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Exporting racial images and U.S. media exposure:
Perceptions of African Americans in Romania
Abstract
This research explored perceptions of African Americans held in
Romania, in the context of global media flows exposing cultures to
unfamiliar racial images. Exposure to American television programming
was expected to shape Romanians' perceptions of African Americans.
The findings suggest that the surveyed Romanian sample holds U.S.
stereotypes of blacks, yet a relationship between such racial
perceptions and exposure to American television content is
problematic to draw at this point.
Adina Schneeweis
School of Journalism and Mass Communication
University of Minnesota-Twin Cities
111 Murphy Hall
206 Church St. SE
Minneapolis, MN 55455
Contact: (612) 874-9646
g
Manuscript submitted to AEJMC 2005
International Communication Division
1 April 2005
Adina Schneeweis is a graduate student in the School of Journalism
and Mass Communication at the University of Minnesota-Twin Cities.
Copyright © Schneeweis 2005
Exporting racial images and U.S. media exposure:
Perceptions of African Americans in Romania
Abstract
This research explored perceptions of African Americans held in
Romania, in the context of global media flows exposing cultures to
unfamiliar racial images. Exposure to American television programming
was expected to shape Romanians' perceptions of African Americans.
The findings suggest that the surveyed Romanian sample holds U.S.
stereotypes of blacks, yet a relationship between such racial
perceptions and exposure to American television content is
problematic to draw at this point.
Manuscript submitted to AEJMC 2005
International Communication Division
1 April 2005
Exporting racial images and U.S. media exposure:
Perceptions of African Americans in Romania
Concepts of race are part of every day reality, structuring
identities, relations, and institutions, in both state and civil
societies. Scholarly attention to racial prejudice and discrimination
against minority groups in Western societies has documented negative
social cognitions underlying such discrimination that is conveyed in
the many forms of everyday communication. These studies show that
racial discrimination remains a serious issue today
(Smitherman-Donaldson & van Dijk, 1999), still pervasive and embedded
in the U.S. system, in particular, where white Americans are placed
in a superior position at the expense of African Americans and other
people of color. Furthermore, American blacks continue to be treated
as "the other," as "different," while people of European and
North-American Caucasian background benefit from a non-comparative
stance (from this point of view), and diversity is assumed between
whites (Barker, 1999, p. 84). This hierarchy persists, some scholars
assert, because of stereotypes, prejudice, and discriminatory
practices, embedded in a racial ideology, supported and reconstructed
via media (Domke, 1997; Entman & Rojecki, 2000; Feagin & O'Brien,
2003; Omi & Winant, 1994; Smitherman-Donaldson & van Dijk, 1988).
In the context of evolving global interconnections, hegemonic
discriminatory images are likely to spread globally via media. To
many cultures, American media, in particular television, is the only
vehicle of information about the U.S. culture. It becomes therefore
imperative to understand how American programs are locally received
and what racial images they are projecting. The purpose of this
research was to explore perceptions of African Americans held in
Romania and the relationship between such images and exposure to
American television programs. Romanians' perceptions were compared to
identified U.S. stereotypes about blacks, in order to investigate
whether exported racial messages may lead to reproduction of racial
ideology in the global cultural context.
Scholars from various disciplines have documented that, via media,
race becomes ingrained in the common sense of a culture (Domke, 1997;
Entman, 1993; Entman & Rojecki, 2000; Hall, 1979; Omi & Winant,
1994), operating at the level of comprehending, explaining, and
motivating interactions in the world. Most research to date documents
how U.S. media unjustly portrays minority races. Further study is
needed regarding the interplay between cultural objects and their
audience. In addition, in light of cultural imports and their local
reception, as well as the construction of meaning of foreign media
programs, it is important to identify theoretically how perceptions
of the other may be affected by media exposure. What happens to
racial identity – and peoples' perceptions in a local setting – that
is far removed from the U.S. culture but regularly exposed to
American media products? Under what auspices are perceptions formed
in developing countries, where the population structure may not be as
diverse as it is in the United States, and the historical background
that accounts for the mechanisms of U.S. racial discrimination is not
present? Considering cultural globalization and the construction of
meaning, what are the conditions under which people form impressions
of races that are not present in their own countries?
To answer such questions, this research focuses on the specific case
of African American perceptions in Romania and their relationship
with television texts. Historically, blacks have played a critical
role in the United States. Since the early 17th century until present
day, "no group has been more central to white thinking about
whiteness and the racial 'others' than African Americans" (Feagin &
O'Brien, 2003, pp. 18-19). The literature continues to describe
predominantly unfair representations of this group in the media, yet
gradual improvements are recorded (Lester, 2000; Smitherman-Donaldson
& van Dijk, 1988). The focus of research is on television, a medium
seen as powerful, combining visual and aural means to reach audiences.
