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Generational Differences in the Connections
of Media Use, Civic Participation and Consumption Activities
Heejo Keum
Assistant Professor
Department of Communication
University of Texas-San Antonio
Please address correspondence to:
Heejo Keum
Department of Communication
University of Texas at San Antonio
6900 N. Loop 1604 W.
San Antonio, TX 78249-0643
Phone: 210.458.7740 Fax: 210.458.5991
Internet: [log in to unmask]
The author wants to thank Dhavan V. Shah, Michelle R. Nelson, Douglas
M. McLeod and Zhongdang Pan for their valuable comments on this work.
Paper submitted to the Communication Theory and Methodology Division
Association for Education in Journalism and Mass Communication Annual Meeting
San Antonio, Texas, Aug. 10-13, 2005
Generational Differences in the Connections
of Media Use, Civic Participation and Consumption Activities
Abstract
This study investigates how the media effects on civic
participation and consumption activities vary by generational groups.
A secondary analysis of the 2000 DDB Life Style Survey data indicated
that the effects of the Internet were smaller in the Civic Generation
than in the other generational groups whereas the effects of
traditional media appeared to be strongest in the Civic Generation.
Finally, the inter-relationships between participation and
consumption did not differ significantly depending on generation.
Generational Differences in the Connections
of Media Use, Civic Participation and Consumption Activities
Given generational differences shown by recent research in the areas
of media use (Lauf, 2001; McCarty & Shrum, 1993; Peiser, 2000; Zukin,
1997), consumer behavior (Abdel-Ghany & Sharpe, 1997; Henry, 2002;
Wilkes, 1995), and civic participation (Putnam, 2000; Rahn & Transue,
1998), age-related variation in media effects has proven an area that
must be considered. In particular, while the patterns of linkages
between media use and civic participation, varying by age, have been
addressed (McLeod et al., 2001; Shah et al., 2001), their connections
to consumer culture have yet to be empirically examined.
More importantly, when investigating age related-effects on
media use, civic participation, and consumer behavior, little
research has clearly distinguished whether these effects are due to
age or to generation. The distinction between these two effects
suggests very different social implications. Specifically, age
effects indicate individuals change as they get older, not that
society changes, whereas generation effects mean society changes, not
that individuals change. Thus, research on age-related differences
needs to consider if "people of different ages behave differently
because they are momentarily at different points in a common lie
cycle [age effect] or because they enduringly belong to different
generations [generation effect]," (Putnam, 2000, p.248; see also
Harding & Jencks, 2003). These age and generational effects could
shape media use, civic participation, and consumer behavior in very
different ways.
Literature Review
Age-related Differences
Media Use. Communication scholars have found that age and
generation have impacted the patterns of media use. For instance,
several studies have shown that younger people read newspapers and
watch TV news less than older generations, while viewing
entertainment media such as sitcoms more (Lauf, 2001; McCarty &
Shrum, 1993; Stevenson, 1994). This decrease in newspaper readership
among youth has repeatedly been confirmed and considered as a cause
of the trend toward civic disengagement (Lauf, 2001).
In this vein, Stevenson (1994) argues that although people
read newspapers more as they get older, they read them less than the
preceding generation. Many suggest that this is due to younger
people's lack of informational motivation in traditional media use,
stemming from a decreased interest in public affairs and political
issues (Sax, Astin, Korn, & Mahomey, 1997; see also Delli Carpini,
2000). Furthermore, the younger generations are estranged by the
audience targeting strategies of mainstream newspapers, which
primarily focus on older people (Delli Carpini, 2000). In contrast,
entertainment media like sitcoms, such as Friends, target younger
generations, which draws those who seek excitement and pleasure
rather than civic information.
More recently, age-related differences have been the focus of
research on Internet use (Lenhart et al., 2000; Loges & Jung,
2001). In particular, digital divide studies that were interested in
age effects found that people older than 65 had much less Internet
access than those younger than 30 (Katz, Rice, Aspden, 2001; Lenhart
et al., 2000). Differing from the older generations, most twenty or
thirty-somethings considered the Internet as the most useful
information source available, surpassing newspapers, television news,
and magazines (Project Vote Smart, 1999; see also Delli Carpini, 2000).
Civic Life. Not only do age-related differences appear in
media use, but they also appear in civic participation (Putnam, 2000;
Rahn & Transue, 1998). From the perspective of age effects,
traditional socialization models have related citizen participation
to age (Flanagan & Sherrod, 1998; Knoke, 1986; Knoke & Thompson,
1977). Specifically, age is a positive predictor of individuals'
civic participation (e.g., Putnam, 2000; Sotirovic & McLeod, 2001),
where, as people progress in years, they tend to have stronger
community attachments and greater civic mindedness due to owning
their own homes or having school-aged children at home (Verba & Nie,
1972). This differs from their younger counterparts who are not yet
fully integrated into social roles and responsibilities (Flanagan &
Sherrod, 1998).
Despite this established relationship between age and civic
participation, many scholars have raised questions about whether the
age related effects are due to age, as previously discussed, or about
birth cohort. From the perspective of cohort effects, Putnam (2000)
argues that, "much of the decline of civic engagement in America
during the last third of the twentieth century is attributable to the
replacement of an unusually civic generation [born during or before
the 1930's] by several generations (their children [baby boomers born
between 1945 and the mid-1960's] and grand children [generation
X'ers, born in the late 1960's and the 1970's]) that are less
embedded in community life," (p. 275). His findings indicate that
this generational gap in civic participation is mainly due to the
year in which people were born rather than their current age. Based
on this, Putnam (2000) argues that the civic generation and baby
boomers, who are concerned with the public and collective values, are
being replaced by Gen X'ers who emphasize individual and material values.
