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This paper was presented at the Association for Education in Journalism and Mass Communication in San Antonio, Texas August 2005. If you have questions about this paper, please contact the author directly. If you have questions about the archives, email rakyat [ at ] eparker.org. For an explanation of the subject line, send email to [log in to unmask] with just the four words, "get help info aejmc," in the body (drop the "").
(Jan 2006) Thank you. Elliott Parker ====================================================================
Internet users friends of FOI? Attitudes toward access to public records and the relationship to television, newspaper, and online news use
Abstract Citizen and press access to government records is essential for a strong democracy. To better understand factors related to support for FOI, a nationwide survey of 614 college students measured media use in relation to support for press access to public records. The results indicate that television news use is negatively related to support for access, and newspaper and Internet are positively related. Implications for FOI and Internet users are discussed. Internet use and FOI support 2 Jung-Sook Lee Competition Internet use and FOI support 3 Jung-Sook Lee Competition Internet users friends of FOI? Attitudes toward access to public records and the relationship to television, newspaper, and online news use Political communication scholars have long studied the relationship between media use and public attitudes toward such democratic ideals as political participation and First Amendment rights (Atkin, 1981; Chaffee, Ward, & Tipton, 1970; McLeod, Kosicki, & McLeod, 2002). Media critics blame television, in particular, for growing political disaffection, and some fear the Internet will continue the trend (Norris, 2001; Putnam, 2000). Democracy requires that citizens and the press have access to government records to serve as a check on political institutions (Altschull, 1990; Blasi, 1977; Cross, 1953; Meiklejohn, 1948; Teeter, 1992). Yet during the past decade, government officials have closed records because of public and government concerns over national security and privacy invasion (Blanchard, 2002; Cassel, 2004; Davis, 2003; Halstuk, 1999; Heath, 2004; Hoefges, Halstuk, & Chamberlin, 2003). As a result of the increased secrecy, journalists say they are unable to adequately monitor government or expose societal problems once possible as recently as the mid-1990s (American Society of Newspaper Editors, 2003; Barnett, 2001; Chircop, 2003; Reporters Committee, 2004; Weitzel, 2004). If anything, the public appears to support efforts to protect their personal privacy, particularly online privacy, even if it means closing public records. Nearly two-thirds of Americans say the government collects too much personal information about them Internet use and FOI support 4 (Freedom Forum, 2002). A national survey by the Pew Internet & American Life Project found that 84% of Americans are concerned about businesses or other people getting personal information about them and their family (Pew Internet & American Life Project, 2000). If people do not care about or participate in government, or support the press's ability to keep an eye on government, then it behooves communication researchers to figure out what is happening, why it is happening, and what can be done about it. This study examines whether varying levels of support toward press access to government records may be related to different media use, particularly Internet use. Recent research has attempted to examine the potential effects of the Internet on civic engagement, coming to various conclusions (Jennings & Zeitner, 2000; Nisbet & Scheufele, 2004; Putnam, 2000; Uslaner, 2004). This study explores an area of research in Internet news use that has yet to be examined: attitudes toward freedom of information. Political socialization through media Most scholars agree that political socialization starts when children are young and continues through their lifetimes (Niemi & Sobieszek, 1977; O'Keefe & Reid-Nash, 1987). Children typically get their first exposure to politics through television and then newspapers as they mature (Chaffee & Yang, 1990). Today, children are more likely to begin using the Internet than ever, as 19 million youths live in homes with Internet connections (Pew, 2003, 2005), and the implications of that new media source on attitudes is a subject of considerable contemporary research (Delli Carpini, 2000; Internet use and FOI support 5 Jennings & Zeitner, 2003; Shah, McLeod, & Yoon, 2001; Shah, Schmierbach, Hawkins, Espino, & Donavan, 2002; Shah, Cho, Eveland, & Kwak, 2003; Uslaner, 2004). Researchers are interested in the socialization of people by the media because of the potential effects on political participation. The agenda-setting framework suggests that the social system affects media (reporters and editors), which then affect media audience members, affecting voter turnout and election choice, which then affect the social system, going full circle (Becker, McCombs, & McLeod, 1975). As scholars began to notice decreasing voting turnout rates and increased citizen apathy, new terms began to surface in the literature, such as "political disaffection," defined as the lack of confidence in and distrust toward the political system, including officials and institutions (Bandura, 1986). This has sometimes been discussed as cynicism, which has been found to be negatively related to voting efficacy (Cappella & Jamieson, 1997). Many scholars have examined the role media play in relation to political attitudes and participation. This study will focus on the three main news sources of interest in the field today: television, newspapers, and the Internet. Television While some research has found television use to be positively related to political participation and knowledge, particularly news-seeking television use (Chaffee & Schleuder, 1986; Johnson & Kaye, 1998; Wilkins, 2000), most research has suggested that television use is associated with less political