CHARACTERISTICS OF JOURNALISTIC MEDIA
AND JOURNALISM EDUCATORS
IN INNER-CITY HIGH SCHOOLS
Jack Dvorak
School of Journalism
Indiana University
940 E. 7th St.
Bloomington, IN 47405-7108
[log in to unmask]
(812) 855-0865
and
Candace Perkins Bowen
School of Journalism and Mass Communication
Kent State University
17709 Narragansett Ave.
Lakewood, OH 44107-5347
[log in to unmask]
(330) 672-4064
A research paper submitted for possible presentation at the annual
convention of the
Association for Education in Journalism and Mass Communication
Scholastic Journalism Division
Kansas City, Mo.
July 30-Aug. 2, 2003
CHARACTERISTICS OF JOURNALISTIC MEDIA
AND JOURNALISM EDUCATORS
IN INNER-CITY HIGH SCHOOLS
Abstract
This national study of 2,089 U.S. high schools compares journalistic
activities in nearly 300 inner-city schools with suburban and
rural/small-town schools. Specifically, it examines the prevalence of
newspapers, news magazines, radio, television, online publications and
yearbooks in the three major classifications of schools. Also, it compares
various demographic and psychographic characteristics of the journalism
educators within inner-city schools and compares those traits with teachers
in schools generally.
CHARACTERISTICS OF JOURNALISTIC MEDIA
AND JOURNALISM EDUCATORS
IN INNER-CITY HIGH SCHOOLS
Since Captive Voices first put scholastic journalism under the microscope
in 1974, educators and media professionals alike have been concerned about
the diversity or lack of it in students working on school newspapers
and other media, and studying related curriculum. This concern has been the
basis for summer workshops, seed money to support failing programs, grants
for teacher training and a long list of other related initiatives. Yet the
actual research supporting a decline in inner-city school programs and
minority participation has been sparse, and, while there may be real reason
for concern, current statistics are not necessarily there to support it.
Review of Literature
What has been published generally falls into two categories: a limited
amount of research directly related to the numbers and health of minority
programs, though much of this focuses on one region or city; and anecdotal
or general references to the condition of such programs, often in
professional media organization publications that are also concerned about
their own futures and how these might relate to youth in the pipeline.
Mary Arnold's 1993 paper, presented at the annual convention of the
Association for Education in Journalism and Mass Communication, appears to
be the only research hitting the question head on and with a national
perspective. In "Inner City High School Newspapers: An Obituary?" Arnold,
then program associate for scholastic journalism at The University of Iowa,
says the impetus for her paper came from reporters who called her and
"wanted to know if anyone had done any research on how many inner-city
schools had stopped publishing newspapers in recent years."[1] Arnold
indicates the reporters wanted proof hard facts and statistics to "know
for sure" if such papers really were dying. At this point, she says she
"vowed not to get caught again" and began her research.[2]
When she began her literature review, she discovered "
no one had
addressed how many inner-city school newspapers had died in recent years
and why."[3] Thus her research instrument was a one-page questionnaire that
went to a random sample of 267, or 25 percent, of the principals at large
metropolitan (inner city) schools across the country with follow-up calls
to a random group of nonrespondents. The five items on Arnold's
questionnaire asked the principals "if their school publishes a newspaper,
had ever published one, why it stopped (if it had), and how often the paper
is (or was) published."[4]
Survey results do show some reason to worry about inner-city newspapers.
Nineteen of these schools had stopped publishing their newspapers, which
Arnold notes, if generalized to the whole population of inner city schools,
would mean "almost 13 percent about one in eight have stopped
publishing newspapers." An even more "alarming aspect," Arnold says, is
"most of the schools that have stopped publishing . . . have done so in the
last five years."[5]
However, Arnold concludes inner-city papers are not "fading into
oblivion." She says, although the papers have problems with finances,
frequency and quality, "the student newspaper is still alive in 85 percent
of the nation's inner city schools."[6]
When Christopher Callahan, assistant dean of the College of Journalism at
the University of Maryland, conducted a review of literature for his paper,
"Race as a Factor in Student Participation in High School Journalism," he
found ". . . the body of literature that has developed on high school
journalism is rather thin, especially on the linkage between high school
newspapers and race."[7] Callahan's 1996 study focuses on Maryland high
schools, which, he indicates, "roughly reflect the racial breakdown of the
nation (29.4 percent minority population compared to 24.4 percent
nationally)."[8] While Callahan found "85.6 percent of all 160
non-vocational, non-special needs public high schools in Maryland published
student newspapers," these break down to 91.7 percent of white schools in
this group but only 67.5 percent of those with a black plurality.[9] This
paints a more negative picture than Arnold's research does.
