The portrayal of people with disabilities in prime-time Japanese TV dramas
Shinichi Saito, Ph.D.
Professor
Department of Communication
Tokyo Woman's Christian University
2-6-1 Zempukuji, Suginami-ku,
Tokyo, Japan, 167-8585
E-mail: [log in to unmask]; [log in to unmask]
&
Reiko Ishiyama, MA
Ph.D. candidate
Department of Communication
Seijo University
6-1-20 Seijo, Setagaya-ku,
Tokyo, Japan, 157-0066
E-mail: [log in to unmask]
Paper presented at the joint session of the Media & Disability Interest Group
and the Mass Communication & Society Division of
the Association for Education in Journalism and Mass Communication
annual meeting at Kansas City 30, July 30-August 2, 2003
The portrayal of people with disabilities in prime-time Japanese TV dramas
Abstract
A study was conducted of the depiction of disabled persons in Japanese
prime-time television dramas. The results showed that only 1.7% of the
characters analyzed were disabled: a dramatic under-representation. The
study also found that most of the disabled persons depicted were young;
elderly people with disabilities were virtually nonexistent in these
dramas. Analysis also revealed that Japanese TV dramas rarely depict
certain disabilities. The implications of these findings are also discussed
from the perspective of cultivation and the drench hypothesis.
Introduction
This paper examines the depiction of disabled persons in Japanese
television dramas over the past ten years (1993-2002) with the aim of
providing basic information to facilitate a discussion on disability
issues. It is our hope that this discussion will lead us closer to a
society based on the concept of "normalization".
In the final year of the United Nations Decade of Disabled Persons
(1983-1992), the governments of the Asian and Pacific region declared the
years 1993 to 2002 as the Asian and Pacific Decade of Disabled Persons, in
the hope that major issues faced by disabled persons would be addressed,
and the quality of their lives enhanced. This unique regional initiative
was launched at a meeting convened by the Economic and Social Commission
for Asia and the Pacific (ESCAP), in December 1992. The following April,
the collaborating nations endorsed a proclamation on the full participation
and equality of people with disabilities, and also issued an agenda
directing action over the next decade.
In Japan, in November 1993, the law pertaining to people with disabilities
was revised and renamed "The Disabled Persons Fundamental Law". This
revised law represented an important extension of the United Nations Decade
of Disabled Persons. The basic philosophy of the revised law, (modeled
after the 1990 Americans with Disabilities Act (ADA)) holds that all
persons with disabilities are to be given the opportunity, as members of
society, to participate in all spheres of social, economic, and cultural
activity. The eventual goal is full participation and equality for persons
with disabilities. Disabilities included under the law were classified as
physical, intellectual, or mental[1].
In March 1993, the Headquarters for Promoting the Welfare of Disabled
Persons formulated a new long-term program for government measures
concerning disabled persons (termed the basic plan for disabled persons).
In December 1995, it also formulated the Government Action Plan for Persons
with Disabilities, an implementation plan for high-priority measures
further promoting the new long-term program. The Action Plan, a seven-year
strategy running from 1996 to 2002, was aimed at creating a society in
which people with disabilities could participate and live fulfilled
lives. It included health and welfare measures and other measures for
people with disabilities. The issues addressed included housing, education,
employment, communication, and broadcasting. The Plan was based on the
concept of rehabilitation, and was aimed at the institution of the full
rights of the disabled, as citizens, through all stages of life. It was
also based on the concept of "normalization" – the creation of a society in
which people with disabilities live full and active lives in a manner
similar to people unencumbered by disabilities.
In addition to this Plan, various policies were implemented with a view to
achieving normalization; and, these policies have met with some success.
Consequently, the circumstances of people with disabilities have been
gradually improving in recent years. As many critics point out, however, a
society in which disabled persons live full and active lives in a manner
similar to non-disabled persons has not yet been achieved[2]
The new, long-term program pointed out four barriers that impede the
achievement of normalization and a barrier-free society: (1) physical
barriers (e.g., pubic transportation and other facilities that are not
accessible to disabled persons); (2) institutional barriers (e.g., limited
qualifications because of disabilities), (3) cultural/information barriers
(e.g., lack of Braille and sign-language services), and (4) awareness
barriers (e.g., regarding disabled persons as being under the protection
[patronage] of others). A number of initiatives and planned measures are
necessary to eliminate these barriers. It should be noted that, in the
program, the government pointed out the importance of mass media in
enlightening the general public.
As Tezuka (2002) pointed out, negative attitudes toward, and prejudice
against, disabled persons are powerful examples of awareness barriers.
Research has shown that direct personal contact and exposure to media
portrayals can play a significant role in creating positive attitudes
toward people with disabilities. Relative values are still being studied,
but there is no doubt that mass media can play a crucial role. Positive
media portrayals of people with disabilities have helped people without
disabilities "to acquire a greater understanding, sensitivity, and comfort
with them in the workplace and their personal lives" (Farnall & Smith,
1999, p. 670). Similarly, Glauberman (1980) concluded that positive
portrayals of disabled persons on TV have improved the attitudes and
behaviors of children toward disabled peers. Conversely, mass media has the
potential to reinforce negative attitudes toward disabled persons through
misinformation and stereotypes.
The current status of people with disabilities in Japan
Shapiro (1994) pointed to a lack of expert consensus as to what constitutes
disability; and noted that this lack of consensus affects statistical
discussions on the number of disabled people. In the US, depending on the
definition used (Shapiro, 1994), figures range from 35 million (1991
estimate from the Institute of Medicine), to 49 million (estimate from the
1994 census), to as many as 120 million (various less restricted estimates).
A similar definition problem exists in Japan. While a detailed description
of arguments concerning the definition of the term is beyond the scope of
this paper, we note that disability is defined in a narrower sense in Japan
than in many other industrial countries. The Disabled Persons Fundamental
Law defines people with disabilities as "those whose daily lives or social
lives are substantially limited for a long period of time due to physical
disabilities, intellectual disabilities, or mental disorders" (Article 2 of
the law). Thus, welfare services are intended only for those who suffer
"substantially" from disabilities "for a long period of time".