participation and trust in the media. Superficial, image-oriented campaign coverage is blamed for political disaffection and voter apathy (Cappella & Jamieson, 1997; Crotty & Jacobson, 1980; Pinkleton & Austin, 2004). Internet use and FOI support 6 Also, people who watch television are less knowledgeable politically and less likely to vote than those who read newspapers (Becker & Dunwoody, 1982; Chaffee, Ward, & Tipton, 1970; Culbertson & Stempel, 1986; Eveland & Scheufele, 2000; McLeod & McDonald, 1985; Pfau et al., 1998). Putnam states in his book Bowling Alone (2000) that increased viewing of television could be one reason for a drop in civic engagement, perhaps accounting for as much as 25% of the decline. Newspapers Research has long found that newspaper use is usually associated with greater political knowledge and participation, including voting, than other forms of media use (Chaffee, Ward & Tipton, 1970; Kang & Kwak, 2003; Lee, Cappella, & Southwell, 2003; Norris, 1996; Pinkleton & Austin, 2004; Pinkleton, Austin, & Fortman, 1998; Stauffer, Frost, & Rybolt, 1981; Wilkins, 2000). Some studies indicate the mere form of the medium makes a difference. Because of design cues from headlines and photos, newspaper pages are able to capture readers' attention for public affairs and political stories that would normally be missed or not covered on television (Fico, Heeter, Soffin, & Stanley, 1987; Graber, 1988; Tewksbury & Althaus, 2000). Given the strength of research suggesting newspaper use is related to political participation and support for democratic principles, this study proposes that a similar relationship would be found for support for freedom of information. Internet Research involving online news is relatively new and evolving, and therefore sometimes contradictory. For example, Putnam (2000) argued that people who rely on the Internet for political information are less likely to participate in civic and political life Internet use and FOI support 7 than those who rely on other media. Political knowledge retention on the Web has been found to be lacking when compared with other media, primarily because of the cognitive effort needed to use the Internet compared with watching television (Eveland, Marton, & Seo, 2004; Tewksbury & Althaus, 2000). Yet a growing amount of research has suggested that Internet use is positively related to information gathering, political participation and support for democratic principles (Ferguson & Perse, 2000; Johnson & Kay, 2003; Katz, Rice, & Aspden, 2001; Pierce & Lovrich, 2003; White, 1997). A longitudinal, cross-generational study found that Internet use is associated with greater civic engagement (Jennings & Zeitner, 2003) and likelihood to vote (DeFleur, Davenport, Cronin, & DeFleur, 1992; Halpern, 1997). Some studies have found that relationships between Web use and political participation might depend on how the Internet is used. For example, Eveland, Seo, and Marton (2002) found that television was found to be superior to the Web when it comes to simple news recall, yet, online news was found to be better than television and newspapers in the comprehension of election information. Working from uses and gratification theory, some scholars have examined the differences in why and how people use different media, including the Internet (Newhagen & Rafaeli, 1996; Papacharissi & Rubin, 2000). For example, those who use the Internet for gathering information have higher social capital than those who use it for recreational purposes (Shah, Kwak, & Holbert, 2001; Shah, McLeod, & Yoon, 2001). Nisbet and Scheufele (2004) suggest that political talk on the Internet might lead to increased civic engagement. Internet use and FOI support 8 Finally, Internet users have been found to be less concerned about privacy invasion through identity theft or online information than non-users, and are more trusting of information proliferation (Uslaner, 2004). It seems, therefore, that people who use the Internet for news-seeking purposes are more likely to exhibit greater political interest and potentially greater support for democratic principles such as freedom of information. Support for access to public records Access to government is a political concept, and people's attitudes toward political participation and democracy would likely be related to their opinions toward freedom of information. However, very little scholarly research has been conducted specifically on attitudes toward access to government information. The Freedom Forum commissions annual public opinion polls to gauge citizen support for First Amendment issues. In 2002 the survey included specific questions asking people whether certain government records should be public. The study concluded that Americans overwhelmingly support their own access to health inspection records (96%), the names of sex offenders (94%), and transcripts from city council meetings (93%) (First Amendment Center, 2002). The researchers did not measure media use, nor did they include questions about records that include personal information about the typical citizen. A 2002 survey of 402 Washington state adults found that levels of support for access to public records appear to vary by type of record (Cuillier, 2004). On a scale of 1 to 4 with 1 representing less support, participants reported a mean of 2.14 when asked if they support press access to driver's licenses. On the other hand, people reported a mean Internet use and FOI support 9 of 3.97 for support for records describing crimes in their neighborhood. Some records, such as driver's licenses, may appear to be more personally invasive and prying than other government records, such as dam inspection data. Therefore, attitudes toward access to public records may vary by the type of record being requested. This study attempts to account for that distinction. The public opinion literature regarding support for free expression is useful for providing some guidance for this research. Studies gauging the public's support for free speech and the media have been conducted since the 1930s, with levels of support fluctuating over time, usually