Consumption Patterns. In examining generational differences
in consumption patterns, this study focuses on the two most salient
types of consumption patterns, status-oriented and socially conscious
(Keum et al., 2004). Specifically, status-oriented consumption
refers to consumption that is status motivated and serves to display
individuals' social position to other people, while socially
conscious consumption refers to consumption in which public
consequences are taken into account.
Young people, as Putnam (2000) suggests, tend to engage more
actively in consuming material goods, such as relatively luxurious
houses, cars, and clothes, than they do in participating in community
activities. In contrast, older generations' consumption patterns
have been shown to focus more on necessary goods (e.g., food at home
and household operations) and less on status goods (e.g., clothing
and leisure) than younger generations (Abdel-Ghany & Sharpe, 1997).
Particularly in the Gen-Xers, this trend has been attributed
to Schor's (2000) concept of new consumerism of the 1980s and 1990s,
where conspicuous luxury consumption, including "trophy homes,
diamonds of a carat or more, granite countertops, and sport utility
vehicles" grew rapidly. This new consumerism is thought to have lead
this generation to develop as status conscious consumers during their
formative years. Supporting this view, Henry (2002) demonstrates
that people assign different priorities, depending on their ages, to
expressive criteria and functional criteria in their consumption
activities. In this study, the younger generations placed more
emphasis on items that expressed their identities and status, whereas
older generations placed more emphasis on the functionality of an
item. In addition, given that people tend to be more committed to the
community as they grow older, older generations are supposed to be
more active in socially conscious consumption.
Differential Effects of the Internet by Generation
Given these age and generation effects on the areas of media
use, civic participation, and consumption patterns, generational
differences likely exist in how the media influence citizen and
consumer activities. Supporting this view, in their analyses of the
Civic Generation, Baby Boom Generation, and Generation X, Shah and
colleagues (2001) found that the latter showed the strongest effects
of Internet use on civic participation. These generational
differences in the degree to which the Internet influences civic
participation seem to stem from age-related differences in the type
of media on which people depend most heavily. Specifically, since
young generations rely heavily on the Internet to get information
about community issues, the Internet is more likely to be effective
in promoting youth civic participation than it is for promoting older
generations' participation.
Providing support for this view, Delli Carpini (2000) argues
that the Internet is effective in mobilizing two types of young
citizens: (1) "interested but inactive"; and (2) "neither engaged nor
clearly motivated," (p. 347-348). For interested but inactive
people, the Internet can help them develop their existing interests
and translate them into action by providing easy means of
participation, such as links to donate money or forums for expressing
opinions. Moreover, for uninterested people, recreational websites,
in which social issues are sometimes addressed, can mobilize
visitors' actions by providing exposure to public issues for those
who visit the site just for fun (Delli Carpini, 2000). One such
example is an e-mail campaign that "can target nonpolitical
communities of interest (say, those interested in fishing or hiking),
connect these recreational interests to more political [or civic]
ones (for example, the degradation of marine habits, coral reefs, or
national forests), and then provide ways for converting this new
interest into action," (Delli Carpini, 2000, p.348).
Beyond civic participation, the disproportional effects of
the Internet on younger generations can also apply to youth consumer
behavior. For example, since younger consumers have higher levels of
skill and access to the Internet, they are more easily motivated to
engage in online information search. Specifically, consumer research
argues that "[i]ncreases in skill and access lower the marginal cost
of obtaining a given level of benefit of search, making search more
attractive" (Ratchford et al., 2001, p.10).
Furthermore, to the extent that younger consumers, especially
Gen X-ers, value a variety of options and highly customized products
and services, they prefer the interactive nature of the Internet to
traditional media when conducting an information search (Tapscott,
2000). More interestingly, some young consumers form "brand
communit[ies]" on the Internet, based on particular brands or
products, and share their consumption experiences with them (Muniz &
O'Guinn, 2001). One example of this is the web community created
around Apple McIntosh computers, where individuals share advantages
of the brand and ways to fix problems that have arisen.
Given their tendencies towards networking in such
brand/product communities, the interactive nature of the Internet,
and the prevalence of skills and access to it, younger generations
are more likely to use the web actively for product and service
information than are their parents. Thus, the Internet is more
likely to be an influential medium in shaping the consumption
patterns of younger generations. Based on the above reasoning, this
study proposes the following three hypotheses:
H1-1: The effects of Internet use on civic participation will be
greater among younger generational groups than among older generational groups.
H1-2: The effects of Internet use on socially conscious consumption
will be greater among younger generational groups than among older
generational groups.
H1-3: The effects of Internet use on status-conscious consumption
will be greater among younger generational groups than among older
generational groups.
Differential Effects of Traditional Media by Generation
While young generations' civic and consumer behavior is
greatly influenced by their Internet use, older generations' behavior
is thought to be shaped by traditional media. Traditional news media
use, especially daily newspaper reading, has long been found to
increase civic interests, knowledge, and participation (Chaffee,
Zhao, & Leshner, 1994; McLeod & McDonald, 1985; McLeod, Scheufele, &
Moy, 1999; Norris, 1996; Shah, 1998).
In the last three decades, however, American "newspaper
readership has been in steady and steep decline" (Lauf, 2001,
p.234). Numerous studies have indicated that, since electronic
media, such as the Internet, are more prevalent and attractive to
them, younger cohorts read newspapers less than their parents (Lauf,
2001; Peiser, 2000; Stevenson, 1994). While younger generations have
grown up in the novel media environment and are adept at its use,
many older people cannot easily familiarize themselves with it and
instead stick to traditional news media. This is supported by the
findings that, more than younger people, older people use newspapers,
TV news, and magazines for their information seeking (Lauf, 2001;
McCarty & Shrum, 1993; Stevenson, 1994). Because traditional news
media (newspapers, TV news, and magazines) are useful information
sources among older generations, these media are thought to exert
stronger effects on their civic and consumer behavior. Thus, the
following three hypotheses are offered:
H2-1: The effects of traditional news media use on civic
participation will be greater among older generational groups than
among younger generational groups.