Drawing from the arguments of anthropologist Clifford Geertz (1966),
one cultural product has the capacity to inform about a culture;
generalizing to the world realm, one cultural case should have the
capacity to inform about global processes. Focusing on a case study
rather than the whole is appropriate in order to provide a
description of a project, seen through the lens of a particular
example. It does not matter what example from the totality is
analyzed; this specimen will represent the traits of the whole,
argues political scientist John Gerring (2004). "The road to the
grand abstractions of science winds through a thicket of singular
facts," wrote Geertz (1966, p. 5). This research focuses on the case
of the Romanian culture, as one example out of the myriad of
countries importing U.S. television content under the umbrella of
global trends. Moreover, ethnically, Romania has a rather homogeneous
population with little practical historical experience with other
races. Romania's ethnic diversity, derived from the country's
geographic position astride major continental migration routes,
comprises of over 21 million inhabitants,[1] of whom 89.5% are
Romanian and more than 20 ethnic minorities account for the remaining
10.5%. All ethnicities are Caucasian, except the Gypsy minority,
accounting for 2.46% of the population.
Since the Romanian Revolution in December 1989 that overthrew the
Communist regime, new internal governments have made substantial
efforts to adjust to democratic and capitalist systems, attempting to
emulate Western models. Romanian media, and television production in
particular, have new market requirements, while economic support
remains lacking. Most Romanian stations, public and private, have
been importing most of their entertainment content, since only
recently has the local industry begun producing Romanian television
programs. Due to the imperative to compete on the market with newer
commercial stations, the national public television TVR 1 has
abandoned cultural-educative programs and adopts commercial program
grids, with more focus on entertainment and sensationalism (Coman,
2003). In this context, Western (mainly U.S.) media productions have
been extensively imported: Films, dramas, situation comedies, and
soap-operas; formats for television talk-shows, game shows, reality,
and news "shows" (even the very notion of "show" is Western).
To many foreign audiences, American television is the central source
of information about the U.S. culture – and its racial structure
(Tan, Li, & Simpson, 1986). As a source of people's understanding of
reality, the expectation is that racial perceptions, including racial
stereotypes as they appear on television, "will closely correspond to
the 'realities' portrayed on television" (Tan & Suarchavarat, 1988,
p. 648), especially in a culture with little diversity in the
predominant race, and with limited individual experiences. Television
content is assumed to be readily available, easily processed, and the
images presented are schematic and simplified, with summarized
portrayals of race (Gerbner, Gross, Morgan, & Signorielli, 1986).
U.S. media are in the position to "speak" to Romanian audiences,
holding the privileged position of "domination" in the process of
communicating messages about African Americans.
Several theoretical formulations have been offered to explain
television influence on social reality. Social learning theory
suggests that people model behavior, attitudes, and emotional
responses after observing role models in the mass media (Bandura,
1973, 1977; Liebert, Neale, & Davidson, 1973). If behaviors and
beliefs are repeated, simple, and "vicariously or directly
reinforced" (Tan & Suarchavarat, 1988, p. 649), they are more easily
assimilated. Out of all media, television fulfills these criteria.
Cultivation theorists further argue that television presents a rather
uniform, mainstream picture of real-world relations, internalized and
accepted by heavy viewers (Gerbner et al., 1986; (Greenberg, Mastro &
Brand, 2002; Signorielli & Morgan, 1996). The more people watch
television, the less selective they are in what they are watching,
and the more they are likely to perceive the world in ways that
reflect representations obtained through mediated experiences (most
common or repeated messages) – that is, the more they are likely to
give the "television answers" (Signorielli & Morgan, 1996, pp.
115-119). The opposite is assumed about light viewers, who are
assumed to have as their basis of information a more varied and
diverse pool of sources (both mediated and interpersonal). These
scholars conclude that television is the creator of "synthetic
cultural patterns" for heterogeneous mass groups and for audiences
unfamiliar to the information system (Gerbner, Gross, Jackson-Beeck,
Jeffries-Fox & Signorielli, 1978, p. 178). Adoni and Mane (1984)
propose that direct experience with what is portrayed on television
also affects the learning and assimilation processes. As follows, the
Romanian public matches this description, having limited experience
with people of African descent.
