Concern about Future Terrorist Attacks:
The Impact of Age and News Media Use on Level of Concern

by

Smeeta Mishra, Doctoral Student
Jianchuan Zhou, Master's Student
Tonyia Sullivan, Master's Student
Paula M. Poindexter, Associate Professor
School of Journalism
University of Texas at Austin
Austin, TX 78712





Mailing Address of First Author: 2405 Rio Grande, Unit 19, Austin, TX 78705
Telephone: 512-689-1572; e-mail: [log in to unmask]
Alternative contact: Paula Poindexter: 512-918-0696



Submitted to:
Radio-Television Journalism Division
2003 AEJMC Annual Convention
Kansas City, MO
 Concern about Future Terrorist Attacks:
The Impact of Age and News Media Use on Level of Concern

Abstract

  This paper examines how socio-economic status and news media use affect
people's concern for another terrorist attack in a three-variable
relationship. The results are based on a survey of 417 randomly selected
adults in a metropolitan city in the Southwest. The results show that older
adults are heavy users of news media, and are more concerned than younger
adults about another attack on U.S. soil. Greater concern among older
adults is not because they are fearful but because they watch more cable
news. The results also show that major effects of 9/11 include increased
concerns about personal and national safety as well as more fears and
paranoia.

 Introduction

  In the immediate aftermath of 9/11, the day terrorists shocked the world
by crashing airplanes into the World Trade Center and Pentagon, television
news viewing increased dramatically.[1] In addition to killing several
thousand people, destroying billions of dollars of property, crippling the
U.S. economy, and forever changing how the U.S. government responded to the
threat of terrorism on American soil, the terrorist attacks on September
11, 2001 caused fear and anxiety across the country. In fact, one year
after 9/11, a Pew Research Center study found that over three fifths of
Americans were worried about the possibility of a new terrorist attack.
What is the reason that people are concerned about more terrorist
attacks?  Are young, middle-aged, and older adults equally concerned? What
role has the news media played in this concern?   This study seeks to
answer these questions by exploring a three-variable model comprised of
socio-economic variables, news media use, and concern about future
terrorist attacks.
Theoretical Links.
Cultivation Theory and Framing. Cultivation theory and framing may offer
insight into why one might hypothesize a three-variable model that news
media use may be a determinant of concern about future terrorist attacks
and a consequence of socio-economic variables.  Over 30 years ago, George
Gerbner theorized that television is "primarily responsible for our
perceptions of day-to-day norms and reality."[2]  Gerbner and his
associates tested his theory known as cultivation theory and found that
heavy television viewers were more likely to perceive the world as it was
portrayed on television. In fact, heavy viewers had a tendency to view the
world as a scarier place.[3]
Hawkins and Pingree[4] attempted to expand on Gerbner's cultivation theory
hypothesis by looking at the learning processes involved. They examined the
relationship of cultivation "under a variety of social and psychological
conditions and attempted to tie cultivation more directly to individual
types of television content."[5] Their research focused on socio-economic
variables that included age, and viewing habits and psychological
conditions that included cognitive ability and perception of television
reality. Their research confirmed Gerbner's theory that television content
contributed to viewer biases or perceptions, and that age or cognitive
ability determined cultivation.[6]
Cultivation theory is a communication theory that applies to mass media,
yet the bulk of research has been conducted in television. Therefore, the
cultivation theory is viewed as "the dominant theory in [the] domain of
television's influence on social beliefs and perceptions."[7] In general,
cultivation theorists are best known for their study of small, gradual, yet
significant, long-term effects of viewing television. They argue that heavy
viewing, regardless of education or income levels, leads viewers to more
homogeneous opinions, while light viewing leads to more heterogeneous
opinions. Although these theorists have studied topics that included gender
roles, age groups, and political attitudes, they have had a particular
interest in the topic of violence.[8]
Valkenberg and Patiwael applied cultivation theory to studying how
excessive exposure to Court TV—a courtroom drama played by real people with
real cases and not actors—led viewers to believe crime was worse than it
actually was in reality.[9] Gerbner called this the "Mean-World
Syndrome."[10] The Mean-World Syndrome was a consequence of an inordinate
amount of television violence, which caused viewers to perceive the real
world as a mean, violent place.[11] Gerbner and his colleagues also
identified the three variables that comprised the Mean-World Syndrome:
people in general only care about themselves, you can never be too careful
when interacting with others, and people will take advantage of another
person if given the chance.[12]
Framing theory is relevant because it suggests that the way an issue is
framed influences the way the audience perceives it. Framing refers to the
way events and issues are organized and made sense of, especially by media,
media professionals, and their audiences.[13] Sociologist Erving Goffman is
often credited with introducing the framing approach, along with the
anthropologist-psychologist Gregory Bateson.[14]
Tankard, Hendrickson, Silberman, Bliss and Ghanem refined the concept of
framing in 1991 when they said a frame is a central organizing idea for
news content that supplies a context and suggests what the issue is through
the use of selection, emphasis, exclusion, and elaboration.[15] If news
coverage is framed to emphasize the possibility of more terrorist attacks,
cultivation theory would suggest that individuals who are heavy viewers of
news would be concerned that more terrorist attacks are on the way.
Literature Review.
Although no previous literature has focused specifically on age and concern
for another terrorist attack, several studies have looked at terrorism and
age more broadly.  In a 2001 study, Stempel & Hargrove measured reaction to
the terrorist attacks on Sept. 11, 2001 and found that younger people felt
less safe than older people after the terrorist attacks.[16] Stempel and
Hargrove's study, based on a national telephone survey, found that