dipping in times of war or crisis (Erskine, 1970; Erskine & Siegel, 1975; Prothro & Grigg, 1960; Stouffer, 1955). Researchers have attempted to identify factors that can help explain who supports free expression and who does not. Demographics Most of the research has found that support for free expression is greatest among those who are young (Becker, Cobbey, & Sobowale, 1978; Bobo & Licari, 1989; Lambe, 2004; Stouffer, 1955), male (Andsager, 1992, 1995, 2002; Lambe, 2004; Montero, 1975; Stouffer, 1955), and highly educated (Andsager, 1992, 2002; Gaugler & Zalkind, 1975; McLeod, Sotirovic, Voakes, Guo, & Huang, 1998; Montero, 1975; Prothro & Grigg, 1960; Wilson, 1975; Wyatt, 1991). Income also has been associated with support, the higher the income the greater the support (Andsager, 2002; Wyatt, 1991). Some researchers have examined the relationship of attitudes toward support for free expression. For example, those who hold liberal political views are more likely to support free expression (Andsager, 1995; Becker, Cobbey, & Sobowale, 1978; Bobo & Internet use and FOI support 10 Licari, 1989) and people who are more religious are less likely to support free expression (Lambe, 2000; Lambe, 2002). Media use and free expression Newspaper readers have been found to be more supportive of free expression and press rights than people who rely on television for their news and information. Results for Internet users have been inconsistent (Lambe, 2000, 2002, 2004). Several theoretical models can provide some guidance for examining support for access by media use. The media-use model has been suggested in light of cultivation theory (Gerbner, Gross, Morgan, & Signorielli, 1982) that heavy television viewing converge views toward a moderate, mainstreaming attitude that is generally less supportive of expressive rights. Research has found that heavy television viewing is related to lower support for others to express themselves (Morgan & Shanahan, 1991; McLeod et al., 1991). Therefore, theoretically television use should be negatively related with support for freedom of information and the press's right to access public records, while newspaper use should be positively associated with support for freedom of information. A lack of research has been conducted regarding the relationship of Internet use to attitudes toward free expression and freedom of information. Fear of privacy invasion Cuillier (2004) found in the Washington state study that fear of privacy invasion is negatively related to First Amendment rights and support for press access to records; The greater the fear, the lower the support. However, the relationship of media use was not reported or analyzed in relation to support for access to public records, or to fear of privacy invasion. Internet use and FOI support 11 Fear of privacy invasion has particular significance for the Internet because it is the only medium that can cause users to become victims of identity theft and information infiltration by the mere act of using it through online transactions. Examples of computersavvy thieves have been making headlines, such as a Tennessee man who was convicted in 2002 of bilking $730,000 through the stolen identities of newspaper publishers and restaurant chain owners ("Identity theft," 2002). In November 2002, authorities arrested Philip Cummings, who allegedly sold credit reports and information about 30,000 victims, totaling more than $2.7 million in consumer losses. It was the largest identitytheft bust in U.S. history (Kristof & Goldman, 2002). Despite these examples, Internet users appear to be less worried than non-users about identity theft (Uslaner, 2004). Perhaps people who are less fearful of privacy invasion are more willing to use the Internet than those who are more fearful. If that's true, and fear of informational privacy invasion is negatively related to support for access to public records, perhaps Internet users would demonstrate higher levels of support for freedom of information than other media users. In summary, this study looks to the political communication literature and support for free expression research to provide a basis for studying public attitudes toward open government and press access to records. While little research has specifically examined citizen support for freedom of information, this study expects to find similar relationships with media use that have been found in previous research in assessing political participation and support for free expression. Internet use and FOI support 12 Hypotheses The media-use model (Gerbner et al., 1982), as well as the bulk of previous media use research discussed earlier, would predict differences in attitudes based on media use. Specifically, reliance on television for information should be associated with lower support for press access to public records. Newspaper use should be associated with greater support. Because the Internet is relatively new and an established foundation of empirical data is lacking, this study will pose the relationship between online use and support for access as a question. H1: Support for press access to public records will be a) negatively related to television use, and b) positively related to newspaper use. R1: What is the relationship between support for press access to public records and Internet use? Because of prior research (e.g., Cuillier, 2004; Freedom Forum 2002) that suggests varying levels of support by type of record (with support being lower for personal privacy-oriented records), this study will examine media use in relation to support for both types of records. It makes sense that, overall, support for press access to privacy-oriented records should be lower than support for access to public-safety records. However, it is unknown how media use may be related to these two different kinds of records. H2: Support for press access to public records should encompass at least two distinct and unidimensional, yet related, subconstructs: attitudes toward personal privacy-oriented records and attitudes toward general governmental operations records. Internet use and FOI support 13 