Concrete measures for each type of disability are made based on the
following three laws: the "Persons with Physical Disabilities Welfare Law",
the "Persons with Intellectual Disability Welfare Law[3]," and the "Law
Concerning Mental Health and Welfare for Mentally Disabled Persons". The
first law defines a physical disability as one of the following: visual
impairment, ear-related disability & equilibrium dysfunction, auditory
problems, speech & mastication disabilities, mobility disability, and
internal disorders (heart dysfunction, kidney dysfunction, small intestinal
dysfunction, bladder or rectal dysfunction, respiratory dysfunction, or
immunity dysfunction due to HIV). Depending on how severe the disability,
this law makes further classifications as to degree: from first (the most
severe) to seventh (the least).
The third law mentioned above defines persons with mental disabilities as
"persons with schizophrenia, acute addiction due to psychoactive substance
use or its dependence, intellectual disability, psychotic and other mental
illnesses" (Article 5). In the field of mental health, intellectual
disability is included in mental disorders, but when it comes to
qualification for welfare law, intellectual disability is uniquely
governed. In this study, we employ the legal definitions above as
operational ones, to compare portrayals of disabled persons in TV dramas
with the real world[4].
The official estimates for the number of people with disabilities in Japan
(thus the most often cited in literature) are those periodically reported
by the Ministry of Health, Labor, and Welfare (MHLW). These figures are
cited in an annual White Paper on Persons with Disabilities. According to
the 2002 White Paper, the total number of people with disabilities came to
about 6.02 million (approximately 5% of the total population in Japan). Of
these, 3.52 million were people with physical disabilities, 0.46 million
were mentally disadvantaged (intellectually disabled), and 2.04 million
were affected by mental disorders (Cabinet Office, 2002)[5].
The Survey on the Actual Status of People (both children and adults) with
Physical Disabilities, conducted by the MHLW in June 2001, showed that 3.33
million people with physical disabilities live at home. Of these, 54.0%
have motor disabilities, 25.9% have internal disorders, 10.9% have auditory
& speech disabilities, and 9.2% have a sight disability. The survey also
showed that 181,000, or 5.4%, had multiple disabilities. People younger
than 20 years of age accounted for 2.8% of disabled people; those in their
20s, 30s, 40s, and 50s constituted 2.1, 2.8, 6.4, and 14.1%,
respectively. People between the ages of 60 and 64 years constituted
10.9%, and those over 65 accounted for a full 60.2% (0.7% were of unknown
age). The 2002 White Paper pointed out that the number of people 65 years
of age and older with physical disabilities has increased gradually in
recent years (60.2% in the 2001 survey, up from 52.6% in 1996).
With regard to mentally disadvantaged persons, the Basic Survey of the
Policy of the Welfare of Children and Adults with Intellectual Disability
revealed 0.33 million mentally disadvantaged persons (intellectual
disability) living at home in 2000. Of these, 33.2 % were younger than 20,
24.2 % were in their 20s, 15.4 % were in their 30s, 11.5 % were in their
40s, and 11.3 % were 50 years of age or older (4.4% were of unknown age).
People with more severe mental disadvantages accounted for more than 40%.
Mentally disadvantaged persons seem to be multiply and more severely
disadvantaged.
Unlike those associated with physical and intellectual disabilities, no
official survey has focused exclusively on mental disorders. However, the
MHLW regularly conducts a Patient Survey (which includes mental illness),
and this survey can provide important insight. According to the 1999 survey
(cited in the 2002 White Paper), of the 2.04 million mentally ill, 0.34
million were inpatients and 1.70 million lived at home. More detailed
information is available in the 1996 Patient Survey (Zenkaren,
2000). Individuals younger than 35 accounted for 19.9% of this population;
those between 35 and 44, 15.3%; those 45 to 54, 20.1%; and those 55 to 64,
18.8%. Individuals 65 or over constituted 25.4% (0.5% were of unknown
age). Of these mental disorders, schizophrenia accounted for 30.1%;
pre-senile and senile dementia, 4.8%; mood disorders, 22.9%; neurotic
disorders, 24.6%; and alcohol dependence and alcoholic psychosis,
2.9%. Other mental disorders constituted 14.6% (Zenkaren, 2000).
Review of the Literature
Over the last twenty-five years, research on the contribution of television
to our perception of social reality has often been guided by cultivation
theory (Gerbner, Gross, Morgan, & Signorielli, 1986, 1994). Although many
studies concerning cultivation theory deal with perceptions of violence and
crime, the theory has also been applied to a wide variety of topics,
including sex-role stereotypes (Morgan, 1982; Signorielli, 1989), political
orientation (Gerbner, Gross, Morgan, & Signorielli, 1982), and beliefs
about racial integration (Matabane, 1988).
According to Gerbner et al. (1986, 1994), cultivation constitutes a
gradual, cumulative effect. Cultivation theory postulates that the more
time people spend watching television, the more likely it is that their
conceptions of social reality will reflect what they see on TV. Gerbner and
his associates insisted that the message elements that lead to cultivation
are those that cut across most programs and genres, and that audiences
watch television in a relatively nonselective fashion. It follows that the
amount of television viewed is far more important than what is viewed
(Gerbner et al., 1986, 1994).
Many researchers, however, disagree with this assumption, and have observed
that certain types of programs are associated more strongly with
cultivation effects than is the total amount of viewing (e.g., Hawkins &
Pingree, 1981; Weaver & Wakshlag, 1986; Potter & Chang, 1990). They also
believe that the overall amount of viewing is not the most relevant factor
in explaining cultivation effects. This is because these relationships may
be "content-specific." Hawkins and Pingree (1981) suggested discarding the
assumption of message uniformity, and concluded that a measure of exposure
to specific genres strengthens rather than weakens cultivation theory.