18-34-year-old respondents felt less safe than older respondents. The study
also found that respondents aged 18 to 34 were more likely to feel they
might be a victim of a terrorist attack. However, the researchers found
that it was the respondents aged 35 to 54 who were most likely to have
"made a change in their life."
This study also found high levels of media use among the respondents. The
survey for this study, which was conducted approximately five to six weeks
after the terrorist attacks, found that older adults watched more TV news
and read a daily newspaper more than younger adults, but younger adults
used the Internet more than older adults.[17]
Snyder and Park found that more exposure to media coverage of 9/11 events
led to greater stress. They also found that viewing more graphic images of
the terrorist attacks and the aftermath and exposure to more news about
ways to keep one self safe were both related to higher levels of stress
reactions.[18]
Heath and Gilbert studied "the more serious crimes usually targeted by TV
news," and concluded:  "Media messages do not affect all of the people all
of the time, but some of the messages affect some of the people some of the
time. As we move into an age of ever-expanding technological options in the
mass media, we need to recognize that the process is as complex on the
human side as it is on the technological side."[19]
        Shrum and Darmanin Bischak illustrated this point in their tests of
competing theories of television viewing's influence on respondents'
perception of crime on societal and personal levels, and crime in an
environment outside of respondents' communities. Their survey of 158
randomly selected respondents found "indirect experience gained from media
information tends to affect only societal level judgments, whereas personal
level judgments are made primarily on the basis of direct experience, with
little or no influence of media consumption."[20] This held true on the
personal level within their own neighborhoods.
          Shrum and Darmanin Bischak also examined mainstreaming and resonance
theories. Mainstreaming is the idea that television viewing affects those
who have less direct experience with crime more than those who do, while
resonance is the idea that television viewing reinforces the experiences of
those who have a lot of experience with crime. Their study found a
resonance effect, with television viewing reinforcing the experiences of
those respondents who had heavy direct experience with crime.
        Sloane specifically examined the effects of television coverage of
political violence and terrorism in Israel, a situation highly charged with
religious and nationalistic undertones. Examining differences in anxiety
response between genders and religious and dogmatic respondents by
surveying 237 participants before and after watching news clips, she found
that anxiety significantly increased in the experimental group exposed to
footage of terrorism but not the control group that was shown footage
unrelated to political violence and national threat. Her study also
revealed that women had a greater response to footage of this type of
violence than men and that "there are opposite patterns in the way
religious and secular people react with anxiety to the experimental
manipulation, depending on their basic level of dogmatism."[21]
        The literature supports the notion that perception of violence, including
terrorism, is influenced by television viewing. However, socio-economic
factors, the type of event itself and the message delivered affect viewers'
responses. This study will examine the relationship between socio-economic
factors and concern about future terrorist attacks while exploring the role
of news media use.  Specifically, this study will answer the
question:  Does news media use act as an intervening variable between
socio-economic status and concern for future terrorist attacks?
Intervening Variables.  According to Rosenberg, the purpose of introducing
an intervening or other third variable, which he calls a test factor, is to
aid in the "meaningful interpretation of the relationship between two
variables."[22]  Furthermore, test factors such as intervening and
antecedent variables "enable one to trace out causal sequences."[23] By
testing for intervening variables between socio-economic status and concern
for future terrorist attacks, this study seeks to identify the role of news
media use in this concern for terrorist attacks while simultaneously
specifying an intervening variable that may serve in the role that
Rosenberg called "...a landmark on the intellectual journey from cause to
effect."[24]
Method.
During September 2002, a telephone survey was conducted with 417 randomly
selected adults in a southwestern metropolitan area, population
approximately one million.  Adults were randomly selected using a two-part
procedure.[25] First, phone numbers were selected using systematic random
sampling from the most recent metropolitan phone directory; secondly, a one
was added to the last digit of the telephone number to ensure reaching new
residents and unlisted numbers.  Interviews were conducted by graduate and
undergraduate journalism and communication students at a southwestern
university and supervised by the fourth author who also designed the survey
and trained the interviewers.
Respondents were asked a variety of questions including their opinions
about the 2002 election, use of news media, and 9/11.  To measure concern
about future terrorist attacks, respondents were asked: How concerned are
you about another terrorist attack on the U.S.?  Response choices were
concerned, somewhat concerned, and not concerned.  Respondents were also
asked the open-ended question:  What major effect, if any, do you think
September 11 has had on the U.S.?
  Analysis.   In order to test the proposition that news media use is a
determinant of concern about another terrorist attack and a consequence of
one's socio-economic status, the authors used SPSS, Statistical Package for
the Social Sciences, to conduct the analysis in three stages. First, the
analysis determined if there was a significant relationship between
socio-economic status and concern about another terrorist
attack.  Secondly, two, two-variable relations were
examined:  socio-economic status and news use; news use and concern for
another terrorist attack.  Finally, this study tested if news use serves as
an intervening variable between socio-economic status and concern for
another terrorist attack. The three-variable relationship is displayed in
Figure 1.
Figure 1