H2-2: The effects of traditional news media use on socially conscious
consumption will be greater among older generational groups than
among younger generational groups.
H2-3: The effects of traditional news media use on status-conscious
consumption will be greater among generational groups than among
younger generational groups.
Furthermore, given the age-related differences in media,
civic, and consumer culture, the possibility of different
associations between civic and consumer behavior seems worth
exploring. Scholars in various fields have argued that media driven
consumer culture diminishes civic-mindedness (de Tocqueville, 1969
[1835]; Schor, 2000). Nonetheless, some scholars argue that consumer
and civic culture are not separate entities, but instead are
inextricably linked with positive interrelationships (Scammell, 2000;
Schudson, 1984; Thompson, 2000). Despite a history of discussion
surrounding these relationships, they are only beginning to be
empirically investigated.
Recently, Keum and colleagues (2004) have confirmed that
rather than opposing each other in a zero-sum game, consumption
activities and civic participation are closely linked. According to
them, conscientious consumers and good citizens generally act in
similar ways, albeit across different domains, to affirm their social
and civic duties. In their study, more surprising than the connection
between socially conscious consumption and civic participation was
the positive interrelationship between status-conscious consumption
and civic participation. This connection has been supported by the
literature. For example, Schudson (1984) asserts that contemporary
American consumers may consume for social ends, rather than valuing
material over social goals.
Although civic participation and the two forms of consumption
(status-oriented and socially conscious) were found all positively
interrelated (Keum et al., 2004), the generational differences in the
relationships have yet been examined. Thus, when examining the
inter-relationships among civic participation, socially conscious
consumption, and status-conscious consumption, this study attempts to
answer the following research question:
RQ1: How will the inter-relationships among civic participation,
socially conscious consumption, and status-conscious consumption
differ depending on generational groups?
Methodology
Data
The data used in this study were gathered in 2000 by an
annual mail survey conducted by Market Facts and funded by the DDB
Needham advertising agency. Market Facts uses a stratified quota
sampling procedure. They begin with a large list of names and
addresses acquired from commercial list brokers. A sample,
counter-balanced along demographic characteristics to account for
expected differences in response rates, is drawn from the pool of
approximately 500,000 individuals. Then, the final sample of
approximately 5,000 individuals is drawn so as to best approximate
the "actual distributions within the 9 Census divisions of income,
population density, panel member's age, and household size"
(Groeneman, 1994, p. 4, emphasis original). Although this panel
underrepresents the very poor, the very rich, transient populations,
and certain minority groups, the data have verified to be an
effective barometer of mainstream America (Putnam, 2000; Shah et al.,
2001). This particular survey comprises 3,122 adult respondents. The
response rate against the mail-out was 62.4 percent.
Measures
The variables included in the present analyses can be
categorized into five groups (see Appendix 1 for question wording and
Appendix 2 for descriptive statistics): (a) the criterion variables
of civic participation, socially conscious consumption, and
status-conscious consumption; (b) the media use variables of news
media (newspapers, TV, and news magazines), entertainment television
programming (sitcoms, dramas, and talk/comedy shows), and the
Internet; and (c) the control variables of demographics (gender, age,
education, and income) and opinion leadership trait.
Control Variables. To exclude potential confounds, analyses
controlled for four demographic variables. Gender (57% Female) and
age (M=48.64, SD=4.31) are self-explanatory. Education level of each
respondent was measured on a seven-point scale ranging from attended
elementary to post-graduate school. The sample mean was 4.98 (5
indicates attended college, SD=1.18). Household income was assessed
on a 15-point non-linear scale that increased in $5,000 increments
from below $10,000 to $49,999, then in 10,000 increments to $100,000
or more. The mean and median (both 8) represent the $40,000-$44,999
bracket (SD=4.24).
Another control variable opinion leadership was measured with an
additive index containing four indicators tapping respondents'
perceptions of self-confidence and social influence in their
community (M=3.71, SD=.92, ? =.66, r=.44).1 This oprerationalization
of opinion leadership is consistent with Scheufele and Shah's (2000)
study. This measure relies on Noelle-Neumann's (1985)
self-designating technique (see Scheufele & Shah, 2000).
Media Use Variables. Media use variables included traditional
news media use, Internet use, and entertainment television use
indices, and. Traditional news media use consisted of three
sub-indices constructed using dichotomous measures. Newspaper use
(M=.54, SD=.30, r=.24) included reading most or all of the news
section, the business section, the editorial section, and lifestyle
section. News magazine use (M=.07, SD=.16, r=.23) included reading
Business Week, Newsweek, Time, and U.S. News and World
Report. Finally, television news use (M=.39, SD=.35, r=.29) measures
viewership of the evening network news, news interview programs such
as "Dateline" or "Meet the Press," and morning network news shows
such as "Good Morning America."
An additive index of Internet use was created by six
indicators tapping respondents' online information search for local
or national news, school or educational reasons, business reasons,
interest or hobby, a major purchase, and a company or its
products/services (M=1.88, SD=1.18, ? = .88).
Entertainment television use was operationalized with three
variables – sitcom, drama, and talk/comedy show. All television
entertainment program use variables were measured dichotomously, with
respondents indicating that they did or did not watch the program. A
sitcom-viewing index was created by summing responses to items
tapping viewership of Friends, Frasier, Third Rock from the Sun, and
Spin City (M = .22, SD = .27, r= .25). Drama viewing index was
developed by summing responses to items tapping viewership of Law &
Order, NYPD Blue, Chicago Hope, E.R., Party of Five, and Beverly
Hills 90210 (M = .19, SD = .22, ? = .68). Finally, talk/comedy show
use (M=.13, SD=.23, r=.22) included viewing Tonight Show with Jay
Leno, David Letterman, and Saturday Night Live.