Greenberg (1988) argued that Gerbner et al.'s cultivation model is
incomplete because one or two particularly salient programs can
dramatically affect our perceptions of social reality. He contended that
"the portrayals of blacks on the Cosby Show may supersede or even overwhelm
the black images derived from many other shows that have some blacks, but
in less distinguished, less interesting, and less positive
characterizations" (Greenberg, 1988, p. 98). He called this idea the drench
hypothesis.
To address the issue of whether one should use the amount of overall
viewing or the amount of specific-genre (or program) viewing as an
empirical measure, it is helpful to introduce the notion of levels with
respect to television messages (Saito, 1995). We can divide messages into
at least three levels: the program, the genre, and message system levels.
At Level 1 (the program level), the characteristics of each program are
most salient. Each program (or show) may have its own messages. For
example, the messages that viewers receive from NYPD Blue may be different
from those of Silk Stalkings despite the fact that both can be categorized
as police/detective dramas. Level 2 (the genre level) is intermediate,
between the surface and the deeper levels of television messages. Some
messages may be similar within a genre, but may differ in terms of genre.
Level 3 (the message system level) is the one that Gerbner and his
associates assert should be the basis for cultivation theory.
Distinguishing between these three levels resolves a number of problems
(Saito, 1995). For example, cultivation and drench hypotheses are not
mutually exclusive: Greenberg's argument focuses on Level 1, whereas
Gerbner's cultivation theory pertains to Level 3. Depending on which aspect
of perception is being examined, either hypothesis could contribute
different information regarding TV's influence.
Researchers who argue that cultivation effects are content-specific have
attempted to demonstrate that effects are more likely to occur at Level 2
than 3. Gerbner and his associates, however, assert that cultivation should
refer to the phenomena at work at the deepest level (Level 3). They do not
assume that all messages on television are uniform, but contend that
cultivation theory should be based on "the most general system of messages,
images, and values that underlie and cut across the widest variety of
programs" (Gerbner et al., 1986, p. 20)
Two questions arise. First, why do many studies demonstrate stronger
effects for measures of genre-level viewing than total viewing? Perhaps it
is because most cultivation measures (dependent variables) have dealt with
messages at Level 2, not 3. Studies concerned with messages at Level 2 may
be characterized as addressing an extended version of cultivation theory.
Evidence suggests that the original theory should be expanded into a more
comprehensive theory covering both Levels 2 and 3.
Second, what kinds of messages cut across a variety of programs and
genres? Do such messages exist even in the multi-channel age? On this
point, Potter (1990) suggested that themes such as "Truth wins out" and
"Hard work is rewarded" are the most general lessons delivered by
television. These themes could be part of the general system of messages
in the U.S. television world. On the basis of comprehensive content
analyses, we need to make an inventory of cultivation topics that
distinguishes messages at Level 2 from those at Level 3[6].
Media portrayals of people with disabilities
Greenberg and Brand (1994) summarized a number of major studies dealing
with minorities and the mass media, including studies on the depiction of
people with disabilities and their influence on the audience. As Greenberg
and Brand's extensive literature review shows, far fewer studies deal with
disabilities and the media than with ethnic minorities. They have pointed
out that among studies dealing with disability in the media, there has been
little agreement as to an operational definition. Thus, we see here the
same problem noted previously as affecting the figures on the number of
people with disabilities. Gardner and Radel (1978), for example, found that
68% of disabled persons portrayed in the media had physical impairments and
22% were intellectually disabled or had mental disorders. In their study,
physical impairments included paraplegia, quadriplegia, blindness,
deafness, cerebral palsy, epilepsy, diabetes, and physical deformation.
Klobas (1988) examined portrayals of blindness, wheelchair users, deafness,
amputees, developmental disabilities, small stature, and multiple
disabilities in television and film.
As for prime-time television, Elliot and Byrd (1982) noted that people with
disabilities were depicted, predominantly, as belonging to lower SES
groups, and as unemployed, single, and as victims of abuse. Donaldson
(1981) found that people with disabilities were never seen in the
background as shoppers, spectators, or workers.
Greenberg and Brand categorized the relevant literature into three groups:
(1) studies that "count the presence or absence of minorities in media
content and compare these head counts with those found for other minorities
and for the majority"; (2) those that "typically attempt to assess whether
the presence of a minority is of major or minor significance when compared
with majority role holders"; and (3) studies that deal with "the extent to
which those minorities are like or unlike majority characters on the same
show, and further, the manner and frequency with which the minority
characters interact with the majority characters" (Greenberg & Brand, 1994,
pp. 275-276). This paper may be categorized as a mixture of the first and
second types.
Considering the importance of television in our society, we need to
investigate the ways in which TV portrays persons with disabilities. How
often do disabled persons appear in TV dramas? When they appear, are they
major characters or minor ones? What about their ages and sexes? Do they
have occupations? What types of disability are most likely to be depicted?
We addressed these questions in this study.
Methods
In this study, we examined serial dramas aired during prime time on five
commercial broadcasting networks between January 1993 and December 2002
(See Saito, 2000 for the Japanese TV situation)[7]. We excluded 'Samurai'
dramas and analyzed only modern drama series[8].
We scanned preview issues of TV Guide. Greenberg and Collette (1997)
demonstrated the usefulness of using preview issues of this periodical in
conducting a content analysis as "a parsimonious means for an examination
over time of new-season characters" (p. 2). This method has an important
advantage in terms of enabling a census (examining all relevant programs).
As Greenberg and Collette pointed out, content analytic studies using
random sampling (e.g., analyzing TV programs of randomly selected weeks)
"cannot eliminate the possibility of idiosyncratic findings attributable to
the vagaries of network scheduling" (p. 2). Furthermore, they also pointed
out that, "a cross-check with other sources confirmed that the Fall Preview
issue provides an accurate account of new season television shows and their
primary characters" (p. 2). Although the TV Guide used in this study was a
Japanese version, not the English one that Greenberg and Collette analyzed,
we believe that its usefulness is comparable in regards to preview issues.