Linda Jones, associate professor of journalism and communication studies
at Roosevelt University in Chicago, also studied trends in inner-city
schools' journalism and newspaper programs in one locale. Her paper, "A
'Health Appraisal' of Student Newspapers in the Chicago Public Schools,"
explores more about the training of these papers' advisers and about
censorship than increase or decrease in numbers of programs. However, she
begins her introduction by citing a December 1992 article in Editor &
Publisher by Mark Fitzgerald, "Saved For Now," which reports a "timely
fund-raising drive" helped Chicago school administrators save newspapers
and other extra-curricular activities such as sports.[10]
Jones does show in her research that 88 of 114 public and private schools
in Chicago or 77 percent publish newspapers. These, however, often have
limited student free expression, less adequately trained advisers than in
the past,[11] and advisers who aren't even sure what their budgets
are.[12] Her research also does not show anything about changes in number
of programs although an anecdotal section quotes "one veteran of 30 years
of advising" who recalled the "glory days of Chicago's big public schools
when many were equipped with their own print shops" and when his school
published "30 issues a year almost weekly." He said this school, where he
no longer teaches, now publishes "two issues and a news magazine all
year."[13] Jones also notes in the conclusion: "Of eight public schools
without newspapers, seven are located in the South Side or West Side,"
areas that are largely minority.[14]
Other investigations with limited populations include Terry Vander
Hayden's 1989 paper, "Minorities in High School Journalism: A Survey of
Kentucky Schools," and Celia McDuff's Journalism Education Association
Master Journalism Educator project and the report of it in Communication:
Journalism Education Today, which explores minority enrollment in Kansas
schools. Vander Hayden reports, with 31 teachers at 100 randomly selected
schools responding, 4 percent of journalism classes, 8.1 percent of
newspaper staffers and 5.5 percent of yearbook staffers are minorities,[15]
McDuff found "low minority enrollment in scholastic journalism programs" in
Kansas, with 6.4 percent of publication staffs minority, compared to 17.8
percent of the overall student population. Her conclusion: "If the research
in this study of Kansas schools is representative of other states, then the
future looks bleak for the efforts of the American Society of Newspaper
Editors to bring the percentage of minorities in print journalism to 23
percent by the year 2000."[16] What is unclear in studies covering specific
areas like Chicago, Kentucky or Kansas is the answer to McDuff's "if"are
these areas representative?
One additional survey, from Spring 1993, might even indicate some hope for
minority high school journalists. "The State of High School Journalism," by
Lyle D. Olson, Roger Van Ommeren and Marshel Rossow, in Communication:
Journalism Education Today reports the results of their survey of
scholastic press association directors. Although covering many other
aspects of such programs, the findings include a statement that 45 percent
of the directors agreed there were "more minority students in journalism
today than there were five years ago," and 40 percent said their state
press association had "programs geared specifically toward minority
students. . . ."[17]
Even as early as the 1970s, anecdotal reports have added to the concern
for inner- city and other minority programs. The Robert F. Kennedy
Memorial's Commission of Inquiry into High School Journalism expresses this
in 1974 in Captive Voices: High School Journalism in America. Commission
hearings took place in six cities across the country in Spring 1973
Charlotte, N.C.; New York, N.Y.; San Antonio, Texas; San Francisco, Calif.;
South Bend, Ind.; and Washington, D.C. and students at 39 high schools in
30 states plus 388 teachers/advisers answered a series of survey questions.