African Americans in the World Television Market
In the context of cultural globalization, research shows that
American popular culture dominates television exports (Schiller,
1976; The Media Awareness Network, 2004; Varis, 1983, as quoted in
Lealand, 1988). Since the mid-60s, the United States has been the
leading exporter of media content (Browne, 1999; Varis, 1984),
raising questions of the real social and political impact of such
texts. Scrutinizing scholarly attention to international electronic
media exchanges, communication scholar Donald Browne (1999) notes
cultural imperialist concerns, with developing countries unable to
fend off American imports, due to economic instability and
technological underdevelopment. The same applies to Third World
countries (Kolbeins, 1992; Quester, 1990; Ware & Dupagne, 1994).
Continued research exploring the effects of non-local media content
emerges as a necessity, since most of the writing in the field has so
far assumed that exported U.S. television "must have a psychological
impact (usually negative) on viewers" (Browne, 1999, p. 73; also see
Ware & Dupagne, 1994).
As regards the portrayal of African Americans in the U.S. media,
research abounds on the topic. Most commonly, the literature records
predominantly negative portrayals of minority groups in the media
(Smitherman-Donaldson & van Dijk, 1988, p. 12). Following several
protests,[2] scholars note an increase in the presence of African
Americans on the U.S. television screens, yet the more important
question of the quality and fairness of such representations emerge.
"The use of stereotypical characters, no matter how many, is not
progress," writes Lester (2000, p. 291). Analysis of entertainment
television content shows that it reflects a real-life racial divide,
whilst others note, nonetheless, encouraging changes in prime-time
entertainment programs (Entman & Rojecki, 2000; Greenberg et al., 2002).
Scholars note that African Americans are portrayed at two extremes,
either as poor criminals, or as middle-class, successful black
families (Barker, 1999), in shows such as The Cosby Show or The Fresh
Prince of Bel-Air. Some stereotypes about blacks are laziness, lack
of ambition, violence and aggressiveness, desirous of welfare,
paranoid about discrimination, or holding mainly servant jobs (e.g.,
Entman & Rojecki, 2000; Feagin & O'Brien, 2003; Smitherman-Donaldson
& van Dijk, 1988). In television newscasts, it is common that African
Americans are associated with guns, crime, violence and social
problems (e.g., Barker, 1990; Martindale, 1986). Poor blacks are
further connected with drugs, gangs, teenage pregnancy, and
non-nuclear families (e.g., Barker, 1999). Such images of African
Americans are crucial to keep in mind when discussing the perceptions
of non-American television viewers. In view of the "export" of U.S.
stereotypes about African Americans via U.S. media, does the
circulation of such messages, created in one culture and transported
outside its boundaries, lead to reproduction of racial ideology in
the global cultural context?
In the international context, there is extensive literature regarding
ethnic and racial prejudice and discriminatory portrayals in the
media (in countries such as France, Belgium, Great Britain, or other
European countries),[3] particularly focusing on immigrant portrayals
and on national and ethnic stereotypes in the media (Berrien, 1969;
Brigham, 1971; Frachon & Vargaftig, 1995; Salazar & Marin, 1977).
Foreigners' reaction to U.S. media has been documented (e.g., Browne,
1968; Tan et al., 1986; Tan & Suarchavarat, 1988; Ware & Dupagne,
1994), however, researchers have rarely focused on foreign viewers'
understanding of racial and ethnic minorities in other countries
whose media they are exposed to – such is the case of Romanians
watching African Americans in American television programs broadcast
in Romania (e.g., Lealand, 1988; Sepstrup, 1989).
When crossing cultural borders, it is imperative to explore the
intricate relationship between exposure to foreign media content, and
the reception of stereotypical images about races and ethnicities
locally absent. Translating Gudbjorg Kolbeins' (1992) assessment of
foreign viewers' perceptions of the United States that are shaped by
American television content,[4] if one assumes that African Americans
are stereotypically portrayed in U.S. television programs, it can be
expected, then, that Romanians, whether heavy viewers or not, hold
beliefs about blacks that correspond to such discriminatory images.
It becomes critical to examine, then, the relationship between racial
perceptions and media exposure (i.e., American television viewing),
being aware of the significance of exporting racial imagery. The
purpose of this research was to explore Romanians' perceptions of
African Americans, focusing to identify specific stereotypes that are
common in the U.S. media. The following research questions were asked:
RQ1: What are Romanians' perceptions about African Americans?
RQ2: Are U.S. stereotypes present in Romanians' perceptions of
African Americans?
RQ3: What is the relative influence of American television on the
racial perceptions of African Americans held by Romanians, compared
to personal travel or contact with blacks?
Based on social learning theory, mainstreaming studies, and previous
studies of American racial stereotypes and television broadcast
outside of the United States, the expectation is that American
television is the primary source of information for racial imagery,
and that these images correspond to stereotypes present on American television.