Japanese TV Guide publishes four preview issues a year, because Japanese TV
dramas have four "new seasons". Thus, we analyzed a total of 40 preview
issues. As a double-check[9] mechanism, we also scanned preview issues of
The Television, another major TV information magazine.
Preview issues provide useful information on dramas (e.g., explanations
regarding upcoming drama series). Most importantly, they illustrate
interpersonal relations among primary and secondary characters (usually
seven to nine persons are listed) using a chart, with brief descriptions of
each character. Based mainly on the information provided in the charts, we
scanned listings to determine whether disabled persons appeared (either as
major or minor characters) in each of the programs (the unit of analysis
was each character).
When disabled persons were found in the description, we also made a note of
the character's sex, age, occupation, type of disability, and whether the
character was major or minor. Sex was determined through pictorial content
and name. In most cases, information on age was provided in the charts.
Information on occupation was occasionally provided in the charts or
accompanying text descriptions. Unfortunately, there were many characters
of unknown occupation. In this study, we defined a major (leading or
primary) character as the most important person in the program. When it was
difficult to identify a single leading character from the information on a
chart or the text description, we chose up to two major characters in the
program. Any characters not identified as major characters were treated as
minor ones.
Two trained coders conducted the analysis independently. Since the coding
categories were relatively simple (except for the variable of whether a
character was disabled), inter-coder reliability was very high (over 90%
for each variable).
There were several cases where it was difficult to assess whether a
character was actually disabled (i.e., vague or ambiguous descriptions were
used such as "he has heart disease," "she was mentally injured," or "he is
slightly autistic". In these cases, we first put the characters on a
candidate list, and then studied the text descriptions of non-preview
issues and/or watched the programs on videotape, when available [10].
Results
Analysis showed that disabled persons were shown on a limited number of TV
programs in the past ten years. We analyzed 607 serial dramas or drama
series aired on commercial TV broadcasting networks between 1993 and
2002[11]. Of these, disabled persons appeared in 67 (11.0%) (See Table 1).
As shown in Table 2, a total of 81 persons with disabilities were portrayed
in these programs. Twenty-eight of these (34.6%) were major characters. As
mentioned earlier, charts showing interpersonal relationships in TV
information magazines typically list between seven and nine characters
(major and minor). Our analysis revealed that 4899 characters have been
listed in the charts of TV Guide during the past 10 years. Thus, only 1.7%
of these characters were disabled (some fluctuation has occurred, but
percentages have never exceeded 3%). By contrast, about 5% of the total
population of Japan is disabled. Clearly, people with disabilities are
underrepresented in TV dramas.
Table 3 lists all the characters with disabilities that appeared in the
programs that we analyzed. This table includes information on sex, age,
character role, occupation (if any), and nature of disability. The average
household rating for each program was provided by Video Research Ltd. (a
company conducting TV audience ratings research). Television dramas
achieving average audiences greater than 15% have usually been regarded as
successful in the Japanese media industry[12]. Table 3 shows that 25
programs met this standard; and, many of the dramas in which disabled
persons appeared enjoyed relatively high ratings. This is true despite
their relative rarity. This might suggest that these dramas have had a
greater than average effect on viewers.
Among the 81 disabled characters, the most frequently depicted disability
was intellectual (12 persons over six programs were so depicted). Notably,
one serial drama Seija no koushin (The March of Saints) depicted the lives
of six persons with intellectual disabilities. The second most frequently
depicted disability was visual impairment: 10 persons were portrayed as
blind and one as having poor vision. The third most frequently depicted
disability was hearing impairment (8 persons were so depicted). Wheelchair
users and persons with heart dysfunction were next in relative frequency (7
persons, respectively). Four were autistic and three characters suffered
from dementia (See Table 3). Television dramas rarely depicted certain
disabilities; characters with internal disorders other than heart
dysfunction rarely appeared. In the real world, approximately 30% of people
with mental disorders are schizophrenic, but this illness is virtually
nonexistent in TV dramas. By contrast, people with visual impairments
appear relatively often.
Unlike Elliot and Byrd's (1982) finding that people with disabilities were
depicted, predominantly, as belonging to lower SES groups and as
unemployed, we found that many characters had occupations. While there were
many characters of unknown occupation, only a few were depicted as being
apparently unemployed. Five characters were detectives, three were nurses,
and some were depicted as having special talents, like painters and artists.
As summarized in Table 4, most disabled persons portrayed in dramas were
teenagers or in their 20s (59 out of 81 disabled persons, 72.8%). Only nine
characters were disabled and over 40 years old: only four disabled persons
(minor characters) were over 60. Nearly two-thirds of the major characters
with disabilities (18 out of 28) were in their 20s. This skew towards
younger people is also found among TV drama characters in general (e.g.,
Iwao, 2000). The tendency, however, is much stronger for the disabled. In
the real world, however, disabilities are far more common among the elderly.
The number of female characters with disabilities was more than double that
of males (55 female characters vs. 26 male characters). Even considering
only physical disabilities, female characters outnumbered males. In the
real world, however, the ratio of males to females among people with
physical disabilities is 54.8 to 43.9. Thus, male disabled persons were
severely under-represented[13].
Table 5 compares disability figures in the real world with those in TV
dramas, by age and type of disability. Younger people with disabilities are
clearly over-represented and older people with disabilities are
conspicuously under-represented. Note that approximately 85% of the
population with physical disabilities are 50 or over, while only 4.5% of TV
characters with physical disabilities fell into the same age group. Only
about 20% of people with mental disorders are younger than 35, but nearly
70% of such characters were of this age. This heavy skew toward younger
persons clearly suggests that TV distorts reality.