It should be noted, however, in 38 of the 39 schools that the students
represented, a school newspaper was published and a magazine was published
at the other school. Also, the teachers' names for the survey came from the
Journalism Education Association and the National Council of Teachers of
English, and questions to them assumed there was some form of student
publication or journalism course.[18] No questions were asked about
newspapers ceasing to print. The Commission, however, concluded:
In the nation's capital, with a predominantly black population and an
overwhelmingly black public school population, school journalism, with few
exceptions, is dying.[19]
The Commission found that not only in Washington, but in other schools
where minority students constitute a large majority of the population,
there tend to be fewer school papers or other journalistic media than in
predominantly white schools; media outlets that do exist at these schools
usually exhibit little relevance to the school experience.[20]
The Freedom Forum's 1994 look at high school journalism, Death By
Cheeseburger, reports similar problems with student publications in areas
with diverse populations, again using mostly anecdotal findings. Citing a
drop in members of national scholastic journalism organizations, the book
points out such a decrease "(t)o some extent parallels the drop in the
total number of students in U.S. Schools." Then it goes on to indicate
"Q(uill) & S(croll) Executive Director Richard Johns says it also reflects
a decline in the number of student newspapers in urban schools."[21]
Cheeseburger says, ". . . segregated urban schools are likely to have weak,
infrequently published newspapers if any at all."[22] The book then
includes a page-long case history of The Washington Post reporter Retha
Hill's effort, with support from The Freedom Forum, to help D.C. schools'
journalism programs. Her year-long stint as journalist in residence in
1992-1993 began with her finding "a glowing ember here and there but rarely
a spark of inspired, regularly published, free and open student news and
expression."[23] Only three of the city's public high schools had that year
published more than three issues of their student newspapers.[24] Any real
results from Hill's work were not available by the time Death By
Cheeseburger was published in 1994.
From these rather limited direct studies and investigations, scholastic
media educators and professional journalism organizations appear to have
based much of their concern about the plight of inner-city and minority
journalism. Two additional situations may also tie in with their interest:
(1) the American Society of Newspaper Editors' goal to have newspaper
employment reflect racial diversity of the country by 2025[25] and (2)
several studies, including one conducted by ASNE and The Freedom Forum in
1999, showing a much higher percentage of African-American journalists
choose their careers during high school or earlier (56 percent) than white
journalists (39 percent).[26] Both these challenges to the future of daily
commercial media might contribute to the urgency such organizations feel to
recruit more minorities and to do so at a younger age. This perhaps
contributes to statements like the following, which don't always cite
specific research statistics:
In the 2001 Annual Report of the Dow Jones Newspaper Fund, Inc., its
president Albert R. Hunt describes in his introduction a vignette of
students "in a tough neighborhood on the west side of Chicago," working on
their newspaper. He says this paper was "launched with the help of the Dow
Jones Newspaper Fund . . . to encourage more young minorities to consider
a career in journalism." He further states that to "even come close to
ASNE's goal by 2025. . . will require a huge influx in the number of
African-American, Hispanic and Asian-American journalists." He says, "This,
the Newspaper Fund concluded, was possible only if interest is whetted
early on, by high school; yet, with budget restraints, many inner-city
schools parochial as well as public are without school newspapers."[27]
In a press release, dated Aug. 3, 2001, announcing the completion of the
first summer of the ASNE High School Institute, project director Diana
Mitsu Klos, writes, "Another key goal of the ASNE initiative is to
encourage applications from school districts in urban and isolated rural
areas where journalism programs have disappeared or are under stress. Of
the 200 schools represented (in the Summer 2001 workshops), 107 have
minority student populations of 41 percent or higher."[28]
The premier issue of Foundation Update: Reaching Today's Youth and
Tomorrow's Readers from the Newspaper Association of America Foundation
includes an article entitled "Student Journalism: Reaching Out and Getting
Back." In it, Milton Coleman, deputy managing editor of The Washington
Post, is quoted as saying, "I had read the ASNE report that says young
people tend to make up their minds early about career choices and had many
conversations with editors at minority journalist conventions about how to
increase the pipeline." He then asked Post columnist Dorothy Gilliam,
former president of the National Association of Black Journalists, "to
spearhead an effort to get more talented minorities into the newspaper
business by creating closer newspaper-to-schools connections." Gilliam
says, "I spent much of 1997 researching the issue and discovered that not a
single high school in D.C. had a school newspaper that year and I was
outraged." Gilliam then designed the Post's Young Journalists Development
Project to strengthen scholastic journalism in high schools and
universities in the District of Columbia, Maryland and Virginia areas.[29]
And, finally, in the Report on the Proceedings of The Open Society
Institute Roundtable on High School Journalism, New York City, Feb. 17,
1999, Rosalind Stark, reporter, wrote, in the "On Diversity" section:
"Several participants described a fact of life among student publications
schools in areas with high minority enrollments have fewer school
newspapers. As well, there are problems recruiting minority students in
predominantly white schools." A 1992 JEA survey showed that the combined
total for journalism students of color 18 percent falls considerably
behind the percentage of students of color 26 percent in the total
school population. [30]
The last is a good example of the problems with much that has been reported
about minorities in high school journalism. The findings appear to indicate
more than they actually do. While this was indeed a "1992 JEA survey,"
which hints at a national scope, the survey itself covers teachers in
Kansas with little to show if Kansas is typical of the rest of the country.