Socio-economic Status_News Media Use_Concern About Future Terrorist Attacks

Results.
  Sample Profile.  More than half of the 417 randomly selected adults were
over 35 years of age, 60% had college degrees and 60% had household incomes
of $60,000 or more.  Seventy  percent of respondents were white, 15% were
Hispanic, and 7% were African-American. Women represented 52% of the
respondents.
        Newspapers were read daily by 35% of the respondents.  Thirty percent of
the respondents said they watched cable news every day, 24% watched local
TV news, and 15% watched network news every day.  Internet access was high
with 85% of the respondents reporting they had access to the
Internet.  Among respondents with Internet access, 31% read news on the
Internet daily.

Demographic Variables and Concern.  Of the four socio-economic variables
tested, three variables, income, education, and gender, were unrelated to
concern for another terrorist attack, but age was.  When respondents were
asked their level of concern about another terrorist attack, older adults
were more likely than younger adults to express concern.  According to
Table 1, 53% of adults 50 years or older said they were concerned about
another terrorist attack but only 36% of adults between 18-34 years said
they were concerned.
Table 1

Relationship between Age and Concern for Another Terrorist Attack

How Concerned  About Another
Terrorist Attack
Age Groups
18-34
35-49
50-plus
%
%
%
Concerned
36
46
53
Somewhat Concerned
44
41
33

Not Concerned
20
13
14
tau-b = .12, p< .01
Gamma = .19, p<.01


News Media Use and Concern.  To determine if a relationship existed between
news media use and concern for another terrorist attack, cable TV news
viewing, newspaper reading, local and network TV news viewing, and Internet
news use were correlated with concern for another attack. According to
Table 2, cable news, newspapers, and network TV use were positively related
to concern for another terrorist attack.  Local TV news viewing and
Internet news use were not significantly related to concern about a future
attack.
Table 2