Discussion
We found that, over the period studied; a mere 1.7% of TV-drama characters
(major and minor) had disabilities. About five percent of the total
population, by contrast, is actually disabled, demonstrating the degree of
under-representation. We also found that most disabled characters in dramas
were young; and that elderly people with disabilities were virtually
non-existent in these dramas. When portrayed, such characters were reduced
to unflattering characterizations. Results also showed that in dramas,
women were more likely to be disabled than men, contrary to actual
demographics.
In addition, these dramas rarely depicted certain disabilities, focusing
instead on intellectual disabilities, blindness, hearing impairment,
wheelchair use, and heart dysfunction. This might be a result of the
inherent nature of television; the medium requires visual images. Internal
and mental disorders are regarded as relatively difficult to portray (with
the exception of heart dysfunction). Intellectual disability, visual
impairments such as blindness, hearing impairment and wheelchair use are
much easier to visualize. After analyzing images of disabled people
appearing in advertising in the US and Great Britain, Haller and Ralph
(2001) concluded that the images in ads focus on wheelchair use and
deafness. Advertising, it seems, takes the easiest route in portraying
disability. While the disabilities shown on Japanese TV dramas are not the
same as those Haller and Ralph found in advertisements, we believe that the
same logic (the "easy way out") serves to determine the images used in dramas.
Following the logic of Gerbner et al. (1986, 1994), we suggest that these
types of under-representative or unrepresentative portrayals may cultivate
distorted perceptions of disabled people. Heavy viewers of TV dramas may be
less likely to recognize the fact that disabilities are much more common in
the elderly, or they might erroneously conclude that disabilities are more
common among females than males.
As Greenberg's drench hypothesis predicts, one or two particularly salient
programs might dramatically affect our perceptions of disability and
disabled persons. For example, a serial drama called Aishiteiru to ittekure
(Please say, "I love You"), which was aired in 1995 and had a relatively
high audience rating of 21.3%, included a deaf major character. Many have
pointed out that this drama strongly influenced the image of deaf persons
among the non-disabled. The drama actually resulted in a boom in the use of
sign language in Japan (e.g., Iwakuma, 1997). Another serial drama called
Byutifuru raifu (Beautiful Life), which aired in 2000, had a very high
average audience rating of 32.3%. The final episode had a rating of 41.3%
(the second highest among all dramas aired between 1977 and 2002). The
drama's leading character used a wheelchair, and it seems plausible that
this drama would have had a significant impact on the perceptions of
viewers regarding wheelchair users. We cannot, however, offer insight into
the kind of impact. Seija no koushin (The March of Saints) also enjoyed a
high audience rating (20.9%). The drama, however, was severely criticized
by many, including the disabled, for misinforming viewers and creating
biased images of persons with intellectual disabilities.
Since we did not conduct any effect research in this study, we can only
speculate as to what effect TV portrayals might have from the perspective
of cultivation or drench hypotheses. Whatever their influence might be, it
seems that we cannot escape the way mass media shapes our perception of
social reality.
Limitations of this study
This study focused only on characters listed in charts provided by TV
information magazines. In actuality, many more characters apperaed in most
of the dramas that we examined, but their roles were much smaller. It is
likely that these smaller roles included some disabled characters that were
not included in this study.
The breadth of this study was insufficient to allow in-depth analyses of
all the disabled characters. While using preview issues has a number of
merits, it also has limitations. For more detailed analyses, one would need
to view the actual programs themselves (unfortunately, not all dramas are
available on videotape). By employing a more "traditional" content analytic
method, future studies should, among other things, examine whether disabled
persons are portrayed positively or negatively, to what extent disabled
characters are like or unlike non-disabled characters on the same show, and
the manner and frequency with which the disabled characters interact with
the non-disabled characters.
This study did not examine TV dramas on NHK (a public broadcaster); TV
Guide does not provide the necessary information (i.e., a chart) for most
NHK programs. However, Japan has a dual television broadcasting system that
consists of NHK and a number of commercial broadcasters. Japanese
broadcasting enjoys a well-balanced competition between these broadcasters
(See Saito, 2000). A parallel analysis of NHK dramas would be desirable in
the future[14].
Despite the limitations described, this study made some important
discoveries. As few dramas portray disabilities, representations of
disabilities and disabled persons, especially in programs with high
audience ratings, may significantly influence viewers. If this is the case,
we need to carefully monitor the images associated with disability.
Naturally, people do not rely solely on television to obtain information.
Some people have direct, daily experience with disabled persons.
Individuals also have interpersonal channels, such as interactions with
family or friends at school, work, or in community meetings. It seems
reasonable to say, however, that television's role in an individual's
construction of social reality is far more important than conventionally
thought. To achieve normalization, we should continue to scrutinize the
role of the media, especially television.
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Table 1. Number of TV drama series with disabled persons by year
(a) Number of TV drama series
(b) Dramas with disabled persons*
(b)/(a) 100
1993
49
3
6.1%
1994
62
6
9.7%
1995
62
9
14.5%
1996
58
7
9.2%
1997
60
4
12.1%
1998
68
10
14.7%
1999
71
4
5.6%
2000
62
11
17.7%
2001
57
5
8.8%
2002
58
8
13.8%
Total
607
67
11.0%
Table 2. Number of TV drama series with disabled persons by year
(a) Number of characters in the charts
(b) Number of characters with disabilities*
(b)/(a) 100
1993
401
3 (1)
0.7%
1994
515
7 (0)
1.4%
1995
515
11 (4))
2.1%
1996
459
7 (4)
1.5%
1997
451
4 (1)
0.9%
1998
513
15 (4)
2.9%
1999
541
4 (1)
0.7%
2000
540
14 (7)
2.6%
2001
481
6 (3)
1.2%
2002
483
10 (3)
2.1%
Total
4899
81 (28)
1.7%
*Numbers in parentheses represent major characters.