H3: Support for press access to public safety records should be higher than support for access to privacy-oriented records. R2: How do television, newspaper, and Internet use relate to support for press access to privacy-oriented records and public-safety records? Finally, this study seeks to examine whether fear of information privacy invasion may be related differently by media use. Internet users have been found to be more trusting of information dissemination online (Uslaner, 2004) so it might hold that they are less fearful of personal information privacy invasion, such as identity theft, than those who rely on television for their news and information. Because of the relatively strong relationship between political knowledge and Internet and newspaper information use, it holds that those users are likely to understand the importance of a free flow of information for a strong society. H4: Fear of privacy invasion will be a) positively associated with television use, b) negatively related to newspaper use, and c) negatively related to Internet use. Method This study is based on a purposive convenience sample that included 612 college Sample communication majors in 16 classes at six universities in different parts of the United States. The participants completed an in-class survey in September 2004 to assess their attitudes toward press access to public records. The survey was part of a larger study to assess attitudinal changes toward the First Amendment, press rights, and access, over the course of a semester in different communication courses. Internet use and FOI support 14 While not generalizable to the population as a whole, this population was useful for this study because of the homogenous sample that eliminates a variety of potentially confounding variables, such as education. This allows for greater potential to detect differences among media use. Also, many college students have spent most of their lives using the Internet so this provides scholars a good opportunity to measure the attitudes of adults who have extensively used a variety of media. To account for regional differences, the universities reflected a variety of public colleges from throughout the country, including large research universities and small regional universities, and from different parts of the nation including the West Coast, East, and South. Surveys were handed out to students in news reporting, media law, and media ethics courses by their instructors. While completion of the survey was voluntary and did not result in extra credit or incentives, when comparing the enrollment with completed surveys, 87% of the distributed surveys were completed. Respondents ranged in age from 18-50, with 21 years of age being average. The majority (78.6%) were Caucasian. About 68% were women and 32% were men. Most (83.4%) reported that they planned to have a career in communication, and most (65.1%) were seniors, followed by juniors (25.6%), sophomores (8.3%), and the rest (1%) freshmen and graduate students. One-third of the respondents reported that they came from families that earned a total of $100,001 or more a year in household income, 22.4% reported incomes from $75,001 to $100,000, and 19.9% from $50,001 to $75,000, and the rest less than $50,000. Internet use and FOI support 15 Survey instrument The survey instrument, which took participants about seven minutes to complete, consisted primarily of Likert-type items, ranging from 1-7, designed to measure support for press access to public records and media use. Some questions employed reverse wording to avoid the instrument from taking on an overly positive tone toward access that could introduce response bias. The questionnaire included 38 questions and 14 demographic questions, including age, income of family, ethnicity, gender, political ideology, and religiosity. The questions were pretested in June 2004 on a sample of 66 communication students to improve the measurement of constructs. Support for press access to public records. This construct was measured by eight questions that asked whether the press should have access to specific government records (see Table 1). Questions were derived from previous surveys, including the Freedom Forum (2002) and Cuillier (2004) studies. The reliability of the index was confirmed by computing Cronbach's alpha, which was .75. A plotted histogram of the index demonstrated normal distribution. Because most people do not routinely contemplate access to government records, the questions asked participants to indicate their support for press access to specific records, such as criminal reports, dam safety inspection data, and driver's licenses. This allows participants to formulate their opinions in the same context as access issues that arise in public policy debates. Media use. This was measured by a set of questions that asked participants "On a scale of 1 to 7, with 1 being not at all important and 7 being very important, please rate Internet use and FOI support 16 how important each medium is to you as a source of news and information." Respondents circled a number on a 1-7 scale for each of the following media: radio, television, newspaper, magazine, and Internet. Measuring media use is a debated subject as scholars attempt to find reliable methods. This study measured the importance of a medium for news use because of prior research that has found that simple media-use recall measures do not seem to work well (Chaffee & Schleuder, 1986; Kosicki & McLeod, 1990; Miller & Reese, 1982; Pinkleton & Austin, 2001, 2002; Slater, 2004; Zhao & Chaffee, 1995). For example, in a study of how immigrants learned about candidates, Martinelli and Chaffee (1995) found that measuring attention to news worked better than frequency of exposure. In another study, McLeod and McDonald (1985) did not find strong results based on traditional use-based measures of television exposure. They also found weak effects when comparing newspaper and television use. The studies seem to indicate that measuring attention or importance, rather than recalled amount of time using the medium, is preferable. Demographic