Criterion Variables. Criterion variables comprising the final
core included status-conscious consumption, socially conscious
consumption, and civic participation. Status consumption was
operationalized with three manifest variables: fashion purchase,
luxury travel purchase, and gourmet food purchase. Fashion purchase
was measured with an additive index containing two indicators: buying
clothes at high-end department stores and purchasing hair care
products from a salon (M=2.05, SD=2.25, r= .25). An additive index
for luxury travel purchase was created from two indicators: staying
at a luxury-priced hotel and taking a trip abroad (M=1.14, SD= .36,
r= .31). Finally, the construct of gourmet food purchase was
measured with two items: buying gourmet coffee and having wine with
dinner (M=2.03, SD=1.21, r= .27). An additive index of
status-conscious consumption was also created containing all six
items of three manifest variables (M=1.52, SD=.56, ? =.60, r=.20).
Socially conscious consumption was operationalized with two
manifest variables, green consumption and cause-related
consumption. An additive green consumption index (M = 2.89, SD =
0.95, ? = .53, r = .27) was created from three items tapping
respondents' efforts to protect the natural environment in their
consumption behaviors. Cause-related consumption was measured on a
6-point scale by asking to what extent respondents make efforts to
buy from companies that support charitable causes (M = 3.50, SD =
1.30). An additive index of socially conscious consumption was also
created containing all four items of two manifest variables (M=3.05,
SD=.90, ? =.60, r=.27).
Finally, civic participation was ascertained through
questions regarding involvement in club meetings (M=1.96, SD=1.60),
volunteer work (M=2.38, SD=1.86), and community project work (M=1.49,
SD=1.04). An additive index of civic participation was also created
containing these three items (M=1.95, SD=1.18, ? =.68, r=.42).
Analytic Methods: Sub-Analyses by Generational Groups
This study analyzes the relationships between media use,
civic participation, and consumer behavior across three generational
sub-samples: Generation X, Baby Boomers, and Civic Generation. The
Generation X group is comprised of adults born after 1963 (n = 828),
the Baby Boomer group is made up of adults born from 1946 to 1963 (n
= 1,166), the Civic Generation is made up of adults born before 1946
(n = 1,128). This generational breakdown is consistent with previous
research on media, civic, and consumer culture (Putnam, 2000; Shah et
al., 2001).
For preliminary analyses to investigate if there were
expected differences between generational groups, the variables of
media use, civic participation, and consumption behavior were
standardized. Next, the total sample was broken down into the three
generational groups. Finally, this study performs a series of
hierarchical regressions to examine the different relationships
between media use, civic participation, and consumption patterns
depending on generational groups. Parallel regression analyses with
media use variables were employed to predict civic participation,
socially conscious consumption, and status-conscious consumption, in
each of the three generational subgroups: Generation X, Baby Boomers,
and Civic Generation.
Findings
As discussed above, the goal of this study is to examine the
roles of generational differences in the dynamic of media, civic, and
consumer culture. As an initial analysis to examine generational
differences in media use, civic participation, and consumer behavior,
a series of hierarchical regression analyses were performed. In all
regressions, the first block contained three demographic control
variables – gender, education, and income, followed by a second block
containing age and the two dummy generational variables -- Generation
X & Civic Generation (see Table 1, 2, & 3).
The results of these analyses, presented in Tables 1 and 2,
showed that both age and generation had significant effects on
newspaper and TV news use, while only age, but not generation, had
effects on other media use (newsmagazines, talk/comedy shows, and
sitcoms). For age effects, the older the individuals were, the more
likely they were to use traditional news media such as newspapers (?
= .15, p < .001), TV news (? = .19, p < .001), and news magazines (?
= .13, p < .01). In contrast, the younger the individuals were, the
more likely they were to use the Internet (? = -.34, p < .001) and
entertainment TV, such as sitcoms (? = -.17, p < .001) and
talk/comedy shows (? = -.20, p < .001). More notable than these
results, however, was the finding that generational differences,
unlike age effects, were significant only for newspaper use
(Generation X: ? = -.09, p < .001; Civic Generation: ? = .09, p <
.001) and TV news use (Generation X: ? = -.08, p < .01; Civic
Generation: ? = .12, p < .001). This indicates that older
generations, who heavily use newspapers and TV news, are being
replaced by younger generations who do so to a lesser
degree. Interestingly, neither age nor generation had significant
effects on drama viewing.
Age-related effects were found not only in media use, but
also in civic participation, socially conscious consumption, and
status-conscious consumption. Age effects were significant only in
civic participation, but not in the two consumption behaviors. This
is a mirror image of the generational differences, which appeared to
exist only in the two types of consumption, but not in civic
participation (see Table 3).
As indicated in Table 3, older generations, who are more
active in civic life, are being replaced by younger generations who
do so to a lesser degree (Generation X: ? = -.06, p < .05; Civic
Generation: ? = .08, p < .05). Different from civic participation,
age, rather than generation, was found to influence the two
consumption behaviors. Specifically, the older the individuals were,
the more likely they were to engage in socially conscious consumption
(? = .20, p < .001) and the less likely they were to engage in
status-conscious consumption (? = -.11, p < .001).
Further, sub-analyses by generational groups were conducted
to examine age-related differences in media effects on the criterion
variables, as hypothesized in 1-1, 1-2, 1-3, 2-1, 2-2, and
2-3. Results appear in Tables 4, 5, and 6, showing the contribution
of media use variables to the prediction of civic participation,
socially conscious consumption, and status-conscious consumption
across the three generational groups, even after controlling for age,
other demographics, and opinion leadership. These analyses show that
use of the Internet for information search was positively related to
civic participation among Generation X-ers (? = .14, p < .001) and
Baby Boomers (? = .11, p < .001), but not in the Civic Generation (?