Table 4. Number of characters by age and sex
Less than 20
N (%)
20s
N (%)
30s
N (%)
40 or over
N (%)
Total
N (%)
Major characters
2 (7.1)
18 (64.3)
7 (25.0)
1 (3.6)
28 (100)
Males
0 (0.0)
5 (55.6)
3 (33.3)
1 (11.1)
9 (100)
Females
2 (10.5)
13 (68.4)
4 (21.1)
0 (0.0)
19 (100)
Minor characters
19 (35.8)
20(37.7)
6 (11.3)
8 (15.1)
53 (100)
Males
8 (47.1)
6 (35.3)
1 (5.9)
2 (11.8)
17 (100)
Females
11 (30.6)
14 (38.9)
5 (13.9)
6 (16.7)
36 (100)
Total
21 (25.9)
38 (46.9)
14 (17.3)
9 (11.1)
81 (100)
Table 5. Comparison of percentage of disabled persons on TV and percentage
in real world by age and type of disability.
Less than 20
20s
30s
40s
50 and over
Total
Physical disabilities
%
(n)
%
(n)
%
(n)
%
(n)
%
(n)
%
(n)
Real world1
2.8
(93)
2.1
(70)
2.8
(93)
6.4
(213)
85.2
(2,835)
100.0
(3,327)
TV dramas
38.6
(17)
38.6
(17)
9.1
(4)
9.1
(4)
4.5
(2)
100.0
(44)
Intellectual disability
%
(n)
%
(n)
%
(n)
%
(n)
%
(n)
%
(n)
Real world2
33.2
(109,200)
24.2
(79,800)
15.4
(50,700)
11.5
(37,700)
11.3
(37,300)
100.0
(329,200)
TV dramas
31.3
(5)
62.5
(10)
6.3
(1)
0.0
(0)
0.0
(0)
100.0
(16)
Less than 35
35~44
45~54
55~64
65 and over
Total
Mental disorders
%
(n)
%
(n)
%
(n)
%
(n)
%
(n)
%
(n)
Real world3
19.9
(376,995)
15.3
(288,884)
20.1
(381,012)
18.8
(355,034)
25.4
(480,763)
100.0
(1891,205)
TV dramas
72.7
(16)
13.6
(3)
4.5
(1)
0.0
(0)
9.1
(2)
100.0
(22)
1 Source: The Survey on the Actual Status of People (both children and
adults) with Physical Disabilities, conducted by the MHLW in 2001. Figures
represent people with physical disabilities living at home. The ages of
0.7% (2,300) were unknown. Units of 10,000 people.
2 Source: The Basic Survey of the Policy of the Welfare of Children
(Adults) with Intellectual Disability, conducted by the MHLW in 2000.
Figures represent people with intellectual disabilities living at home. The
ages of 4.4% (14,400) were unknown.
3 Source: The Patient Survey conducted by the MHLW in 1996. Figures
represent people with mental disorders with the exception of
children/adults with intellectual disabilities. The ages of 0.5% (8,518)
were unknown.
Table 3 TV drama series in which disabled persons appeared (1993-2002)
Title*
Season
Average rating**
Character's Role
Gender
Age
Occupation
Type of disability
1 Zyerashii (Jealousy)
Winter 1993
12.6%
Major
Female
30s
Flower coordinator
Mental disorder (former patient of a psychiatrist)
2 Oka no ue no himawari (Sunflowers on the Hill)
Spring 1993
12.0%
Minor
Male
18
Unknown
Wheelchair user
3 Hitotsu yane no shita (Under the Same Roof)
Spring 1993
27.5%
Minor
Male
Late teens
Unknown
Wheelchair user
4 Konoyo no hate (The End of the World)
Winter 1994
22.9%
Minor
Female
Teens
Unknown
Blindness
5 Masui (Narcotism)
Winter 1994
9.7%
Minor
Female
40s
Housewife
Being in an unconscious, critical condition due to an accident from
general anesthesia)
6 Chounan no yome (The Daughter-in-Law)
Spring 1994
20.0%
Minor
Male
88
Unknown
Dementia
7 Ienakiko (Nobody's Girl)
Spring 1994
24.7%
Minor
Female
33
Unknown
Heart dysfunction
8 Kindan no kajitsu (The Forbidden Fruit)
Summer 1994
13.7%
Minor
Female
26
Unknown
Speech impairment
Same as above
ditto
ditto
Minor
Female
32
Former actress
Extensive brain injury
9 Wakamono no subete (Stay Gold)
Fall 1994
16.2%
Minor
Male
22
Unknown
Extensive brain injury
10 Hoshi no kinka (Die Sterntaler)
Spring 1995
13.2%
Major
Female
25
Nurse
Hearing and speech impairments
11 Kagayaku kisetsu no nakade (In the Brilliant Season)
Spring 1995
15.4%
Minor
Female
20
Unknown
Heart dysfunction
12 Ienakiko 2 (Nobody's Girl 2)
Spring 1995
21.7%
Minor
Male
40s
Unknown
Paralysis of the lower half of the body
13 Aishiteiru to itte kure (Please say, ÅgI love you")
Summer 1995
21.3%
Major
Male
31
Painter
Hearing impairment
14 Sashou taeko saigo no jiken (Sashow the Last Case)
Summer 1995
15.0%
Major
Female
33
Detective
Mental disorder
Same as above
ditto
ditto
Minor
Male
35
Leader of a profiling team
Mental disorder (diagnosed as lunacy)
15 Za shefu (The Cook)
Summer 1995
13.9%
Minor
Female
18
Childrens' aid in an orphanage
Blindness
16 Miseinen (Minors)
Fall 1995
20.0%
Minor
Female
21
College student
Heart dysfunction
Same as above
ditto
ditto
Minor
Male
18
High school student
Intellectual disability
17 Misu daiamondo (Miss Diamond)
Fall 1995
5.9%
Minor
Female
18
Student
Autism
18 Kurisumasu-ibu ni aimashou (Let's Meet on Christmas Eve)
Fall 1995
2.1%
Major
Female
22
Art gallery employee
Multiple personality disorder
19 Kiseki no romansu (The Miracle Romance)
Winter 1996
14.7%
Minor
Male
6
Unknown
Blindness
20 Pyua (Pure)
Winter 1996
23.5%
Major
Female
25
Artist
Intellectual disability
21 Onrii Yuu—Aisarete (Only You--Being Loved)
Winter 1996
15.5%
Major
Male
26
Restaurant worker
Intellectual disability
22 Toumei-ningen (The Invisible Man)
Spring 1996
17.8%
Minor
Female
15
High school student
Blindness
23 Honoo no shouboutai (Firefighters)
Spring 1996
7.1%
Minor
Female
24
College student
Wheelchair user
24 Mahiru no tsuki (The Moon in Broad Daylight)
Summer 1996
20.7%
Major
Female
24
TV production company employee
PTSD (rape victim)
25 Zoku Hoshi no kinka (Die Sterntaler 2)
Fall 1996
22.2%
Major
Female
25
Nurse
Hearing and speech impairments