variables. A variety of demographic variables were included in the analysis because prior research has shown that they often are related to similar constructs, such as support for free expression. Demographics will be partialed out to better identify the relationship between support for access and media use. Participants were asked to designate their sex, age, family income, and race. For this analysis, race was designated as white or nonwhite. A question measured religiosity by asking, "Regarding your attitude toward religion, on a scale of 1 to 7, with 1 being not religious and 7 being very religious, please Internet use and FOI support 17 circle a number that corresponds with how religious you feel you are." Previous research has shown that the greater the religiosity, the lower the support for free expression (Andsager, 1995; Brosius & Engel, 1996; McLeod et al., 1997; Montero, 1975; Selvin & Hagstrom, 1960; Zalkind, Gaugler, & Schwartz, 1975). Political orientation was measured by a question that asked, "Regarding your political orientation, on a scale of 1 to 7, with 1 being more liberal and 7 being more conservative, please circle a number that corresponds with your political ideology." In general, research has found that greater conservatism is associated with lower support for free expression (Andsager, 1995; Becker, Cobbey, & Sobowale, 1978; Bobo & Licari, 1989). A final psychological variable was included, fear of privacy invasion, because previous research (Cuillier, 2004) has found that construct to be negatively related to support for access. The greater the fear of privacy invasion, such as identity theft, the lower the support for access. This construct was measured by an index created by five questions, also using a Likert-type scale of 1 to 7 points (see Table 1). The questions followed the support for access questions to avoid priming participants to think about privacy invasion. The Cronbach's alpha for this index was .86. Results To address the first hypothesis, a hierarchical multiple regression analysis was employed using the enter method with mean replacement. Demographic and psychographic control variables included age, sex, income, race (white or nonwhite), religiosity, political orientation, and fear of privacy invasion. The three other independent variables were television, newspaper, and Internet use. Internet use and FOI support 18 The linear combination of variables was significantly related to the support for records index, F(10, 601) = 6.24, p < .001. As shown in Table 2, while accounting for demographic variables, support for press access to public records was negatively related to television use (ß = -.13, p < .001), and support was positively related to newspaper use (_ = .11, p < .01). While the relationships are modest, they were statistically significant and the magnitude comparable to results in social-science survey research. Therefore, Hypothesis 1 was supported. Research Question 1 asked whether Internet use would be related to support. Upon analysis, Internet use was found to be positively related to support for access, even at a slightly greater level than newspaper use (ß = .13***, p < .001). Two control variables were found to be statistically significant: age (ß = .10, p < .05), and fear of privacy invasion (ß = -.15***, p < .001). Therefore, older students were more supportive of access and those more concerned about privacy invasion were less supportive. Hypothesis 2 predicted that the support for press access to public records scale would encompass two distinct and unidimensional, yet related, subconstructs. Factor analysis suggested that the construct was indeed divided into two sets, as shown by the factor loadings in Table 3. Six of the eight questions represented support for access to personal-oriented records, such as driver's license information, and criminal background records. This measure formed an acceptable subscale measure with a Cronbach's alpha of .77. Two questions loaded on the second factor, representing support for press access to governmental public safety records: dam inspection data and records identifying the Internet use and FOI support 19 locations of hazardous chemicals. The two items were combined into a two-item scale with an alpha of .65, lower than ideal but acceptable for this exploratory study. The Pearson correlation for the two items was .49, statistically significant at the .001 level. The addition of questions in the future would likely increase scale reliability substantially. Hypothesis 3 proposed that support for access to public safety records would be higher than support for access to privacy-oriented records. Means testing was employed to test this hypothesis. The means of the public safety scale was 4.16 and the means of the privacy-oriented scale was 4.59. A two-tailed paired samples t test demonstrated that the difference between the two scale means is statistically different, t(611) = 6.01, p < .001 . At the same time the two subscales are related; a Pearson correlation demonstrated that they are related constructs (r = .27, p < .01). Therefore, given the factor analysis and other statistical tests, these two subscales are distinct and unidimensional, yet related. To address Research Question 2, both subscales were then compared to the media-use variables, accounting for demographic variables, through multiple regression as the overall support for access scale was tested for Hypothesis 1. The results, in Table 2, demonstrate different relationships between the two subscales and media use. Support for access to personal-oriented records is negatively related to television (ß = -.12, p < .01), but positively related to newspaper (ß = .10, p < .01) and Internet use (ß = .12, p < .01), similar to the overall support for access to public records scale. This isn't too surprising given the main eight-item scale is dominated by the six personaloriented records questions. However, what is of interest is a difference in the relationship between media use and support for access to public safety records. No statistically Internet use and FOI support 20 significant