Method
In order to test the above expectations, this study used a
convenience sample of Romanian college students in a Northwestern
city of Romania. The self-administered questionnaires were
distributed by an instructor in the university, in libraries and
cafeterias. All instructions and questions were in Romanian.[5] While
this purposive sample is not representative of all college students
in Romania, it consists of persons most likely to be exposed to U.S.
television programming. Research shows that television affects the
beliefs, behavior, and attitudes of young people, serving as a main
source of information, "especially on topics where the environment
does not supply firsthand experience or other sources of information"
(Comstock, 1975, p. 27). Not only are teenagers and young adults
easily influenced, but they are the age-group most open to and
interested in U.S. popular culture (Thomsen, 1989). It was therefore
expected that college students have been exposed to – and shaped by,
as the theory argues – U.S. television programs[6] from a relatively
early age. The total obtained college sample was 109 (see Table 1),
of whom 78 were females and 31 were males. The average age was 20,
and the majority of them were in their freshman year.
Table 1. Gender, Age, and Year in College
Characteristics
Percent
Gender
Male
28.4
n=109
Female
71.6
Age
18-20
65.1
n=109
21-23
26.6
Over 23
8.3
Year in College
1-2
76.6
n=107
3-4
20.6
5-6
2.8
Measurement. Perceptions of African Americans were measured by asking
respondents the first things associated with African Americans (i.e.,
slavery, poverty, types of music, etc.); rating the degree of
perceived similarity with or difference between blacks and self was
another measure used to answer the first research question. As for
the second one, participants were asked to record on a 5-point scale
(1 = Strongly Disagree, 5 = Strongly Agree) their degree of agreement
or disagreement with particular questions tapping into
stereotypes.[7] Stereotypical images selected for testing were
poverty (e.g., African Americans live in poorer neighborhoods than
people of other races); violence and aggressiveness (e.g., African
American neighborhoods are generally safe places to live in); lack of
intelligence (e.g., African American children are intellectually less
capable of getting good grades in school than are children of other
races); drug use (e.g., Efforts to decrease drug use in African
American communities are useless because blacks will continue to use
drugs anyway); sexuality (e.g., I would be willing to have sexual
relationships with an African American person); sports performances
(e.g., African Americans are good athletes in most sports); and music
preferences.
Other items aimed at respondents' personal relations or acquaintances
with African Americans, and previous travel in the United States.
Participants were also asked to evaluate the overall diversity of
their group of friends, including the racial diversity. Open-ended
questions were included in order for respondents to describe, where
applicable, the experience they had with African Americans. These (n
= 43) were content-analyzed, looking for indicators of the depth of
the relationships (words such as "friend," "friendship," or
"relationship;" duration of relations; explanation of context, such
as class mates or work colleagues). Bearing in mind that
relationships are unique and difficult to categorize based on mere
identification as "friends," for example, the focus was to identify
situations where more profound relations existed.
Respondents' exposure to U.S. television programs was measured by
asking respondents how many hours they watched television daily, per
weekend, how many hours they watched American programs yesterday,
broken down by genre (Gerbner et al., 1978; Tan et al., 1986; Tan &
Suarchavarat, 1988). Heavy viewers (watching U.S. television programs
for more than 6 hours daily) were expected to more likely perceive
African Americans in ways that reflect "the most common and the
repetitive messages and lessons of the television world," in
comparison to people who watch less television and are otherwise
comparable in important demographic characteristics (Signorielli &
Morgan, 1996, p. 119).
Findings
RQ1: What are Romanians' perceptions about African Americans?
Romanians' perceptions of African Americans reflect an accurate
depiction of black social reality. The most often mentioned item was
racial discrimination (see Table 2). Most respondents (44%)
considered African Americans as the group most affected by racism in
the United States, followed by Muslims (20.2%), Hispanics (11.9%) and
Native Americans (10.7%). When more than one group was viewed as
discriminated against, African Americans still appeared as one of the
identified groups. The next most often elements connected to African
Americans further remind of television images of blacks. Music and
sports were common frequent associations with African Americans,
while poverty and violence were other stereotypical views that were
recollected relatively often. The least often chosen items were
"great leaders," and "academically successful," elements which are
also more rarely seen in media representations. The music genres
perceived to be characteristic of blacks match common media
portrayals (see Table 3), and they were most frequently hip-hop/rap,
jazz, reggae, religious, and blues. Romanians perceive African
Americans different than themselves and their peers in terms of the
values they teach their children and the religious beliefs and
practices, while they view blacks similar to themselves in sexual
values and practices and in terms of social relations habits (see
Table 4). Such perceptions reflect both a sense of cultural
difference (e.g., religious and educational diversity) and sharing
basic human practices (e.g., sexual behavior and social relations).