= .05, n.s.) (see Table 9). As expected in H1-1, the effects of
Internet use on civic participation were found to be greater among
younger generations than among older generations. Although
statistical tests found a marginal beta difference, Internet use
effects were greater among Generation X-ers and Baby Boomers, than in
the Civic Generation (between Generation X and Civic Generation:
Z-score = 1.60, p < .10; between Baby boomers and Civic Generation:
Z-score = 1.31, p < .10). Thus, hypothesis 1-1 was supported in the
comparisons between the Civic Generation and the other generational
groups, but not between Generation X and Baby Boomers.
In contrast to civic participation, among Baby Boomers,
Internet use had positive effects on socially conscious consumption
(? = .07, p < .05), yet it did not have any significant effects among
those in Generation X (? = .02, n.s.), nor did it have any effects
amongst those in the Civic Generation (? = -.06, n.s.) (see Table
5). Particularly, the tests of beta differences between independent
samples (Cohen & Cohen, 1983) found that Internet effects on socially
conscious consumption were significantly different between Baby
Boomers and the Civic Generation (Z-score = 2.84, p < .01). Similar
patterns appeared in the effects of Internet use on status-conscious
consumption (see Table 6), where, even though Internet use was
positively related to status-consumption among all three generational
groups (Generation X: ? = .16, p < .001; Baby Boomers: ? = .29, p <
.001; Civic Generation: ? = .15, p < .001), the effects were greater
among Baby Boomers than among those in Generation X or the Civic
Generation (between Generation X and Baby Boomers: Z-score = -2.55, p
< .001; between Baby boomers and Civic Generation: Z-score = 3.01, p
< .001). Accordingly, hypotheses 1-2 and 1-3 were supported only in
the comparison between Baby Boomers and those in the Civic Generation.
Among other media use variables, newspaper reading and TV
news viewing contributed to civic participation only in the Civic
Generation (newspaper: ? = .12, p < .001; TV news: ? = .07, p < .05),
but not among Generation X-ers (newspaper: ? = .04, n.s.; TV news: ?
= .06, n.s.) or Baby Boomers (newspaper: ? = .05, n.s.; TV news: ? =
.02, n.s.) (see Table 4). The effects of newspaper use were
relatively great in the Civic Generation, when compared to the other
generational groups (between Generation X and Civic Generation:
Z-score = -1.56, p < .10; between Baby boomers and Civic Generation:
Z-score = -1.69, p < .05). Another traditional type of news media
use, news magazine reading, was not significantly related to civic
participation in any of the three generational groups. Thus, based
on the different effects of newspaper and TV news use, hypothesis 2-1
was supported in its comparisons between the Civic Generation and the
other generational groups, but was not supported in its comparison of
Generation X-ers and Baby Boomers.
Different from civic participation, only news magazine use
had different effects on consumption activities, depending on the
generational group, while the effects of newspaper and TV news did
not differ significantly between generational groups (see Tables 5 &
6). In fact, it was only in the Civic Generation that news magazine
use significantly contributed to socially conscious consumption and
status-conscious consumption (socially conscious consumption: ? =
.11, p < .001; status-conscious consumption: ? = .12, p < .001). The
same significance did not hold true, however, among Generation X-ers
(socially conscious consumption: ? = -.00, n.s.; status-conscious
consumption: ? = .03, n.s.) and Baby Boomers (socially conscious
consumption: ? = .04, n.s.; status-conscious consumption: ? = .05,
n.s.). Confirmation of this comes from Z-tests, which found that the
effects of news magazine use on status-conscious consumption were
significantly greater in the Civic Generation than in Generation X
and the Baby Boom Generation (between Generation X and the Civic
Generation: Z-score = -1.78, p < .05; between Baby Boomers and the
Civic Generation: Z-score = -1.82, p < .05). When looking at
generational groups, however, Z-tests did not find any significant
differences in the effects of news magazine use on socially conscious
consumption. Another traditional type of media use, newspaper
reading and TV news viewing, did not have different effects on
consumption patterns between generational groups. Although, in all
three generational groups, newspaper use significantly contributed to
increased socially conscious consumption (Generation X: ? = .11, p <
.01; Baby Boomers: ? = .11, p < .001; Civic Generation: ? = .06, n.s.
[Before-entry coefficient: : ? = .07, p < .05]) and status-conscious
consumption (Generation X: ? = .08, p < .05; Baby Boomers: ? = .06, p
< .05; Civic Generation: ? = .09, p < .01), TV news did not have any
significant effects. Accordingly, hypotheses 2-2 and 2-3 were
supported only in the effects of news magazine use on socially
conscious and status-conscious consumption, but not with respect to
newspaper and TV news use.
Although it was not hypothesized in this study, entertainment
program use also had different effects on participation and
consumption, depending on generation. As shown in Tables 4 and 6,
within the Civic Generation, but not the other generations, drama use
was negatively related to civic participation (? = -.07, p < .05)
(between Baby Boomers and Civic Generation: Z-score = 1.75, p <
.05). Likewise, only within Generation X, but not within the other
generations, drama use was positively related to status-conscious
consumption (? = .09, p < .001) (between Generation X and Civic
Generation: Z-score = 2.62, p < .01).
Finally, research question 1, how the inter-relationships
among civic participation, socially conscious consumption, and
status-conscious consumption differ depending on generation, was
answered through a series of correlations. Table 7 shows the
different correlations between civic participation, socially
conscious-consumption, and status-conscious consumption across the
three generational groups. These three criterion variables were
significantly and positively related to each other in all but
Generation X. Amongst X-ers, the correlation between civic
participation and socially conscious consumption was positive, but
not statistically significant. Even though correlation analyses
produced different patterns of inter-relationships between the three
criterion variables, depending on generation, most of these
differences were not found to be statistically
significant. Significant, yet marginal, generational differences
were found between Gen X-ers and Baby Boomers in the
inter-relationships between civic participation and status-conscious
consumption (Z-score = 1.47).