Relationship between Concern for Another Terrorist Attack and Heavy News
Media Users

Heavy News Media User
% Concerned About Another Terrorist Attack
Not Concerned
Somewhat Concerned
Concerned
Cable Newsa
10
36
54
Newspapera
11
41
48
Network TV Newsb
12
38
50
Local TV Newsc
12
40
47
Internet Newsc
13
46
41















a p < .001 (tau-c test)
b p < .05    (tau-c test)
c n.s.      tau-c test)

Age and News Media Use.  Table 3 displays the relationship between age and
news media use. For age and cable TV news use as well as age and
traditional news media use, there is a positive relationship.  Younger
adults were significantly less likely than older adults to be heavy users
of cable news, newspapers, and local and network TV news.  The pattern is
reversed for Internet news when the older age groups were significantly
less likely to be Internet news users.



Table 3

Relationship between Heavy News Media User and Age


Heavy News Media User
Age
%
%
%
18-34
35-49
50-plus
Cable Newsa
40
53
67
Newspapera
47
53
76
Local TV Newsa
54
55
78
Network TV Newsa
35
34
56
Internet Newsa
49
42
28


















a  p < .001 (tau-c test)
b p < .01   (tau-c test)

To determine if news media use serves as an intervening variable between
age and concern for a terrorist attack, use of each news medium was held
constant.  Because the relationship disappears for cable TV news use, cable
TV news functions as an intervening variable between age and concern for
another terrorist attack.  The relationship between age and concern for
another attack while controlling for network TV news use disappears only in
the case of heavy network TV news users. Controlling for newspaper use also
gives similar results. The relationship between age and concern for another
terrorist attack disappears only in case of heavy readers of
newspaper.  Local TV news and Internet news used were not tested because
they were not significantly related to concern for another terrorist attack.
Thus, results show that frequency of news media use has an impact on the
degree of concern for another terror attack for all news media except in
the case of local TV news and Internet news. Those respondents,
irrespective of their age, who had more exposure to the news media (except
in case of local TV news and Internet news) had more concern for another
terror attack.
Perceptions of 9/11 Effects.  Although respondents were not asked why they
were concerned, it is possible to gain some insight into the meaning of
concern by qualitatively examining the responses to the open-ended
question: What major effect, if any, do you think September 11 has had on
the U.S.?
  Table 4 shows that major effects of 9/11 were increased concerns about
personal and national safety and more fears and paranoia.  Across all age
groups, fears and paranoia ranked fifth on the list of major effects of
9/11.  For adults ages 50 and over, concerns about personal and national
safety also ranked fifth.

 Table 4

Relationship between Age and Major Effects of 9/11

Major Effects of 9/11
Age
18-34
35-49
50-plus
  %
  Rank Order
%
Rank Order
%
Rank Order
Economy was hurt
28
(1)
24
(1)
13
(3)
Other
18
(2)
18
(2)
13
(4)
Increased awareness, wake-up call for U.S.
16
(3)
21
(3)
24
(1)
U.S. became more united, increased patriotism
14
(4)
9
(4)
18
(2)
U.S. more fearful, paranoid
8
(5)
8
(5)
9
(5)
Increased homeland security measures
7
(6)
6
(6)
3
(8)
More personal and national safety concerns
5
(7)
4
(7)
9
(5)
Increased interest in the Middle East
2
(8)
2
(9)
1
(10)
Civil liberties reduced
1
(9)
4
(8)
3
(8)
Don't Know
1
(9)
2
(9)
1
(10)
Everything has changed
0
(11)
2
(9)
6
(7)

Discussion.
Results of this study, which was conducted one year after 9/11, found
support for cable news viewing as an intervening variable between age and
concern for terrorist attacks.  In other words, cable news viewing was
found to be a consequence of age and a determinant of concern for future
terrorist attacks.  Of five news media use variables examined, cable news
was the only one that served in the role that Rosenberg called "...a
landmark on the intellectual journey from cause to effect."[26]
The results of this study are significant because they suggest that the
greater concern among older adults was not because they were more fearful;
the greater concern was due to the fact that older adults watched more
cable news. Because cable news channels have the opportunity to frame and
broadcast terrorism-related news 24 hours a day, 7 days a week, they also
have the potential to influence perceptions that heavy cable news viewers
might have about future terrorist attacks. To put these results in the
context of Gerbner's cultivation theory, one might posit that in a
post-9/11 era, heavy viewers of cable news might experience "terrorist
attack syndrome."  As a result of watching heavy doses of cable TV news,
one might come to believe that the possibility of a terrorist attack is
actually worse than it is in reality.