Table 2. Items Associated with African Americans (in percentage)
No mention
Least often
Often
Most often
Slavery
61.5
16.5
11
11
The Civil Rights Movement
75.2
8.3
11
5.5
Poverty
72.5
8.3
6.4
12.8
Religion
83.5
9.2
4.6
2.8
Great leaders
93.6
2.8
2.8
.9
Violence
77.1
7.3
13.8
1.8
Racial discrimination
42.2
14.7
12.8
30.3
Music
45
26.6
10.1
18.3
Drugs
79.8
9.2
5.5
5.5
Academic success
95.4
2.8
.9
.9
Sports
58.7
11.9
16.5
12.8
Basic racial difference between me and African Americans
91.7
5.5
.9
1.8
n=109
Table 3. Music Genres Associated with African Americans (in percentage)
No mention
Least frequently
Frequently
Most frequently
Jazz
37.6
22.9
14.7
24.8
Rock
89.9
8.3
.9
.9
Folk ballads
92.7
4.6
1.8
.9
Reggae
58.7
12.8
18.3
10.1
Religious music
77.1
7.3
11.9
3.7
Swing
94.5
2.8
1.8
.9
Hip-hop/Rap
26.6
19.3
14.7
39.4
Blues
72.5
9.2
11.9
6.4
Country*
92.7
2.8
3.7
-
Classical
92.7
3.7
.9
2.8
Punk
97.2
2.8
-
-
Gospel
61.5
16.5
11
11
African Tribal
78.9
6.4
6.4
8.3
Minstrel
91.7
7.3
-
.9
n=109, *n=108
Table 4. Perceived Difference from and Similarity with African
Americans (in percentage)
African Americans are different than people like myself
African Americans are similar to people like myself
Values to be taught to one's children
55
45
Religious beliefs and practices
74.3
25.7
Sexual values and sexual practices*
41.3
57.8
Social relations**
38.5
58.7
n=109, *n=108, **n=106
RQ2: Are U.S. stereotypes present in Romanians' perceptions of
African Americans?
Principal component factor analysis with varimax rotation was
conducted to determine whether the conceptual stereotype breakdown
described above corresponded with the empirical evidence provided by
the data. Only factor loadings exceeding the conservative threshold
of +.50 or -.50, and those including a minimum of two items were
considered meaningful. Alpha reliability scores were further
calculated for the variable subsets obtained. Taking also into
account the theoretical interpretability of the subsets, the data
suggested three factors of racial stereotypes, after two items were
dropped from the original pool of 22 items measuring the stereotypes
identified in the literature review. These factors were relabeled
Negative Perception, Sexual Attraction, and Poverty (see Table 5),
corresponding to U.S. stereotypes identified in the literature review.
The first factor, consisting primarily of descriptions of African
Americans as less intelligent and violent, accounted for 22% of the
variance, with a mean for responses on a 5-point Likert scale of 2.11
(SD=.80). The alpha reliability score for this variable subset was
a=.81, yet, after elimination of the statement regarding African
Americans as being more sexual than other races, the alpha score
became a=.82. Because conceptually this item was not as much in line
with the other items loading in the first factor, and because the
reliability score slightly increased after its elimination, the
revised group is comprised of the remaining five variables. In
correspondence with the literature on stereotypes, this factor
represents a series of negative stereotypes of blacks. Based on this
analysis, Romanians seemed to associate lack of intelligence (i.e.,
in children's school performance, and reflected in the types of jobs
held by African Americans) with criminality and fear of being
aggressed by a black male, and therefore expressing reluctance to
have an African American in their family. What appears as an
ambiguous empirical association of stereotypical traits reflects in
fact television representations, where people's characteristics are
not broken down in distinct traits.
Table 5. Factor Loadings of Racial Stereotypes
Racial Stereotypes Dimension
Factor 1:
Negative Perception
Factor 2:
Sexual Attraction
Factor 3:
Poverty
African Americans are more sexual people than people from other races.
.61
.15
.03
African Americans tend to be criminally inclined.
.80
.08
.02
I would mind if an African American person who had a similar economic
background as mine joined my close family by marriage.
.66
.45
.04
African Americans are better at manual labor jobs than at "white collar" jobs.
.68
.20
.25
African American children are intellectually less capable of getting
good grades in school than are children of other races.
.55
.15
.20
I would be afraid to be close to an African American male – I'd be
afraid he'd beat me up.
.66
.19
.31
African Americans are physically attractive people.
.12
.79
.04
I would be willing to have sexual relationships with an African
American person.
.12
.87
.02
Few African Americans have jobs.
.17
.05
.74
Most African Americans don't own a home.