Conclusion
This study clarifies how media use, civic participation, and
consumption activities vary by generational group. Specifically, for
newspaper reading and TV news viewing, both age and generational
difference played significant simultaneous roles. This is consistent
with Stevenson's (1994) observation that, although people use
newspapers and TV news more as they get older (age effect), they use
them less than the preceding generation (generational
differences). Contrast was found, however, between age and
generation, in that only age, but not generation, showed effects on
other media use (new magazines, the Internet, talk/comedy shows, and
sitcoms) and on the two forms of consumption (socially conscious and
status-conscious). Generation, on the other hand, but not age,
showed influence on civic participation. Based on these findings, it
appears that traditional news media use (newspapers and TV news) and
civic participation are declining at a societal level, whereas
consumption patterns and the use of entertainment programming appear
to change, as individuals get older, indicating no trend in societal
change. Although it is true that contemporary American people are
engaging in civic activities less than before, it may not be due to
the rise of consumerism as people have argued. Instead, it is other
social shifts, which would benefit from probing in future research.
It is also notable that the amount of influence each type of
media exerts on civic and consumption activities varies, to some
degree, by generational groups. Specifically, the effects of the
Internet and traditional news media were different in the Civic
Generation than in the other generational groups. As expected, for
the Civic Generation, the Internet effects were smaller, but the
traditional media effects were greater than the other generational
groups. Contrary to the expectation, however, the effects both of
the Internet and of the traditional news media appear to be similar
between Baby Boomers and Gen-Xers. This is likely due to the Baby
Boomers, as with the Gen-Xers, having high levels of computer skills
and access to the Internet, as well as considering web sites as
useful information sources. Different from these two generations,
the Civic Generation may still rely heavily on traditional media,
particularly newspapers and news magazines, to get information about
community issues, brands and products. Since the Civic Generation
came of age before TV and the Internet came into wide use, they seem
to have stuck to print news media. In these findings, it is
important to note that these differences in the media effects
depending on generation hold, even after controlling for the
influences of age. These results also imply that the influences of
the Internet have been increasing, while the effects of print news
media have been declining in our society at large. Thus, in order to
maximize their campaign efforts, civic organizations and consumer
activist organizations need to increasingly use the Internet in
providing information, promoting public mindedness, and mobilizing citizens.
The final finding of this study is that the
inter-relationships among civic participation, socially conscious
consumption, and status-conscious consumption do not differ
significantly by generation. The only exception was that the
positive inter-relationships between civic participation and
status-conscious consumption were marginally stronger among Gen X-ers
than among Baby Boomers. These results demonstrate that the positive
inter-relations between civic and consumer culture extend over a wide
range of generations and may be increasing in strength. In fact, for
none of the generations do consumption and civility stand in
opposition. Instead, consumer culture and civic culture both
manifest themselves through integration into certain social roles and
sets. Given that the inter-relationship between civic participation
and status-conscious consumption appear slightly stronger among
Generation X than the other generations, it is concluded that
status-oriented consumer culture is becoming increasingly embedded
within civic life, and vice versa.
As a note, this study does not try to defend or advocate
growing consumerism that has overemphasized status competition,
materialism, and individualism. Instead it argues that culture
requires a locally determined display of taste to enter into networks
of civic engagement and social power.
Limitations of the Study and Future Research
This study represents an important step in unraveling the
connections among generation, media, consumer, and civic culture, as
well as expanding the scope of communication studies. Future
research, however, needs to overcome limitations of the present
study, which are mainly due to secondary analysis of existing
data. In particular, the use of secondary data generates constraints
in question wording and availability of items for index
construction. Specifically, all media use measures employed in the
analyses were assessed dichotomously and, as such, likely
underestimated the true impact of the variables they represent (Cohen
& Cohen, 1983). It is, thus, important in future study to use
improved measures of each media use to verify the results of this
study. More interestingly, future research needs to distinguish the
effects of program content from the effects of advertising, which is
intermingled with the programs.
In addition to this limitation, although this study tested
the generational differences in media use, consumption, and civic
activities, due to lack of data, cohort and period effects could not
be clearly figured out. Future research needs to distinguish cohort
and period effects from generational differences by examining
historical trends of media use, consumption activities, and civic
participation.
More interestingly, although it was outside of the scope of
this study to propose different models of media, consumer, and civic
culture by SES, gender, and geographic divisions, these would be
meaningful areas to explore in future investigations. Particularly
for contextual influences stemming from geographic divisions, many
scholars concur that social context, such as the structure of
communities in which the individuals reside, has an impact on
behaviors even at individual levels (Blau, 1977, 1994; Iversen,
1991). For example, the overall level of consumption and civic
participation in the community is thought to combine with information
and dispositional factors to determine individual civic and
consumption behaviors.
In closing this study suggests that consumer culture has
become more deeply interwoven into the civic and social lives of
younger generations. As material security has improved and
post-material values have been growing in American society (Abramson
& Inglehart, 1995), younger generations have attached more importance
to their quality of life and self-expression in their consumption
activities. This trend of value changes has increasingly blurred the
distinction between civic and consumer culture. In contemporary
American society, many individuals, particularly opinion leaders,
express themselves and improve their quality of life by engaging in
civic life as well as in healthy, conscious consumption. As discussed
above, this study is an initial attempt at clarifying the current
understanding of civic life in contemporary consumer
culture. Focusing on the roles of the media and generational
differences, this study sheds light on how civic and consumer culture
is generated and how civic participation is related to consumption
activities. Future research, which is suggested above, will help to
further test these relationships and develop theories on the
connections among generation, media use, participation, and consumption.
