Wood Web skills High Low-moderate High Moderate-high Mark Lanegan Promote musician; create fan community Moderate High Moderate High Warren Zevon (2) Web skills High Low Moderate High Ronan Keating Web skills Moderate Moderate-high High Moderate-high Dean Martin Promote self; tribute to performer High Low High Low-moderate Connie Francis Provide information; share memorabilia collection High Low High Low Ronnie Lane To create fan community High Moderate High Low Stan Ridgway No other sites; serve as fan resource Moderate Low Low-moderate Moderate
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