.05
.02
.81
Explained variance
21.73%
12.68%
6.63%
Eigenvalues
4.99
2.91
1.52
The second factor consisted exclusively of sexual attraction items
(i.e., physical attractiveness in general, and in relation to the
respondent, who is willing to engage in sexual relations with an
African American person). It accounted for 13% of the total variance,
with a mean for responses on a 5-point Likert scale of 3.48
(SD=1.08). The alpha reliability score for this variable subset was
a=.72. Items referring to African American poverty comprised the
third factor, which accounted for 7% of the variance, with a mean of
2.70 (SD=.77). The alpha score for this subset was a=.56. Nunnally
(1978) suggests that alpha reliability estimates above +.60 are
acceptable, so this factor could be regarded as marginally
acceptable. Although the conclusions surrounding this subset are
tentative and cautious, for the purpose of this discussion it is
still important to take it into account, mostly due to its conceptual
uniformity.
RQ3: What is the relative influence of American television on the
racial perceptions of African Americans held by Romanians, compared
to personal travel or contact with blacks?
Most respondents said they watched television less than two hours
daily or in weekends (see Table 6). Under 20% reported watching
television more than six hours, daily or last weekend. Frequently
watched American television programs were music videos and movies,
genres which correspond to the expected interests of the surveyed
age-group. Travel to the United States was limited: 86.1% of the
sample had never visited the country, 8.3% had traveled once, 4.6%
had traveled twice, and only one person (.9%) had visited the United
States more than twice. Personal acquaintances with African American
were more frequent: 46.3% recorded they have met a black person from
the United States, while 53.7% have not.
Table 6. Hours of Television Watched Daily and Last Weekend (in percentage)
2 hours or less
2 to 6 hours
6 hours or more
Hours a day last week
53.7
31.5
14.8
Last weekend
52.8
29.6
17.6
Table 7. Hours of U.S. Television Programs Watched Yesterday (in percentage)
Genre
Not watched this genre
2 hours or less
2 to 6 hours
6 hours or more
Movies
56.5
33.3
9.3
.9
Dramas
86.1
12.0
1.0
-
Sitcoms
78.7
21.3
-
-
Music videos
57.4
36.1
5.6
.9
Other U. S. programs*
92.6
6.5
-
.9
*documentaries (2), news (2), shows (1), sports (1), as reported by
participants
To test the expectation that U.S. television would be a major
influence on Romanians' stereotypes of African Americans, regression
analysis was used, with each of the three factors as the dependent
variables and the following independent variables: television
viewing, total U.S. television viewing, travel to the United States,
personal acquaintances with blacks, reported overall and racial
diversity among the respondents' group of friends, and degree of
perceived similarity or difference with African Americans.
As Table 8 shows, travel to the United States and the perceived sense
of similarity or difference between the self and blacks were the most
frequent significant predictors of racial stereotypes. The more
respondents reported having traveled to the U.S., the more negatively
African Americans were perceived (the image of black poverty was
marginally significant). Also, travel decreased the degree of support
for the sexually attractive perception of African Americans.
Interestingly, though, personal experience with blacks was not a
significant predictor of stereotypes. The negative perception of
blacks was only marginally predicted by acquaintances with African
Americans (Beta=-.10, p<.20), yet the direction of this relationship
indicates a slight decrease in the negative perception as direct
experience increases. The direction of the regression slope for the
relationship between the dependent variables and the perceived
similarity or difference between self and African Americans indicates
that the more similar blacks are perceived to oneself, the less
negative is their image in respondents' view (overall and in terms of
poverty), while the more similar they appear to oneself, the higher
the perception of African Americans as sexually attractive people.
Overall reported diversity among one's group of friends was also a
significant predictor of the negative perception held about African
Americans, and a marginally significant predictor of the sexual
attraction stereotype. The more overall diverse (in terms of
nationality, race, religion, and social class) one's group of friends
is, the less negative perception there is about African Americans.
Racial diversity among one's group of friends alone was not a
significant predictor of the dependent variable, and this findings
makes logical sense in the context of the homogeneous ethnic
structure of the Romanian population.
Table 8. Stereotypes of African Americans and Predictors
Racial Stereotype Factor
Predictors
Overall Television Viewing
Total Viewing of U.S. Programs
Travel to the United States
Personal Experience with African Americans
Overall diversity among friends
Racial diversity among friends
Perceived Similarity or Difference
Negative Perception
.03
-.11
.33*
-.10
-.43*
.19
-.40*
Sexual Attraction
.03
.03
-.29*
-.008
.20***
.08
.37*
Poverty
.02
.06
.25**
-.15****
-.09
.15
-.25**
Notes: Cell entries are Beta weights from regression
*p<.00, **p<.01, ***p<.11, ****p<.13
In situations where respondents had African American acquaintances,
they were asked to provide a description of the experience. The
descriptive answers[8] were qualitatively analyzed and categorized,
based on indication of the depth and complexity of the relationship,
as (1) superficial acquaintances (n1 = 15), limited to exchanging
names, giving directions, being neighbors,[9] short conversations, or
professional acquaintances; (2) moderate relationships (n2 = 17),
generally described as "friendly relationships," developed in school-
or work-related exchange programs; and (3) deeper friendships (n3 =
11), often identified as "good friend." Particularly in the
"moderate" category, there were some contradictory, if not
negatively, slanted comments – although African Americans were
described positively overall, there were indications of difference.