NOTES
1. Due to the sensitivity of Cronbach's alpha to small numbers of
items in a scale, as well as the use of dichotomous measures, the
mean inter-item correlations (r) were reported in cases where ? would
likely underestimate the reliability of the index. Typically, scales
with four of fewer
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Table 1. The Roles of Age and Generation in Informational Media Use
Newspapers
TV news
News magazines
The Internet
Control variables
Gender
.07***
.07***
-.04
-.08***
Education
.19***
.03
.17***
.30***
Income
-.04*
.02
.02
-.01
Inc. R2 (%)
3.6***
0.8***
3.0***
11.1***
Age
.15***
.19***
.13**
-.34***
Generation X
-.09***
-.08**
.00
-.07**
Civic Generation
.09**
.12***
-.02
.01
Inc. R2 (%)
8.1***
12.4***
1.4***
7.8***
Total R2 (%)
11.7***
13.2***
4.3***
18.9***
Table 2. The Roles of Age and Generation in Entertainment Media Use
Talk/comedy shows
Sitcoms
Dramas
Control variables
Gender
-.04*
.01
.13**
Education
.04*
.02
-.01
Income
.01
-.03
-.02
Inc. R2 (%)
0.4**
0.4**
1.8***
Age
-.20***
-.17***
-.07
Generation X
-.04
-.01
.00
Civic generation
.07
-.07*
.02
Inc. R2 (%)
1.5***
5.1***
0.3*
Total R2 (%)
1.8***
5.6***
2.0***
Note: All cell entries are final standardized beta coefficients.
* p < .05, ** p < .01, *** p < .001.
Table 3. The Roles of Age and Generation in Criterion Variables
Civic Participation
Socially Conscious
Consumption
Status-Conscious
Consumption
Control variables
Gender
.09***
.16***
.03*
Education
.20***
.09***
.29***
Income
.02
-.01
.02
Inc. R2 (%)
4.5***
3.2***
8.6***
Age
.07
.20***
-.11**
Generation X
-.06*
-.02
-.04
Civic Generation
.08*
-.02
.04
Inc. R2 (%)
3.3***
3.9***
0.3*
Total R2 (%)
7.9***
7.1 ***
8.9***
Note: All cell entries are final standardized beta coefficients.
* p < .05, ** p < .01, *** p < .001.
Table 4. Hierarchical Regression Analysis of Civic Participation by Generation
Generation X
(n = 766)
Baby Boomers
(n = 1052)
Civic Generation
(n = 998)
Control variables
Gender
.05
.09**
.17***
Age
.06
-.01
.06*
Education
.08
.09**
.15***
Income
.10*
.03
.01
Inc. R2 (%)
3.5***
3.8***
8.4***
Opinion Leadership
.09*
.19***
.19***
Inc. R2 (%)
1.5**
4.3***
4.4***
Media Use
Newspapers
.04 a
.05 b
.12*** a b
TV news
.06
.02
.07*
News magazines
.02
.02
.04
The Internet
.14*** a
.11*** b
.05 ab
Talk/comedy shows
-.01
-.02
-.01
Sitcoms
.01
.00
.03
Dramas
-.01
.01 a
-.07* a
Inc. R2 (%)
2.7*
1.6*
3.0***
Total R2 (%)
7.7***
9.6***
15.8***
Note: All cell entries are standardized final regression
coefficients. Coefficients with the same superscript are
significantly different from Z-tests (one-tailed).
* p < .05, ** p < .01, *** p < .001.
Table 5. Hierarchical Regression Analysis of Socially Conscious
Consumption by Generation
Generation X
(n = 766)
Baby Boomers
(n = 1053)
Civic Generation
(n = 999)
Control variables
Gender
.09*
.21***
.18***
Age
.07
.05
.10**
Education
.03
.07*
-.01
Income
.03
-.03
-.02
Inc. R2 (%)
1.8*
6.4***
4.7***
Opinion Leadership
.11**
.09**
.17***
Inc. R2 (%)
2.0***
1.6***
3.3***
Media Use
Newspapers
.11**
.11***
.06
TV news
.07
.06
.05
News magazines
-.00
.04
.11***
The Internet
.02 a
.07* b
-.06 a b
Talk shows
.01
.06 a
-.05 a
Sitcoms
.04
.02
.07*
Dramas
.01
.03
-.00
Inc. R2 (%)
2.4*
3.6***
2.6***
Total R2 (%)
6.2***
11.6***
10.6***
Note: All cell entries are standardized final regression
coefficients. Coefficients with the same superscript are
significantly different from Z-tests (one-tailed).
* p < .05, ** p < .01, *** p < .001.
Table 6. Hierarchical Regression Analysis of Status-Conscious
Consumption by Generation
Generation X
(n = 766)
Baby Boomers
(n = 1052)
Civic Generation
(n = 998)
Control variables
Gender
-.01
.08**
.07*
Age
-.04
.05
-.07*
Education
.18***
.15***
.20***
Income
-.01
-.01
.05
Inc. R2 (%)
6.8***
9.3***
10.7***
Opinion Leadership
.10*
.12***
.07*
Inc. R2 (%)
2.1***
2.8***
1.3***
Media Use
Newspapers
.08*
.06*
.09**
TV news
.05
.02
.04
News magazines
.03 a
.05 b
.12*** ab
The Internet
.16*** a
.29*** ab
.15*** b
Talk shows
.07
.02
.08*
Sitcoms
.04
.08**
.06
Dramas
.09* a
.05 b
-.04 a b
Inc. R2 (%)
7.0***
9.3***
6.6***
Total R2 (%)
15.9***
21.5***
18.6***
Note: All cell entries are standardized final regression coefficients.