26 Hitotsu yane no shita 2 (Under the Same Roof 2)
Spring 1997
26.1%
Minor
Male
17
Unknown
Wheelchair user
27 Garasu no kutsu (Shoes Made of Glass)
Spring 1997
13.7%
Minor
Female
6
Unknown
Blindness
28 Futari (Two Persons--Wherever You Are)
Spring 1997
10.1%
Minor
Female
39
Housewife
Neurosis resulting from daughter's death (loss)
29 Face
Summer 1997
12.3%
Major
Female
24
Nursery school teacher
Multiple personality disorder
30 Seija no koushin (The March of Saints)
Winter 1998
20.9%
Major
Male
21
Factory worker
Intellectual disability
Same as above
ditto
ditto
Minor 1
Male
24
ditto
Intellectual disability
Same as above
ditto
ditto
Minor 2
Male
21
ditto
Intellectual disability
Same as above
ditto
ditto
Minor 3
Male
20
ditto
Intellectual disability
Same as above
ditto
ditto
Minor 4
Female
20
ditto
Intellectual disability
Same as above
ditto
ditto
Minor 5
Female
15
ditto
Intellectual disability &
Blindness
31 Ryakudatsu ai--Abunai onna (Despoiled Love-- the Dangerous Woman)
Winter 1998
14.6%
Minor
Female
20
Construction company worker
PTSD
32 Garasu no Kamen (The Glass Mask)
Spring 1998
11.1%
Minor
Female
48
Owner of a theatre company
Heart dysfunction
33 Rabu agein (Love Again)
Spring 1998
7.9%
Minor
Female
21
Riding club employee
Mobility impairment
34 Harumonia–Kono ai no hate (Harmonia—the End of this Love)
Summer 1998
13.8%
Major
Female
21
Unknown
Hearing and speech impairments
35 Subarashiki kazoku ryokou (The Wonderful Family Trip)
Summer 1998
7.1%
Minor
Female
83
Unknown
Rheumatoid arthritis
36 Kamisama mou sukoshi dake
Summer 1998
22.5%
Major
Female
16
High school Student
HIV-infected
37 Kiseki no hito (The Miracle Man)
Fall 1998
10.2%
Major
Male
27
Game software company employee
Extensive brain injury
(recovered later)
38 Kamen no onna (The Masked Woman)
Fall 1998
7.5%
Minor
Female
32
Former marathon runner
Amputated right leg due to traffic accident
39 Seikimatsu no uta (The Last Song)
Fall 1998
14.8%
Minor
Female
Teens
Unknown
Intellectual disability
40 Ringu (The Ring)
Winter 1999
19.9%
Minor
Female
19
Unknown
Autism
41 Happi (Happy)
Spring 1999
7.6%
Major
Female
22
Unemployed
Blindness
42 Rasen (The Spiral)
Summer 1999
13.3%
Minor
Female
29
Unknown
Mental illness
43 Aoitori shoukougun (The Blue Bird Syndrome)
Fall 1999
4.8%
Minor
Male
17
Unknown
Heart dysfunction
44 Byuutifuru raifu (Beautiful Life)
Winter 2000
32.3%
Major
Female
20s
Librarian
Wheelchair user (mobility impairment)
45 Obaachama kowarechatta no? (Grandma, Being Broken?)
Winter 2000
6.1%
Minor
Female
72
Unknown
Senile dementia
46 Eien no ko (The Immortal Child)
Spring 2000
12.1%
Minor
Female
51
Unknown
Alzheimer's disease
Same as above
ditto
ditto
Major
Female
29
Nurse
Hospitalized in a department of child psychiatry at age 12
Same as above
ditto
ditto
Minor
Male
29
Detective
Same as above
ditto
ditto
Minor
Male
29
Lawyer
47 Kuizu (Quiz)
Spring 2000
12.7%
Major
Female
32
Detective
Bipolar affective disorder
48 Tenshi ga kieta machi (The Town the Angels Left)
Spring 2000
14.6%
Major
Male
35
Factory worker
Autism
49 Kimi ga oshiete kureta koto (ThingsYou Taught Me)
Spring 2000
14.1%
Major
Female
20
Weather forecaster
High autism
50 Samaa sunou (Summer Snow)
Summer 2000
18.1%
Minor
Male
18
High school student
Hearing impairment
52 Happi 2 (Happy 2)
Summer 2000
5.8%
Major
Female
29
Ran a bakery
Blindness
53 Saimin (Hypnosis)
Summer 2000
10.5%
Major
Female
24
Kindergarten teacher
Multiple personality disorder
54 Fuudo faito (Food Fight)
Summer 2000
17.2%
Minor
Female
65
Chief of a nursing institution
Wheelchair user
55 Basu stoppu (Bus Stop)
Summer 2000
16.9%
Minor
Female
19
Unknown
Blindness and wheelchair user
56 Face
Winter 2001
9.9%
Major
Male
30s
Office worker
Multiple personality disorder
57 Pyua souru (Pure Soul)
Spring 2001
10.6%
Major
Female
30
Housewife
Memory disturbance
(Alzheimer's disease)
58 Shin hoshi no kinka (Die Sterntaler: New Version)
Spring 2001
15.0%
Major
Female
18
Unknown
Hearing and speech
impairments
Same as above
ditto
ditto
Minor
Female
16
Unknown
Hearing and speech
impairments
59 Nebaa rando (Neverland)
Summer 2001
8.0%
Minor
Male
16
High school student
Heart dysfunction
60 Fighting Girl
Summer 2001
13.3%
Minor
Female
16
Student
Poor vision
61 Shiawase no shippo (The Tail of Happiness)
Spring 2002
11.4%
Minor
Female
24
Flower coordinator
Hearing impairment
62 Za naasu man (The Nurse Man)
Winter 2002
16.6%
Minor
Female
20
Unknown
Heart dysfunction
63 Kongai renai (Love Outside Marriage)
Winter 2002
8.6%
Minor
Female
28
Depression
64 Nemurenu yoru o idaite (Thinking of Your True Love)
Spring 2002
9.0%
Minor
Male
48
Detective
Prosthetic leg
65 Taiyou no kisetu (The Season of the Sun)
Summer 2002
13.7%
Minor
Female
20
Unknown
Mobility impairment
66 Ai nante iranei yo, natsu (Don't Need Love, Summer)
Summer 2002
7.7%
Major
Female
21
Unemployed
Blindness
67 Arujanon ni hanataba o (Flowers for Algernon)
Fall 2002
11.1%
Major
Male
29
Bakery worker
Intellectual disability
Same as above
ditto
ditto
Minor
Female
24
Bakery worker
Intellectual disability
68 Saiko dokutaa (The Psychiatrist)
Fall 2002
9.1%
Major
Male
20s
Psychiatrist
Obsessive-compulsive disorder
Same as above
ditto
ditto
Minor
Female
20s
Unknown
Generalized anxiety disorder