Notes.

1. Poindexter, Paula M. and Mike Conway. "September 11:  Its Impact on Old
and New News Media Use, Gratifications, and Nonreaders." Newspaper Research
Journal (In Press.) Dana Calvo and David Shaw. "America Attacked
Media/Culture Overwhelming Coverage As News Organizations Struggle to Meet
Public's Demand for Information." Los Angeles Times, 13 September 2001, p.
A33; "US TV Continues Round-The-Clock Vigil Without Commercials," Dow Jones
Newswires, 13 September 2001.  Sally Beatty and Joe Flint, "TV Ratings
Reflect Nation's Focus As Coverage Remains Continuous," The Wall Street
Journal, 13 September 2001, p. B6; Melinda Patterson Grenier, "Traffic to
News Web Sites Over Two Days Sets Records," Dow Jones Business News, 13
September 2001.

2. Infante, D.A., A. S. Rancer, and D. F. Womack. Building Communication
Theory Waveland Press, 1997.

3. Severin, W.J. and J.W. Tankard. Communication Theories: Origin, Methods,
and Uses in the Mass Media. New York: Hastings House, 1997

4. Hawkins, R.P., and S. Pingree. "Some Processes in the Cultivation
Effect." Communication Research 7 (1980): 193-226.

7. Clifford, B.R., B. Gunter, and J.L. McAleer. Television and Children:
Program Evaluation, Comprehension, and Impact. Hillsdale, N.J.: L. Erlbaum
Associates, 1995.

        8. Dominick, Joseph R., Barry L. Sherman, and Gary Copeland.
Broadcasting/Cable and Beyond: An Introduction to Modern Electronic Media.
New York: McGraw-Hill, 1990.

        9. Valkenburg, Patti M. and Marquerite Patiwael. "Does Watching Court TV
'Cultivate' People's Perceptions of Crime?." Gazette 60(1998): 227-238.

10. Reber, Bryan H. and Yuhmiin Chang. "Assessing Cultivation Theory and
Public Health Model for Crime Reporting." Newspaper Research Journal
21(2000): 1-13.

13. Reese, Stephen D. Framing Public Life: A Bridging Model for Media
Research, in Framing Public life: Perspectives on Media and our
Understanding of the Social World. Mahwah, N.J.: Lawrence Erlbaum
Associates, 2001.

15. Tankard, J.W., L. Hendrickson, J. Silberman, K. Bliss, and S. Ghanem.
Media Frames: Approaches to Conceptualization and Measurement. Presented at
Association for Education in Journalism and Mass Communication Convention,
Boston, Massachusetts, August 1991.

16. Greenberg, Bradley S., ed. Communication and Terrorism: Public and
Media Responses to 9/11. Cresskill, New Jersey: Hampton Press Inc., 2002.

19. Heath, Linda and Kevin Gilbert. "Mass Media and Fear of Crime."
American Behavioral Scientist 39 (1996): 378-386. [Expanded Academic ASAP
Plus. Online. InfoTrac. 19 Mar. 2003.]

20. Shrum, L.J. and Valerie Darmanin Bischak. "Mainstreaming, Resonance,
and Impersonal Impact: Testing Moderators of the Cultivation Effect for
Estimates of Crime Risk." Human Communication Research 27 (2001): 187-215.

21. Sloane, Michelle. "Responses to Media Coverage of Terrorism." Journal
of Conflict Resolution 44 (2000): 508-522.

22. Rosenberg, Morris. The Logic of Survey Analysis. NY: Basic Books, 1968.

25. Poindexter, Paula M. and Maxwell E. McCombs. Research in Mass
Communication:  A Practical Guide. Boston/NY:  Bedford/St. Martin, 2000.