Coupled with the use of other anecdotal and partial information to show why
minority high school programs need more support yet the very real worry
about diversity in tomorrow's newsrooms, this lack of current research in
the area indicates a need for more studies. The final section of Jones's
research about Chicago details suggestions for "Further Research."[31]
Arnold wrote, "The nation's newspaper industry and the colleges and
universities who seek to diversify their staffs and student bodies must
continue to monitor inner-city schools closely."[32] Thus, we have
undertaken in this study the task of looking more closely at journalism
offerings within inner-city high schools.
Research Questions
Three research questions seem to flow from the review of literature.
Besides examining answers to each, we will attempt to add other pertinent
details that will add context and detail.
RQ1: Compared with the nation's schools overall, to what extent are
newspapers and news magazines published in inner-city high schools?
RQ2: Compared with the nation's schools overall, to what extent are other
media found in inner-city high schools? These media include radio,
television, online publications, news magazines and yearbooks.
RQ3: What are demographic and psychographic comparisons between media
educators in inner-city high schools and those nationally (e.g.,
relationship with local media professionals, gender, race, areas of
certification, degrees, freedom of advising, and professional participation
in things like workshops)?
Methodology
This study of journalistic media extensiveness in the nation's high
schools was done in conjunction with the staff of the Radio and Television
News Directors Foundation, and with funding support from the John S. and
James L. Knight Foundation. A 66-question survey was constructed and then
pretested among Washington, D.C., area high school teachers in early August
2001.
The survey was then modified and mailed in September 2001 to every high
school (n=15,090) in the country for which we had a mailing address. The
data base used was that of the Quill and Scroll Society's, headquartered at
The University of Iowa. Because of school closings or bad addresses, 132
surveys were returned unopened. We followed up with a second mailing in
October 2001.
By early in 2002, we had received 2,096 surveys, 2,089 of which were
usable. The total response rate was 14 percent. The survey was addressed to
"Journalism Educator," but the cover letter asked the educators to direct
the survey to the person responsible for teaching or advising electronic
journalism. Because a number of schools do not offer radio, TV or online
journalism courses or activities, the current survey is probably weighted
somewhat heavily in favor of schools that support electronic journalism.
Another problem with a mail survey like this, even with the follow-up
mailing, is that those with media programs are the ones most likely to
respond. However, after making comparisons with two other national surveys
that involved random samples of schools,[33] we found much consistency in a
number of comparable areas leading us to conclude that the current survey
is generally reflective of the status of journalism in the nation's high
schools.
A key variable in this study is the inner-city school. We combined two
components of the data to form this variable: large-city schools (city
population 100,000 to 500,000) and very large-city schools (city population
more than 500,000). Of the nearly 300 schools that were in the inner city,
more than 54 percent of them had minority populations that were above 50
percent. Nearly 73 percent of the inner-city schools had minority
populations that were above 35 percent. Suburbs of these large cities and
smaller cities and towns were used in the analysis for comparisons. The
data were analyzed using the SPSS program.