relationship was found for television or the Internet. A weak relationship was found for newspapers (ß = .09, p < .05). Therefore, except for newspaper reading, media use is not a significant factor in people's attitudes toward general government records but media use does come into play regarding attitudes toward personal privacy-oriented records. The other interesting, although not unexpected, finding from this analysis is that fear of privacy invasion was more strongly associated with support for access to personal-oriented records (ß = -.14, p < .001) than to support for access to public safety records (ß = -.09, p < .05). Finally, Hypothesis 4 predicted that fear of privacy invasion would be positively associated with television use, negatively related to newspaper use, and negatively related to Internet use. This hypothesis was partially supported (see Table 2). Using hierarchical multiple regression and accounting for demographic variables, fear of privacy invasion was found to be positively associated with television use and statistically significant (ß = .13, p < .001). However, no statistically significant relationship was found with newspaper or Internet use. Discussion The findings from this study provide new insight into people's attitudes toward press access to public records and the relationship with media use and concern for privacy invasion. The findings generally support previous research, such as Putnam's (2000), regarding the general relationship of television and newspaper use toward political participation attitudes, extending the literature to include the specific concept of Internet use and FOI support 21 access to public records. This study also indicates that those who rely on the Internet for their news and information might be most supportive of freedom of information. Overall support and media use Hypothesis 1, that television use is negatively related to support for access, suggests that there is something about people who rely on television for their news and information that makes them less supportive of freedom of information. However, closer analysis of the subscales showed that television viewers are ambivalent toward general governmental public safety records. The concern they tend to have is specific to access to records involving personal information. That makes sense given the large amount of crime news people may view on television, particularly regarding identity theft and scams. Effective Citibank television ads showing people talking with other voices might be effective in promoting antiidentity theft policies, but may also heighten fear of privacy invasion. It is possible that people who are concerned about privacy invasion rely on television for news instead of the Internet, which may be viewed as more of a threat to personal privacy. After all, in the analysis for the last hypothesis, this study demonstrated a modest relationship between television use and fear of privacy invasion. Yet no relationship was found for fear of privacy invasion with newspaper or Internet use, only television. However, because fear of privacy invasion was included as a control variable in the regression analysis for Hypothesis 1, it appears there are other factors related to television use and support beyond fear. Something else about television viewers must contribute to lower support for access to public records. Perhaps it is overall attitudes toward political participation. Cultivation theory (Gerbner et al., 1982) suggests that Internet use and FOI support 22 television viewers' attitudes converges toward a moderate, mainstreaming attitude less supportive of expressive rights, perhaps even First Amendment and press rights. An interesting result of this study is that the study specifically measured the use of television as a source of news and information, not for entertainment. Some research has noted that television news use can increase political participation and civic engagement (McLeod, Glynn, & McDonald, 1983; McLeod & McDonald, 1985; Miller & Reese, 1982). This study suggests otherwise, at least in regard to support for press access to government records. People who rely on television for entertainment might demonstrate even less support for access. This is an important finding as people, particularly younger generations, become increasingly reliant on television for their political news. For example, during the 2004 presidential election, Fox News became the most-used news source for election information for the first time (Pew, 2004). If people increasingly rely on television for their news, will public support for access drop over time? This is important given some research that suggests youth are more disengaged: less trusting of fellow citizens, less interested in public affairs, less knowledgeable about politics, less likely to read a newspaper, less likely to vote, and less likely to participate (Bennett & Rademacher, 1997; Delli Carpini, 2000). While these findings may support Putnam's suggestion that television news use is harmful toward political participation and support for democratic principles, this study contradicts his views toward the Internet. This survey provides cautious optimism that Internet use may be associated with greater support for freedom of information, at least at about the same level or greater as those who rely on newspapers. Internet use and FOI support 23 People who rely on newspapers and the Internet for news and information may be less fearful of privacy invasion and the accessibility of public records to the press because they rely on an open society to get information. Yet again, even accounting for fear of privacy invasion as a control, the analysis yielded statistically significant relationships. This bodes well for access supporters as more people use the Internet to gather political information. During the 2004 presidential campaign, 22% of voters said they got their election news from the Internet, as opposed to 11% the prior election (Pew, 2004). Given the current dominance of television as a news source, the Internet could be a positive factor in the future of public attitudes