[1]  Paula M. Poindexter and Mike Conway, "September 11:  Its Impact on Old
and New News Media Use, Gratifications, and Nonreaders," Newspaper Research
Journal (In Press.) Dana Calvo and David Shaw, "America Attacked
Media/Culture Overwhelming Coverage As News Organizations Struggle to Meet
Public's Demand for Information," Los Angeles Times, 13 September 2001, p.
A33; "US TV Continues Round-The-Clock Vigil Without Commercials," Dow Jones
Newswires, 13 September 2001.  Sally Beatty and Joe Flint, "TV Ratings
Reflect Nation's Focus As Coverage Remains Continuous," The Wall Street
Journal, 13 September  2001, p. B6; Melinda Patterson Grenier, "Traffic to
News Web Sites Over Two Days Sets Records," Dow Jones Business News, 13
September 2001.
[2]  Dominic A. Infante, Andrew S. Rancer, and Deanna F. Womack, Building
Communication Theory, 3rd ed. (Prospect Heights, IL: Waveland Press, 1997),
383.
[3]  Werner Joseph Severin and James W. Tankard, Communication Theories:
Origin, Methods, and Uses in the Mass Media (New York: Hastings House,
1997), 299.
[4]  R.P. Hawkins and S. Pingree, "Some Processes in the Cultivation
Effect," Communication Research 7 (1980): 193-226.
[5]  Ibid. 201.
[6]  Ibid.
209.

[7]  Brian R. Clifford, Barrie Gunter, and Jill L. McAleer, Television and
Children: Program Evaluation, Comprehension, and Impact (Hillsdale, N.J.:
L. Erlbaum Associates, 1995), 10.
[8]  Joseph R. Dominick, Barry L. Sherman, & Gary Copeland,
Broadcasting/Cable and Beyond: An Introduction to Modern Electronic Media
(New York: McGraw-Hill, 1990), 512.
[9]  Patti M. Valkenburg  and Marquerite Patiwael, "Does Watching Court TV
'Cultivate' People's Perceptions of Crime?," Gazette 60 (1998): 229.
[10]  Bryan H. Reber and Yuhmiin Chang, "Assessing Cultivation Theory and
Public Health Model for Crime Reporting," Newspaper Research Journal 21
(2000): 102.
[11]  Ibid.
[12]  Ibid.
[13]  Stephen D. Reese, Framing Public Life: Perspectives on Media and our
Understanding of the Social World (Mahwah, N.J.: Lawrence Erlbaum
Associates, 2001), 1.
[14]  Ibid.
[15]  James W. Tankard, L. Hendrickson, J. Silberman, K. Bliss, and S.
Ghanem, Media Frames: Approaches to Conceptualization and Measurement
(Presented at Association for Education in Journalism and Mass
Communication Convention, Boston, Massachusetts, August 1991), 11.
[16]  Bradley S. Greenberg, ed., Communication and Terrorism: Public and
Media Responses to 9/11 (Cresskill, New Jersey: Hampton Press Inc., 2002), 23.
[17]  Ibid. 26.

[18]  Ibid. 190-191.
[19]  Linda Heath and Kevin Gilbert, "Mass Media and Fear of Crime,"
American Behavioral Scientist 39 (1996): 378-386. [Expanded Academic ASAP
Plus. Online. InfoTrac. 19 Mar. 2003.]
[20] 20 L.J. Shrum and Valerie Darmanin Bischak, "Mainstreaming, Resonance,
and Impersonal Impact: Testing Moderators of the Cultivation Effect for
Estimates of Crime Risk," Human Communication Research 27 (2001): 192.
[21] 21 Michelle Sloane, "Responses to Media Coverage of Terrorism,"
Journal of Conflict Resolution 44 (2000): 515.
[22]  Morris Rosenberg, The Logic of Survey Analysis (NY: Basic Books,
1968), 54.
[23]  Ibid. 54.
[24]  Ibid. 65.
[25]  Paula M. Poindexter and Maxwell E. McCombs, Research in Mass
Communication:  A Practical Guide. (NY: Bedford/St. Martin's, 2000).

[26]  Rosenberg. 65.