Results and Discussion
RQ1: Compared with the nation's schools overall, to what extent are
newspapers and news magazines published in inner-city high schools?
Newspapers are published in 88.9 percent of inner-city schools (n=298)
compared with 89.7 percent of large-city suburban schools (n=378) and only
80.7 percent of rural and small-town schools (n=1,395). These are
statistically significant differences (X2=24.74, df=2, p<.001). The total
number of schools in this part of the analysis is 2,071.
Because news magazines are so similar to newspapers in content and format
in many schools, and some schools have these instead of traditional
newspapers or in addition to them we also analyzed the extensiveness of
news magazines. In inner-city schools, 9.1 percent have a news magazine; in
large-city suburban schools, 9.8 percent have one; and in rural and
small-town schools only 5.2 percent have one. (X2=13.78, df=2, p<.01).
Inner-city schools in large cities have sizeable minority populations.
Contrary to the information we explored in the review of literature, we
were surprised to find that the extensiveness of newspapers and news
magazines in these schools is quite strong, especially compared with the
same publications in rural and small-town areas.
RQ2: Compared with the nation's schools overall, to what extent are other
media found in inner-city high schools? These media include radio,
television, online publications, and yearbooks.
Radio is offered in 10.4 percent of the inner-city schools whereas it's
available in 7.7 percent of the large-city suburban schools and only 5.6
percent of the rural and small-town schools (X2=9.9, df=2, p<.01). Radio is
more commonly found in the inner city than in either large suburban schools
or in rural and small-town areas.
Television is more dominant in large city suburban schools (39.7 percent)
than it is in the inner city schools (31.2 percent) or in rural and
small-town schools (29.6 percent). In this comparison, the inner city
schools are about on par with the overall average of 31.7 percent of
schools having television as a journalistic outlet (X2=13,99, df=2, p<.001).
Online journalistic activity involving publications is most often found in
rural and small-town schools (13.3 percent) compared with inner-city and
suburban schools (11.4 percent each). This is not a statistically
significant difference.
Yearbooks are less likely to exist in the inner-city schools (90.9
percent) than in suburban schools of large cities (93.9 percent) or in
rural and small-town schools (93 percent). However, the difference is not
statistically significant.
Similar to newspapers and news magazines, we see a relatively strong
journalistic media presence in the inner-city high schools of this country
when it comes to radio, television, online publications and yearbooks. In
no comparison are they significantly lower than the norm, and in the case
of radio, they are significantly higher.
RQ3: What are demographic and psychographic comparisons between media
educators in inner-city high schools and those nationally (e.g.,
relationship with local media professionals, gender, race, areas of
certification, degrees, freedom of advising, and professional participation
in things like workshops)?
Inner-city schools don't have nearly the close associations with local
newspapers that either rural and small-town schools do (34.6 percent) or
that suburban schools do (16.5 percent). Only 12.8 percent of the
inner-city school educators claim that they have a connection with the
local daily paper, especially for help with printing. These differences are
statistically significant (X2=86.14, df=4, p<.001).
Our review of literature led us to believe that in inner-city schools,
newspapers would be published infrequently and certainly less frequently
than in other schools. Our research doesn't support that claim. While there
are slight differences in publication frequency, compared with the overall
situation in the country, they are not significant, as can be seen in Table 1.
TABLE 1: Frequency of Newspaper Publishing
Weekly
Twice per Month
Every 3 weeks
Monthly
Less than Monthly
Inner-city
(n=273)
2.9%
5.5%
8.1%
49.8%
33.7%
All schools
(n=2,089)
3.5%
8.2%
6.7%
50.2%
31.2%
When it comes to partnerships with local TV or radio stations, educators
from all school backgrounds show a relatively low participation rate. In
the inner-city schools, the participation rate is 11.8 percent; in the
suburban schools it's 10 percent; and in rural and small-town schools it's
13.8 percent. These differences are not statistically significant.