Table 7. Inter-relationships Among Civic Participation, socially
Conscious Consumption and Status-Conscious Consumption within
Generational Groups
Generation X
(n=747)
Baby Boomers
(n=1032)
Civic Generation
(n=973)
Civic participation and socially conscious consumption
.05
.08**
.11***
Civic participation and status-conscious consumption
.14*** a
.07* a
.11***
Socially conscious and status-conscious consumption
.11**
.11***
.09**
Note: All cell entries are partial correlation coefficients,
controlling for demographics, media use, and consumer consciousness.
Note: Coefficients with the same superscript are significantly
different from Z-tests (one-tailed).
* p < .05, ** p < .01, *** p < .001.
APPENDIX 1: Question Wording
Control Variables: Demographics
Gender: Sex of respondent (1. Male, 2. Female)
Age: Exact age (years)
Education: 1 = Attended elementary; 2 = Grad of Elementary; 3 =
Attend High School; 4 = Grad High/Trade School; 5 = Attend College; 6
= Graduated College; 7 = Post-Grad School
Income: Into which of the following categories does your annual
household income fall?
1 = Under $10,000; 2 = $10,000-$14,999; 3 = $15,000-19,999; 4 =
$20,000-$24,999; 5 = $25,000-$29,999; 6 = $30,000-34,999; 7 =
$35,000-39,999; 8 = $40,000-$44,999; 9 = $45,000-$49,999; 10 =
$50,000-59,999; 11 = $60,000-$69,999; 12 = $70,000-$79,999; 13 =
$80,000-$89,999; 14 = $90,000-$99,999; 15 = $100,000 or more.
Opinion Leadership
In this section, I have listed a number of statements about interests
and opinions. For each statement listed I'd like to know whether you
personally agree or disagree with this statement. After each
statement, there are six numbers from 1-6. The higher the number,
the more you tend to agree with the statement.
I have more self-confidence than most of my friends
I like to be considered a leader
I am influential in my neighborhood
I am the kind of person who knows what I want to accomplish in life
and how to achieve it
Media Use
Newspaper: Below is a list of sections of the newspaper. Please "X"
each section that you read most or all issues of ("X" as many as apply).
News section
Business section
Life Style section
Editorial section
Magazine: Below is a list of magazines. Please "X" each magazine
that you read most or all issues of ("X" as many as apply).
Business Week
Newsweek
Time
U.S. News and World Report
Television: Listed below are different television programs. Please
"X" each television show you watch because you really like it ("X" as
many as apply).
News: News interviews (60 minutes, 20/20, Nightline, Meet the Press,
etc). Morning network news shows (NBC Today Show, Good Morning
America, CBS Morning Programs)
Sitcom: Friends, Frasier, Third Rock from the Sun, Spin City
Drama: Law & Order, NYPD Blue, Chicago Hope, E.R., Party of Five,
Beverly Hills 90210
Talk/comedy Show: Tonight Show with Jay Leno, David Letterman,
Saturday Night Live
Internet: For each activity listed, please place an "x" in the
appropriate box to indicate how often during the past 12 months you,
yourself, have engaged in this activity.
Checked news of a local or national newspaper on the Internet
Searched for information for school or educational reasons on the Internet
Explored an interest or hobby on the Internet
Searched for information for business reasons on the Internet
Searched for information about a company and its products/services on
the Internet
Searched for information before making a major purchase on the Internet
Status-Oriented Consumption
For each activity listed, please place an "x" in the appropriate box
to indicate how often during the past 12 months you, yourself, have
engaged in this activity.
Fashion: Purchased clothes at high-end department store (Saks, Neiman
Marcus, Nordstorm, etc)
Bought hair care products from a salon
Luxury Travel: Stayed at a luxury priced hotel while on a non-business trip
Traveled to another country
Gourmet food: Visited a gourmet coffee store
Had wine with dinner
Socially Conscious Consumption
For each statement, circle the number that best describes your
feelings about that statement.
Green: I try to buy products that use recycled packaging
I make a strong effort to recycle everything I possibly can
Contributed to an environmental or conservation organization
Cause-related: I make a special effort to buy from companies that
support charitable causes
Civic Participation
For each activity listed, please place an "x" in the appropriate box
to indicate how often during the past 12 months you, yourself, have
engaged in this activity.
Went to a club meeting
Did volunteer work
Worked on a community project
APPENDIX 2: Descriptive Statistics
Total Sample
Generation X
Baby Boomers
Civic Generation
Range
(Minimum-Maximum)
Mean
(SD)
Mean
(SD)
Mean
(SD)
Mean
(SD)
Opinion Leadership
1-6
3.71
(.92)
3.66
(.92)
3.72
(.91)
3.74
(.94)
Newspaper Use
0-1
.54
(.30)
.43
(.29)
.52
(.29)
.63
(.29)
TV News Use
0-1
.39
(.35)
.23
(.30)
.35
(.34)
.54
(.34)
News Magazine Use
0-1
.07
(.16)
.04
(.14)
.06
(.16)
.08
(.17)
Talk/comedy Show Use
0-1
.13
(.23)
.16
(.26)
.13
(.23)
.10
(.20)
Drama Use
0-1
.19
(.22)
.21
(.22)
.19
(.22)
.18
(.22)
Sitcom Use
0-1
.22
(.27)
.29
(.28)
.25
(.29)
.14
(.23)
Internet Use
1-7
1.88
(1.18)
2.23
(1.23)
2.04
(1.26)
1.47
(.92)
Status-Oriented Consumption
1-6
1.52
(.56)
1.55
(.60)
1.53
(.58)
1.48
(.52)
Social Conscious Consumption
1-6
3.05
(.90)
2.83
(.86)
3.02
(.88)
3.23
(.90)
Civic Participation
1-7
1.95
(1.18)
1.67
(.92)
1.90
(1.15)
2.18
(1.31)
??
??
??
??
1
37
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