toward access as the Internet provides a potential catalyst and medium for political information and participation. Two ways of conceptualizing public information Another result of this study was the identification of two distinct subscales of support for access to public records. This may be of interest to FOI legal scholars and open government advocates who have analyzed contemporary court rulings and legislation regarding access to note that government is increasingly closing records of a personal nature (Bunker & Splichal, 1997; Cochran & Katz, 2003; Davis & Splichal, 2000; Halstuk, 1999; Hoefges, Halstuk & Chamberlin, 2003; Ross, 2004; Senat, 2003). It appears that distinction is part of Americans' attitudes toward public records, not just among officials. If open government advocates want to stem the tide of secrecy and record closures, the battle may need to be waged in the court of public opinion, not just in a court of law or City Hall. From a media use perspective, the results of the two subscales are surprising. Internet users demonstrated stronger support for access to personal-oriented records than Internet use and FOI support 24 for general public safety-oriented records, contrary to newspaper and television users. In fact, online users were ambivalent toward access to public safety records but more strongly supportive of access to personal-oriented records. This may represent an increasingly savvy Internet user, particularly within the younger college generation, that has found access to public information online useful, even if seemingly personally private. Perhaps, because of dealing with spam, Web site registrations, and other routine online intrusion, Internet users are accustomed to personal information being disseminated. Perhaps they have become either resigned to or welcome the flow of information, even personal information. Fear of privacy invasion and media use As noted earlier, fear of privacy invasion was related only to television use. Those who rely on television news appear to be more fearful. Internet and newspaper users do not share this fear. In fact, newspaper users demonstrated a negative relationship, although weak and statistically insignificant. Two other variables were found to be significant with fear of privacy invasion: age and race. The older the student the more concerned about privacy invasion and nonwhites were more likely to report higher fear. The age relationship may account for older students who are beginning to worry about their personal finances and future stability as they begin thinking about graduation and a career. Stability may become more important. Race can be difficult to interpret. Future research could investigate whether attitudes toward freedom of information differs culturally. Internet use and FOI support 25 Ramifications for an online future This study suggests that the Internet may be an effective medium for mobilizing support and sharing information regarding access to public records. These findings can help media practitioners, policymakers, and open-government advocates better understand the dynamics of public attitudes toward open records. Several groups, including the Society of Professional Journalists and the Freedom Forum, have attempted to increase public support of press access to government information through "Project Watchdog" educational campaigns (Society of Professional Journalists, 2005). Better understanding of the dynamics of public support for access, including media use, can help open-government proponents take steps to increase public support for freedom of information. For example, if a goal is to improve support for FOI among the electorate through persuasion, then perhaps more television coverage of access issues might reach people less inclined to support open government. Likewise, if the goal is to build a base of supporters, perhaps newspapers and the Internet are the media to emphasize. The good news for access advocates is that Internet and newspaper readers appear to generally support press rights and freedom of information. They may better understand the political process because of the greater coverage and depth of political news in those media. Limitations and future research This study has its limitations. First, the sample is not generalizable to the population. Different results may occur if nonstudents were surveyed, and particularly non-communication students who are likely to be more aware of freedom of information issues. A national survey of randomly selected adults could help provide broader Internet use and FOI support 26 generalizability. Second, the support for press access index is still relatively new and needs further psychometric refinement and testing. Third, media-use measures can be unreliable, so other media-use measures could have been included in the study to provide more robust analysis, or at least to compare the effectiveness of different media-use measures. It is also important to note that this study does not suggest causation, only relationships. While many scholars agree that the relationship between media use and effects is bidirectional (Price & Zaller, 1993), and some research has shown that Internet use increases political knowledge (e.g., Eveland, Seo, & Marton, 2002), the media effect on support for access can not be determined from this survey-based study. People who support access and other democratic principles may be more likely to read a newspaper or use the Internet, and those who are less supportive of access may be more prone to watch television. For example, someone politically involved might be more likely to support access to public records and government information in order to acquire information needed to make decisions, and those same people might rely on the Internet for political news and information. An underlying construct, such as need for cognition, political efficacy, apathy, or involvement, could be at play. Future research should include experimental designs and focus on other political attitutidinal factors that might mediate support for access. Ultimately, more examination of public support for freedom of information is needed, particularly in the current political environment. Future research could include other psychological variables, such as need for cognition, political involvement, apathy, efficacy toward politics, involvement, and cynicism toward the political system. Also, Internet use and FOI support 27 experimental research is needed to examine causation. Is there something about the Internet that might increase support for democratic principles, such as press access to public records? Despite the limitations, this study illustrates that people support access at different levels depending on the media they use. From a theoretical perspective, this supports the media-use model, that the medium does matter. 