Such commentaries need to be weighed in the context of framing
strategies, where the mere selection of difference is just as
important as that of positivity. There was no statistical difference
between the three groups of respondents (those who had superficial,
moderate or deep relationships with blacks) in terms of their scores
on racial stereotypes.
Discussion
The purpose of this research was to explore perceptions of African
Americans held in Romania. This study asserted that exposure to
American television programming guides people's perceptions of race,
in the context of increased concern for the export of racial imagery
made possible by global flows of media content. Thus, Romanians'
perceptions were compared to identified U.S. stereotypes about
African Americans. This research suggests that the surveyed Romanian
sample holds U.S. stereotypes of blacks, yet a relationship between
such racial perceptions and exposure to American television content
is problematic to draw at this point.
This analysis points to the fact that watching television, and in
particular viewing of American programming, may not be the major
source of racial stereotypes for the Romanian sample. Rather,
visiting the United States, having a diverse group of friends with
different cultural and social experiences were better predictors of
perceptions of African Americans. However, the findings also inform
on the fact that perceived similarity between oneself and blacks
plays a role in how this racial group is perceived. This also support
the argument that direct experience and an enhanced understanding of
racial differences facilitates more tolerance of otherness. Another
important finding is that, although this study cannot bring evidence
to support the relationship between racial perceptions and media
exposure, the Romanian sample perceived African Americans as a
racially discriminated against group, and more importantly, they
recollected U.S. stereotypes to describe blacks in the United States.
Other than recognizing racial discrimination as a social reality of
African Americans in the United States, the Romanian student sample
associated blacks with sports, followed by violence and poverty as
key descriptors. Such images correspond to those commonly present in
American media. The music genres most often connected with African
Americans coincided with the schematic representations in U.S. media.
Further research needs to explore whether such association between
blacks and these music genres leads to additional stereotyping,
relating African Americans' music preferences to images of ghettos or gangs.
Furthermore, answering the second research question (i.e., Are U.S.
stereotypes present in Romanians' perceptions of African Americans?),
the stereotypes of blacks present in the U.S. culture and media
discourse (Barker, 1999; Entman & Rojecki, 2000; Feagin & O'Brien,
2003; Smitherman-Donaldson & van Dijk, 1988) are also seen in the
factors suggested by the data analysis, as central stereotypes
associated with African Americans by the surveyed Romanians. These
stereotypes are lack of intelligence, violence, aggressiveness, and
poverty, negative elements which led respondents to associate such
traits with feeling of discomfort if an African American joined their
family by marriage. Sexual attractiveness as an erotic attribute was
another stereotypical view of blacks (respondents' gender made no
difference in how these items were viewed). This finding corresponds
to identified discourses of eroticization of "the other," as a
heritage of imperial relations (Spurr, 1999), and of slavery
mentality (Rochon, 1998).
Contrary to expectations, the surveyed sample of Romanians did not
appear to be classical "heavy television viewers," as defined and
measured by cultivation scholars George Gerbner and his associates. A
potential explanation lies within college student lifestyle in
Romania, where there are no provided television sets in most
dormitories. Moreover, the questionnaires were administered in a
school-related environment, by an instructor, and thus situational
desirability may have affected the reported amount of leisure
television viewing. Nonetheless, a more refined scale is needed to
tap at selectivity of exposure. Viewing certain types of programs vs.
general television exposure is a common criticism to cultivation
theory and methodology (Hawkins & Pingree, 1981; Rubin, Palmgreen, &
Sypher, 1994; Rubin, Perse, & Taylor, 1988), as is the need for
measuring the level of involvement with television programs (Levy &
Windahl, 1984; Rubin et al., 1994), in particular with programs of
American provenance. The concept of television exposure is not only
complex in itself, but the matter becomes even more intricate when
crossing national borders and attempting to understand patterns of
appropriating and retaining foreign texts.