Note: *Titles in parentheses are tentative English translations; **Average
household ratings. 15% or over is shown in bold face.
[1] The 1993 Disabled Persons Fundamental Law, for the first time,
officially recognized people with mental disorders as disabled persons.
[2] The Prime Minister's Office (currently the Cabinet Office) frequently
conducts nationwide public opinion surveys and occasionally asks
respondents whether they recognize key words or phrases that are regarded
as important at the time of the survey. A survey conducted in September
2001 included questions on disabled persons. Respondents were asked whether
they were familiar with the following four key words or phrases:
"Normalization", "Disabled Persons' Day", "The Asian and Pacific Decade of
Disabled Persons", and "The Basic plan for Disabled Persons." In a sense,
these four key words and phrases serve as starting points for discussing
disability issues. Thus, it is essential that people recognize them.
Unfortunately, the results demonstrated that these terms were not widely
known. The best-known term was "Normalization" (21.7%), followed by
"Disabled Persons' Day" (15.5%). These were the only two that more than 10%
of the respondents knew. The other two were each known by less than 10% of
the sample: "The Asian and Pacific Decade of Disabled Persons" (9.0%) and
"The Basic plan for Disabled Persons" (6.1%). In view of the importance of
these examples in discussing disability issues, this raises some
significant concerns. The survey also asked the respondents who knew of
"Disabled Persons' Day" where they had learned about it; 67.2% said from
"television and newspapers", followed by 17.2% who said they had learned of
it through publicity by national or local groups. Thus, the role of the
media in informing the general public about such issues appears to be very
important.
[3] Instead of "mental retardation", the term "intellectual disability"
has been used since 1999.
[4] There is no official definition of intellectual disability in any
relevant laws. Despite this, counseling centers for persons with
intellectual disability, for example, have their own judgment standards to
assess whether a person is intellectually disabled and to define severity.
[5] Strictly speaking, simply adding together the number of people with
any one of the three types of disabilities might be misleading, as there
are individuals with multiple disabilities. However, for the sake of
simplicity, we do simply sum these figures, as there are no official data
showing the number of persons with multiple disabilities.
[6] The world of television in the late 60s and early 70s certainly had
the appearance of being a monolith. There were no video stores, no cable
TV, as we presently know it, no DBS, and no Internet to compete as symbolic
resources. In addition, the industry itself was dominated by the oligarchic
structure of three networks in the US. None of this is true any longer. The
introduction of multi-channel CATV and DBS has provided viewers with a wide
selection of channels. The number of channels available in the average home
has increased greatly. Consequently, it is getting more and more difficult
to imagine that there is a single coherent world of television.
[7] We analyzed serial dramas and drama series (those occurring four times
or more and exceeding 30 mins. in length) aired between 19:00 and 23:00.
[8] We excluded 'Samurai' dramas because their settings are pre-19th
century and thus quite different from modern ones. We also excluded dramas
aired on the NHK channels, because TV Guide did not provide the necessary
details for all network programming.
[9] We used TV Guide as the primary information source, and used The
Television mainly for confirmation.
[10] When a character with a disability was found in a program and not
listed in a chart we omitted that person in our analysis. To illustrate, in
a particular drama series, in the final episode, the primary character
suffered a paralysis in the lower half of the body. This, however, was not
spelled out in the chart, and we learned of this disability from the text
description in a non-preview issue. We did not analyze this character.
[11] TV Guide does not provide information in chart form for all dramas.
We excluded dramas without such information from our analysis.
[12] Naturally, such standards may change over time. According to one
TV-industry specialist (personal communication), other standards have been
used in recent years: a minimum rating of 13% is required for drama series
to survive, and 18% is regarded as acceptable.
[13] Iwao (2000) found that the ratio of males to females among characters
(most were non-disabled) in dramatic programs was 70 to 30. Thus male
characters outnumbered female characters in TV dramas.
[14] Young people tend to watch programs (including dramas) that air on
commercial broadcasting stations, whereas older people are more likely to
watch NHK programs. Thus, analyzing TV dramas on commercial broadcasting
stations is of great significance, especially when considering their impact
on the younger generation.
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