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Internet use and FOI support 42 Table 1 N 603 614 611 609 611 611 610 612 611 611 610 612 611 609 610 611 610 Measures and Indices 1 _______________________________________________________________________ Support for Press Access to Public Records Includes two "Access Support" subscales: Support for Access to Privacy-Oriented Records Public utility records, which could include how much water people use for their lawns and irrigation, should be made available to the press. The press should have access to the annual salaries of public employees. Divorce court files, which may include family assets and allegations between spouses, should be available to the press. Property tax records, including the value of a person's home and how much was paid in property taxes, should be available to the press. Records detailing someone's criminal past should be made available to the press. Drivers license records, which might include a person's name, address, height and weight, should be made available to the press. Support for Access to Public-Safety Records Public records explaining vulnerabilities of dams should be made available to the press. Public records that identify the type, amount and location of hazardous chemicals should be made available to the press. Fear of Privacy Invasion I am concerned about the amount of personal information about me on the Internet. I am concerned about the information about me that is held in databases by marketing companies. I am concerned that access to public information increases my risk of someone charging purchases on credit cards in my name. I am concerned about my privacy being invaded. I am concerned about the amount of personal information about me that is available to the press through public records. computation so for all the above results a higher mean indicates greater support for access. _______________________________________________________________________ 1 All measures on 7-point scales with 1 strongly disagreeing and 7 indicating strongly agreeing. Questions were reverse coded before _ .75 .77 .65 .86 SD 1.08 1.18 1.66 1.87 1.52 1.78 1.64 1.84 1.68 1.92 1.99 1.42 1.93 1.74 1.74 1.67 1.77 M 4.27 4.16 4.88 4.83 3.02 3.91 4.90 3.44 4.59 4.50 4.68 4.49 4.19 4.81 4.84 4.73 3.92 Table 2 ______________________________________________________________________________________
Support for Support for Access to Access to Public Personal - Records Oriented Oriented (Overall) Records Dependent Variables | -------- R2: -------- | Support for Fear of Access to Privacy Public Safety- Invasion Records Regression Analysis Results for Hypotheses H1, R1, R2, & H4 H1/R1: Independent variables ________________________________________________________________________ Control variables: Age Sexa Racea Politicala Religiositya Income Fear of Privacy Inv. Media importance: Television Newspaper Internet ________________________________________________________________________ 1 4 Note: Enter-method with mean replacement. R2 = .07; df = 611; F = 6.24*** 2 R2 = .08; df = 611; F = 5.35***(privacy) 3 R2 = .04; df = 611; F = 2.55** (safety) R2 = .08; df = 611; F = 5.50*** (fear) a Female, nonwhite, conservatism, and more religious coded high. Betas are standardized. * p < .05; ** p < .01; *** p < .001 ß .10* .10 .11 -.05 -.06 .02 -.15*** -.13*** .11** .13*** ß .11** -.01 .07 -.04 -.04 .02 -.14*** -.12** .10* .12** Internet use and FOI support 43 H4: ß .15*** .07 .16*** .03 .03 .00 n/a .13*** -.04 .02 ß .03 .06 .01 -.04 -.06 .03 -.09* -.08 .09* .08 Table 3 Factor Analysis of Support for Access Dependent Variables (Total variance explained = 55%) ______________________________________________________________________ Dependent variables Factor 1 (Personal-oriented records) Public utility records, which could include how much water people use for their lawns and irrigation, should be made available to the press. The press should have access to the annual salaries of public employees. Divorce court files, which may include family assets and allegations between spouses, should be available to the press. Property tax records, including the value of a person's home and how much was paid in property taxes, should be available to the press. Records detailing someone's criminal past should be made available to the press. Drivers license records, which might include a person's name, address, height and weight, should be made available to the press. Factor 2 (Public safety records) Public records explaining vulnerabilities of dams should be made available to the press. Public records that identify the type, amount and location of hazardous chemicals should be made available to the press. Eigenvalue = 3.04; Variance explained = 38.0%; M = 4.16; SD = 1.18; N = 612; Alpha = .77 ______________________________________________________________________________________
Eigenvalue = 1.32; Variance explained = 16.5%; M = 4.6; SD = 1.68; N = 612; Alpha = .65; Correlation for the two items is r = .49, p < .001. Note: Principal component extraction using oblique rotation. Reverse-coded items have been transformed so that directionality is consistent with other items in the same index. Factor 2 Safety .110 -.141 -.225 -.184 -.243 -.231 .739 .737 Internet use and FOI support 44 Factor 1 Personal .651 .613 .673 .779 .630 .660 .410 .422
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