While in this study exposure to American television did not predict
the stereotypes held by the Romanian sample, travel positively
predicted the negative perceptions of African Americans. Although
this finding contradicts initial expectations, it may make most
logical sense. In the context of limited travel experiences (only one
participant reported having traveled to the United States more than
twice), isolated occasions to experience real-life racial diversity
(as are most areas in the United States) merely reinforce preexisting
stereotypes. If indeed, as the theoretical formulations of this study
suggest, such stereotypes are acquired via media, limited direct
experience continue to build upon such images, instead of
challenging, reshaping and reinventing perceptions of other races,
which would require numerous and/or substantial contacts (as
suggested by the group contact hypothesis; see Ellison & Powers,
1994; Pettigrew, 1998; Sigelman & Welch, 1993). The finding
suggesting that having African American acquaintances may decrease
negative perceptions (a marginally significant predictor) also
supports this argument. The present study should inform further
research exploring whether indeed more direct experience with people
of other races allows for more realistic perceptions, and not for
stereotypical views.
Another explanation of the travel-Negative Perception relationships
could be that travel in the United States facilitates exposure to
sustained, subtle forms of racism against African Americans
(Smitherman-Donaldson & van Dijk, 1988; van Dijk, 1999). The pressure
to also fit into the dominant white culture – a common expectation of
school- or work-related exchange programs[10] – may require white
Romanians to accept, whether consciously or not, societal structures
that encompass such racist mechanisms. Naturally, this assumption
should also be tested by further research.
This study can be seen as a starting point in further refining the
concepts explored in this research. Further work needs to clarify
whether foreign audiences are forming implicit attitudes and
stereotypes towards African Americans, following exposure to U.S.
media content. A multi-method approach, combining the present
findings with qualitative observations in focus groups, interviews,
or even through ethnographic methodology, may tap at deep-rooted
attitudes towards African Americans (Guglielmi, 1999; Schneider,
2004). An interesting and important route would be to study Romanian
stereotypes of Gypsies, and investigate whether they are extrapolated
and generalized – if at all – to African Americans, since Gypsies are
the most prevalent example of interracial experience Romanians, as a
society, may have. Are such racially discriminating processes similar
or different? How do they differ or compare? In the context of
globalization, faced with the realities of increased migration,
racial and ethnic identity (re)creation in a circulating media
environment is a ubiquitous matter, and allowing images of
discrimination to be reproduced and reenacted affects not only the
indigenous culture, but its global neighbors. Familiarizing cultures
with each other and introducing diversity as a tool to embrace races
is critical in the struggle with racism. This is the role that a
global culture should assume.
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[1] The 2002 National Census approximate Romania's population at
21,680,974 inhabitants, available at: h.
[2] Such is, for instance, the one initiated in 1999 by the National
Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) against the
lack of minority portrayal on television, alongside a legal campaign
demanding increased racial diversity on the air.
[3] The present research focused on U.S. stereotypes apparent in
American television, as discussed below.
[4] In Kolbeins' words, "If one assumes that there is more violence
in U.S. television programs than in programs from other countries, it
is obvious that foreign audiences, whether heavy viewers or not, are
going to hold beliefs about the United States that are related to
this violence factor. The foreign viewer might tend to think of the
U.S. in terms of crimes like burglaries, drug dealing and murders.
Only direct experience with the U.S. or Americans might
counterbalance those beliefs" (1992, p. 27).
[5] Upon request, the survey is available in English and in Romanian.
[6] Before the fall of communism the broadcast was entirely
propagandistic and almost exclusively limited to Romanian programs.
[7] The scale used here was developed for the specific purpose of
this research. Adapting existing scales (e.g., Duriez, 2003; Ray,
1983) – designed for American subjects – to a Romanian sample proved
challenging. Bridging cultures and adjustment to the Romanian context
required elimination of some elements, as suggested by previous
cross-cultural research (e.g., Kolbeins, 1992; Wober, 1990). For
instance, topics such as welfare, labor unions, or health care were
excluded from the survey, since the Romanian society is structured
differently than the United States and identification with such
topics would have confounded the results. See more scales on racism
at: h; h; h; h. Questions regarding a potential association between
the African American culture and music were drawn from a list of
musical genres compiled by Folkerts and Lacy, 2001, 250-254.
[8] Upon request, a list of answers to the open-ended questions is available.
[9] In the absence of further details, this type of acquaintance was
considered a very limited relationship.
[10] Romanian college students have been offered since the mid-'90s
programs that allow them to work for the summer in the United States.
The success of such programs started raising concern, as it became so
popular among college students that it led in many cases to
immigration. The key attractions to the program are the quick way of
making money, and the easy access to fun and new experiences – thus
the pressure to quickly make new friends and integrate into the
American community. Many of the descriptions of how one met an
African American made references to work colleagues and acquaintances
during such summer programs.
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