Dealing with issues of freedom of operation, the inner-city schools fare
better than either rural and small-town schools or the suburban schools
near large cities. We asked journalism educators, "How much freedom do your
school administrators usually allow student media?" Combining two response
items, "a great deal" and "almost complete," we find that 64.1 percent of
all schools answered in the affirmative. By comparison, fully 70 percent of
the inner-city school educators claim that they enjoy a great deal or
almost complete freedom in their media advising, whereas 68.1 percent of
the suburban schools report that much freedom. Only 61.8 percent of the
rural and small-town schools report a good amount of freedom. Given that
most schools in this study (n=1,367) were in this rural/small-town
category, it would seem that those schools are in the most precarious
situations when it comes to matters involving freedom of the press.
These findings are also surprising in that a relatively high number of
parochial and private schools are found in the inner city schools that,
strictly speaking, are not bound by First Amendment considerations.
In Table 2, we examine the makeup of schools in our study. Note that a
little more than 70 percent of the inner-city schools are public; more than
86 percent of the non-inner-city schools are public.
TABLE 2: Type of School
Public
Parochial
Private
Inner-City
(n=298)
71.5%
14.4%
14.1%
All High Schools
(n=2,089)
86.4%
7.7%
5.9%
Teachers in all the schools seem to be well-educated, with nearly half of
them having earned master's degrees. No appreciable differences exist with
regard to the highest degree earned when comparing inner-city, suburban and
rural/small-town educators, as seen in Table 3.
TABLE 3: Highest Degree Earned
Educators:
Associate's
Bachelor's
Master's
Education Specialist
Doctorate
Rural/Small-town
(n=1,370)
0.5%
49.1%
47.4%
1.7%
1.3%
Suburban
(n=371)
0.0%
38.5%
56.6%
1.9%
3.0%
Inner-City
(n=294)
1.0%
41.5%
52.4%
1.7%
3.4%
Inner-city journalism educators are slightly more likely to be certified
by their states to teach journalism compared with overall totals of
teachers in the study. While 33.6 percent of the inner-city teachers hold
journalism certification, only 31.6 percent of the overall teachers in the
study hold that certification. This is about the same percentage as found
in other national studies done in the 1990s.[34] Such a low number of
journalism-certified teachers has been a perplexing and enduring problem in
the world of journalism education since the beginnings of high school
journalism and points out the need for continuing education, workshops
and other formal educational means for the acquisition of proper
credentials. Most inner-city journalism teachers hold certification in
English. Other areas of licensing may be seen in Table 4.
TABLE 4: Areas of Teacher Certification
Teachers:
English
Journalism
Social Science
Speech/Drama
Inner-City
(n=273)
75.5%
33.6%
16.8%
12.1%
Overall
(n=2,089)
79.6%
31.6%
17.5%
15.2%
In inner-city schools, we find a higher percentage of male teachers, 33.2
percent, compared with 29.4 percent male teachers in the overall high
school population. Similarly, we find double the percentage of minority
teachers, 16.6 percent, in inner-city schools than we find in the overall
population of teachers (8.2%). Table 5 shows the racial/ethnic breakdown of
those teachers in inner-city schools compared with the overall population
of teachers.
TABLE 5: Racial Backgrounds of Teachers
African American
Asian American
Caucasian
Hispanic
Native American
Other Race
Inner-city
(n=296)
7.8%
1.0%
83.4%
4.7%
0.7%
2.0%
Overall
(n=2,089)
2.6%
0.9%
91.8%
1.7%
1.4%
1.4%
Educators in inner-city high schools are more likely to have attended a
summer journalism workshop than the overall population of teachers (48.1
percent compared with 43.8 percent). Similarly, more inner-city teachers
(65.7 percent) compared with the overall population (63.2 percent) have
indicated that they would like to attend a journalism workshop at some time
in the future. However, only 31.7 percent of the inner-city teachers,
compared with 39.7% of the overall population of teachers, indicate that
they would be willing to pay for such a workshop.
Summary and Conclusions
Inner-city schools are characterized by large minority populations. In the
present study, nearly 300 of 2,089 schools were classified as being in the
inner city, and of these, 54 percent had minority populations of 50 percent
or more, and 73 percent had minority populations of 35 percent or more.
Inner-city high school newspapers and news magazines are in relatively
good shape in terms of numbers and frequency of publication, at least
compared with print media in the overall population of schools nationally.
The same is true for other media like radio, TV, online publications and
yearbooks.
Unlike their suburban and rural/small-town counterparts, inner-city
schools do not enjoy as good a cooperative working relationship with local
newspapers. No doubt this is an area that is a cause for concern, and it is
something the newspaper industry should note. Similarly, there are not many
cooperative ventures between all the schools in the study and local radio
and TV stations.
In terms of freedom of the press, we find that inner-city schools enjoy a
freer atmosphere in which to publish and broadcast. The problem is most
acute in rural and small-town schools, but even there, more than 60 percent
claim to function in relative freedom.
Inner-city teachers are as well-educated as the overall population of
teachers, with more than 50 percent having earned master's degrees. Also,
there tend to be more male teachers at inner-city high schools when
compared with the overall school population.
We find many more parochial and private schools in the inner city than in
suburbs or rural/small-town area, and future research might examine public
schools only.
[1] Endnotes
Mary Arnold, "Inner City High School Newspapers: An Obituary?" (Paper
presented at the Annual Meeting of the Association for Journalism and Mass
Communication, Kansas City, MO, August 1993). page 1.
[2] Arnold. page 3.
[3] Arnold, page 7.
[4] Arnold, page 12.
[5] Arnold, page 15.
[6] Arnold, page 19.
[7] Christopher Callahan, "Race as a Factor in Student Participation in
High School Journalism." (Paper presented at the Annual Meeting of the
Association for Journalism and Mass Communication, Anaheim, CA, August
1996), page 5.
[8] Callahan, page 8.
[9] Callahan, page 9.
[10] Linda Jones, "A 'Health Appraisal' of Student Newspapers in the
Chicago Public Schools." (Paper presented at the Annual Meeting of the
Association for Journalism and Mass Communication, Anaheim, CA, August
1996), page 1.
[11] Jones, page 10.
[12] Jones, page 11.
[13] Jones, page 19.
[14] Jones, page 21.
[15] Terry J.Vander Hayden, "Minorities in High School Journalism: A
Survey of Kentucky Schools." (Paper presented at the Midwinter Meeting of
the Secondary Education Division of the Association for Education in
Journalism and Mass Communication, St. Petersburg, FL, January 1989).
[16] Celia McDuff, "Programs Involve Few Minority Students,"
Communication: Journalism Education Today, 26:2 (Winter 1992).
[17] Lyle D. Olson, Roger Van Ommeren and Marshel Rossow, "The State of
High School Journalism," Communication: Journalism Education Today, 26:3
(Spring 1993).
[18] Captive Voices: High School Journalism in America, New York: The
Robert F. Kennedy Memorial, 1974, Appendix B.
[19] Captive Voices, page 64.
[20] Captive Voices, page 65.
[21] Death By Cheeseburger, Arlington, VA: The Freedom Forum, 1994, page 27.
[22] Cheeseburger, page 33.
[23] Cheeseburger, page 33.
[24] Cheeseburger, page 33.
[25] Press release from the American Society of Newspaper Editors, "ASNE
sets new vision for newsroom diversity beyond 2000," October 20, 1998.
[26] Lawrence T. McGill, Newsroom Diversity: Meeting the Challenge,
booklet by The Freedom Forum, 1999, page 17.
[27] 2001 Annual Report, The Dow Jones Newspaper Fund, page 2.
[28] Press release from the American Society of Newspaper Editors, "ASNE
Institute helps spark, improve high school newspapers," August 3, 2001.
[29] Dinah Eng, "Reaching Out & Getting Back," Update, Winter 2003.
[30] Rosalind Stark, reporter, "Report on the Proceedings of The Open
Society Institute Roundtable on High School Journalism," February 17, 1999.
[31] Jones, page 21.
[32] Arnold, page 20.
[33] Jack Dvorak, "Status of Journalism and News Media in the Nation's
Schools, 1991 and 1998," March 27, 2003,
http://www.journalism.indiana.edu/workshops/HSJI/research.1.html.
[34] Dvorak
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